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Explore the help topics, and if you can't find your answer or just want to say 'hi', please come by the forums (which are filled with friendly folk, we promise!) or email us.
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Last week, I was listening to an interview of Internet legend Peter Thiel about his new entrepreneurship course at Stanford University. Among the many interesting arguments cited in the interview, there was one related to the true value of competition in a capitalist society that particularly caught my attention. In his thesis, Peter challenges some of the common dogmas of the progressive nature of a competitive ecosystem can be really good for society in general is not necessarily great for the entities invested in the competition.
After listening to the interview, I started reflecting upon that argument trying to apply it argument to the startup ecosystem. In my opinion, more often than not, the startup ecosystem mistake good competitors with value creators and, consequently we tend to obsess with master the art of competing instead of seeking to provide true value.
While competition is inevitable if you are operating in a relevant and sufficiently big market, those markets also offer enough opportunities for companies to provide value in different areas that don't necessarily collide with each other. As a startup, is almost impossible to ignore competition. We are constantly reading news, blog posts about how great our competitors are doing and we obsessed used that as a driving force to be better. We take pride about beating our competitors because is a clear testimony that our efforts are being recognized. In the middle of those competitive dynamics, companies become addicted to competition and have a hard time operating without it.
Being a good competitor is an important quality of a startup but it does not directly translate into providing value. Instead of being addicted to competition, we should spend more time thinking about what segments of the markets we can use to create little monopolies. Whereas aggressive competition will benefits the consumers of our products and technologies, finding those monopolies will directly benefit our companies.


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It's always cool to run into members of the BAK crew at the beach or at social events. When I meet other users, we usually exchange our BAK usernames and it's not uncommon for someone to say: "I can't figure out how to post pictures on the forum". So, here's a quick tutorial on the (unintuitive) process:
The secret sauce in posting pictures is hidden at the bottom of the window when you're creating or replying to a post.
1. Scroll way, way down in your post and click the "Upload attachment" button next to "Options":
2. Click "Choose File", select the file you want, then click the "Add the File" button:
3. When the file has been uploaded (it may take a minute), you'll see a new section called "Posted Attachments" at the bottom of your post:
4. Position your cursor in the body of your post where you want the picture to appear and click the "Place inline" button.
4a. Repeat as needed for multiple pictures.
5. Lastly, hit "Preview" or "Submit" and you should be good to go!
(this silly process is part of the PHP_BB software used on BAK and can't be modified)
Kirk out


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Charles Reznikoff: A Biographical Essay by Milton Hindus
Reznikoff was born on August 30, 1894, in Brooklyn., New York, and more particularly in what he describes in his Early History of a Writer (1969) as the Jewish Ghetto of Brownsville. His parents, who are depicted in his Family Chronicle (1963) were Sarah Yetta (Wolwovsky) Reznikoff and Nathan Reznikoff, immigrant Jews who had come to the United States from Russia some years before his birth. They had fled, like so many others, the pogroms that had followed the assassination of Alexander II in 1881. His mother was born in Elizavetgrad, the daughter of Ezekiel and Hannah Wolwovsky. Reznikoff's name in Hebrew memorialized this material grandfather, and he comments on the difference between his names in Hebrew and in English in some learned lines alluding to Biblical custom still observed by Orthodox Jews but apparently not by Reznikoff's parents:
Because, the first-born, I was not redeemed,
I belong to my Lord, not to myself or you;
by my name in English, I am one of His house,
one of the carles--a Charles, a churl;
and by my name in Hebrew which is Ezekiel
(Whom God strengthened)
my strength, such as it is, is His.
Grandfather Ezekiel, according to family tradition, had also been a poet, but his verses in Hebrew had been lost, for he had made his living as a peddler and had died on one of his trips far from home. When his clothes and other possessions at the time of his death were returned to his widow, she found among them the manuscript of poems in a language she could not understand. Fearing that the words might contain subversive sentiments that might endanger the whole family, she destroyed the manuscript. It was this sad story that prompted Reznikoff's decision to see to it that his own work was printed, even if he had to do it himself. He was not going to leave his brain-children (the only ones he had in his life) to the care of his family or friends. It is ironic, therefore, that as much as he published in the course of his long life (some of it with his own hands on a heavy press which he installed in the basement of his parents' house in Brooklyn) he should yet have left one of his more interesting and personal prose works, The Manner Music, to be discovered and printed after his death by the last patron he had found in the person of John Martin, who became his publisher during his last years. Why he never submitted this novel, so far as is known, to a publisher remains a mystery. Perhaps it was too personal, and he did not wish to hurt the feelings of people who might recognize themselves in it. Perhaps he did not yet regard the work as finished to his own satisfaction. Whatever the reason, the fact is that he did leave an unpublished manuscript at his death, like his grandfather. Fortunately it has survived and tells us much not told elsewhere about how he felt about himself, his work, and the times in which he lived, especially the period of the great Depression of the 1930s.
During Reznikoff's childhood he witnessed the arrival from Russia of his paternal grandparents and of other relatives whom his pioneering father and mother had left behind in Russia and who had struggled to make a tolerable life there before emigrating to the United States. Most of these immigrants seemed to be escaping from something in the old country rather than seeking something in the new one. For the older and more rigid ones among them, the new land proved a trial of a different kind from the one they had left. This was especially true of the religiously observant whose appearance aroused the hostility of the younger generation in the lower class Gentile neighborhood in which the Reznikoffs had eventually settled before the grandparents arrived:
Among their children, if not among themselves,
the hatred for Israel smoldered,
sending out a tongue of flame now and then
at an unlucky Jew driving his wagon through the street to or from Brownsville
or at a Jewish passer-by who had blundered into the neighborhood.
In this account written in his 75th year, Reznikoff still remembered his experience as a schoolboy being "baited by boys of all sizes,/from those well on in their teens/to those who seemed just about able to toddle./Sooner or later, a stone would be shied at me/or a bit of garbage flung into my face."
Long afterwards I remembered one white-haired Irish child,
a little boy with a red face,
who could hardly have been more than six or seven
or who was remarkably undersized
passing and passing again, as I tried sitting on the stoop
before I knew the neighborhood,
and chanting at me with a tireless anger that surprised me
'Yid! Yid!'
The child's sister, sixteen or so and home from her job just then,
egged him on,
hatred in her pallid face
and in the eyes that were too bright
as if I were somehow to blame for her unhappiness.
His diminutive grandfather (a foot shorter than the grandmother whose posture was that of a grenadier) fared even worse. One traumatic incident on the holiest day of the Jewish year is described in gruesome detail. Returning from the synagogue to break their fast, when everyone is hurrying home as quickly as possible, his grandfather and his uncle seemed to be inordinately delayed. The two had gone to pray in Brownsville more than a mile away, and so the family was not at first too concerned, but as darkness fell and the stars came out, Charles worried and went out to meet them. He saw his grandfather coming down the street with tears streaming from his eyes, unable to answer the question "Where's uncle?" The latter came into sight "without his new hat and the blood running down his face/from a gash on his forehead. . . ." After the wound was washed and bandaged, they told their story. They had been set upon by a gang of ruffians while passing a saloon. A little boy had first provoked them with a stick that he was brandishing, and when the uncle responded by taking the stick away from him, one of the older boys clouted him over the head and sent him sprawling into the gutter.
My grandmother was muttering that this country
was no better than Russia after all;
and my parents and I felt ashamed
as if somehow we were to blame,
and we tried to explain that what had happened was unusual,
that only the neighborhood we lived in was like that,
and what a wonderful country this was
that all our love for it and our praise
was not unmerited.
But this incident was not the only one of its kind, nor was this the only neighborhood in which his grandfather encountered racial violence. And despite the grandson's enthusiasm for the country in which he was born, he too felt constantly harassed as a Jew as he was growing up in the first decade of the twentieth century. He tried to escape from the hostile neighborhood in which he was living into the atmosphere of the school where he was studying, but he soon found prejudice following him even into this sanctuary:
The dislike of Jews, however, that was in certain streets of Brooklyn,
was in the classrooms, too,
and sometimes, when Jewish pupils forgot about it
or mistook some careless geniality for friendliness,
they suddenly found, like people who live over a geological fault,
how uncertain the ground was.
While not an exceptionally brilliant student (especially when it came to mathematics) Reznikoff soon proved himself to be a precocious one, graduating from grammar school when he was eleven, three years ahead of his class. But he was not intensely competitive and therefore, not surprisingly, he was not among the chief prize winners at the graduation. As an old man, he still remembered how he had "felt discredited" because he had failed to carry off the gold medal "which some unkindly soul had offered to make us all, except the winner, unhappy." The refusal to be competitive explains much, I think, about Reznikoff's life and work. It may explain why he never practiced law, after a brief trial of it, despite the fact that he had been graduated second in his class from law school. It certainly explains why his most oft-quoted reticent utterances in verse were recommendations of the joys of a simple, uncompetitive life in which one was content to do one's work ably and to enjoy to the full nature and everyday life as it presents itself to every one of us. Here is the prayer of triumph that he offers:
Not because of victories
I sing,
having none,
but for the common sunshine,
the breeze,
the largess of the spring
Not for victory
but for the day's work done
as well as I was able;
not for a seat upon the dais
but at the common table.
This seems to be a suitable democratic thanksgiving for a world that is inclusive rather than exclusive, a world whose center is to be found everywhere and whose circumference can be drawn nowhere.
The refusal to become competitive also explains his delight in the discovery of writing, which for him from the beginning was a solitary activity that was an end-in-itself. He seems never to have expected (or let himself be troubled at not receiving) much of a response to his "letter to the world." He did take the trouble in most cases of getting his work into print, but circulation, as he tells us, was another matter. It would have to take care of itself, and the lack of it never affected his pleasure in the writing itself. It was no idle boast when he tells us that he was glad to be free of the drive of more ambitious, competitive souls for either name or money. The work itself "was the thing" and that he was fortunate in sincerely feeling this is evident from how well the work was always done by him.
His chief joys very early were walking, reading and writing, and he found a couple of like-minded friends, not in high school but in one of the small "settlement houses" which were a feature of immigrant life in the city in the early decades of the twentieth century. These friends were the children of Hungarian Jews, one of them, the son of a storekeeper and tenement house landlord who was fairly well-to-do, the other stemming from much poorer people, who lived in a dingy flat in a tenement on the lower east side where the parents slept in a bedroom that had neither door nor window.
They would discuss the poetry of the 1890s, concentrating on the work of Francis Thompson, Arthur Symons, and Ernest Dowson, all of whom were still considered to be too new to be studied in their literature courses in school. The boys, all still in their early teens (Reznikoff was graduated from high school at fifteen), felt proud and superior because of this extra-curricular reading and because they themselves were now writing verse in conventional romantic forms like the sonnet "and the French confectionary Austin Dobson--for one--was good at." On weekends, the three friends would explore the second-hand and antiquarian bookshops on Fourth Avenue in Manhattan, hoping for fresh discoveries there of the kind they had read about. They knew that less than half a century ago, Rossetti or Swinburne (who was still alive) had stumbled on the treasure of Fitzgerald's Rubaiyat in just such a carton of cheap remaindered books as they were now looking at.
Sometimes he and one of his friends attempted to meet certain literary challenges that had become part of romantic legend. They had read that Keats and Leigh Hunt had undertaken to write sonnets on a given theme in a specified period of time and that Keats, under this pressure, had succeeded in producing his great sonnet on the grasshopper and the cricket ("The poetry of earth is never dead") which was now in the anthologies. His friend finished first and his poem was clever and fantastic and not to Reznikoff's taste at all, while the more deliberate Charles produced something altogether more weighty which his friend confessed he liked and which he himself felt highly satisfied with. It was in some such moment perhaps that the conviction was born in him that he was destined to become a poet. The moment must have resembled one beautifully described by Proust (occurring around the same age) when he wrote down his initial impressions of the moving spires of Martinville and felt as elated as "a hen that has just laid an egg."
In 1910, Reznikoff had to choose a college to go to, and like many another New Yorker chose one as far away from the city and his parents as he could go. Regarding himself as a writer, he was attracted to the newly established School of Journalism at The University of Missouri. There he contributed light verse regularly to the school magazine, but it soon became apparent to him that Journalism was not the way he wanted to earn his living. The journalist was interested above all in the news of the day (ephemeral by its very nature) and relatively indifferent to the process of writing itself, while his priorities were precisely the opposite. He was interested in writing and virtually indifferent to the news of the day. In the language of the man he was to choose soon as his first literary mentor, Ezra Pound, Reznikoff seems to have grasped at once that his own interest was above all in "the news that stays news." When I asked him once, on a public occasion, to define the difference between literature and journalism, he replied with a parable. The old-fashioned editor, he said, used to instruct the fledgling reporter in how to distinguish "usable" news by telling him that if a dog bit a man it was no news but that if a man bit a dog, it most emphatically was news. Journalism was interested above all in the unusual, the improbable, the sensational, the melodramatic event. Literature, while it did not necessarily exclude such highly charged and colored material from its range of interests, insisted on its independence of such material. Literature was capable of making something out of nothing (indeed, it was Flaubert's dream to write a work "about nothing at all"); it was capable of making interesting (by the quality of its style, by its manner, by its emphasis, by the purity and freshness of its language, by the depth of its feeling or thought) the most commonplace and least exciting or unusual occurrences: for example, a walk around the park in which nothing of moment had happened. If Reznikoff's early verse showed the impress of Pound and Imagism, his prose was marked by the influence of Joyce, who had been able to make a very great deal out of Mr. Bloom's ordinary day as he struggled to make his living (while enjoying life as much as he could) amidst the drabness of Dublin.
The same man, of course, might be a working journalist and a literary artist (Whitman or Dreiser or Stephen Crane, for example, at various periods of their lives), but there was no mistaking the difference in these roles or in the results achieved in each. Stephen Crane, whose naturalistic philosophy with its emphasis on the role of accident in an inhospitable universe, seems to have much in common with that of Reznikoff, reported immediately to his newspaper the details of the shipwreck he was in while on his way to cover the war in Cuba, but it was not until months afterwards that he finished writing his great story The Open Boat, which wrenched an aesthetic shape out of the chaotic events he had experienced by concentrating the reader's attention upon a single unified sequence of incidents resulting from the disaster, the struggle of four men to survive. The journalistic report had been transmitted at once to the world waiting for news of what had happened. The literary artifact was composed with great care and subjected to much self-criticism (Crane even went to the length of showing his "story" to the other survivors and asking them for suggestions). Writing the definitive account of his experience "in tranquility" (as Wordsworth would have it), Crane strove mightily to recapture all the emotional nuances of what he had gone through and to interpret the meaning or "message" which might be gathered from his experience for other thoughtful and sensitive men.
Reznikoff returned from the Middle West less than a year later in search of some new professional goal. He seems to have thought for a time of embarking on a course of study that would lead to a doctorate in history. History was a lifelong interest of his and he did skillful work in it that won the approval of professional historians. In collaboration with Uriah Engelmann he wrote a history of the Jews of Charleston, South Carolina; he edited two volumes of the public papers of Louis Marshall; he translated from the German I. J. Benjamin's account of his travels to various Jewish communities of the United States just before the Civil War. But this was not till many years later. In the meantime, he worked as a salesman in his parents' hat-manufacturing business. In the fall of 1912, he decided to enroll in The Law School of New York University. Three years later, he was graduated second in his class and in 1916, at the age of twenty-two, was called to the Bar of the State of New York. But scholarship in the law interested him more than the practice of it. He continued to take postgraduate courses at The Law School of Columbia University, where in 1918 he joined the Reserve Officers Training Corps in preparation for being sent overseas to join the American Expeditionary Force fighting in France. But the war was over before he could go overseas and the greatest effect the war had upon him was to prompt his decision to have his own first collection of verse, Rhythms, printed at his own expense. What truly interested him was his own writing, which unfortunately was never to become a lucrative activity. As for what he calls the "unpleasant work" which people in our society who are not independently wealthy have to do for a living, he for a long time preferred to do the kind of menial work for his parents which he felt to be in the least conflict with his intellectual labors. Perhaps he was a little like those ancient and medieval Jewish sages and scholars who, in deference to long tradition and custom, would not be paid for sharing their wisdom or learning in the scriptures but were expected to serve the community in some humble physical calling. (One of the most famous of the old Rabbis is supposed to have been a water-carrier.) Or perhaps Reznikoff was simply drawn into an American literary tradition (represented, among others, by Whitman, Dickinson and Thoreau) in which writers either would not or could not acquire the skills needed to bring their products successfully to market, or if they had mastered such skills at the outset (as is the case with Melville) seemed to lose them later or as they grew older. The list of Reznikoffs published works (whether by himself or others) sufficiently proves his industry and devotion to his own writing. What else he did to earn money--selling hats for his parents, doing research for organizations, translating books, helping to edit a magazine, or being a general factotum for a friend, Albert Lewin, who was a successful Hollywood film producer--was more or less a matter of chance and largely indifferent to him.
His training in the law, whatever other use he may have made of it, exerted a decisive influence upon his conception of the role of the writer as an impartial and restrained witness to the life of his time and also upon his ability to criticize his own writing and upon the objectivity with which he regarded it. In studying law, he tells us, he had acquired the invaluable habit of
prying sentences open to look at the exact meaning:
weighing words to choose only those that had meat for my purpose
and throwing the rest away as empty shells.
His great advantage over other writers from the beginning was in his singular lack of vanity. He was in no hurry to see his work in print in the most prestigious place then open to poets--Harriet Monroe's Chicago Poetry: A Magazine of Verse. When Miss Monroe accepted two of his poems, he was not so overwhelmed that he could not see their faults, and he continued to work on revising them, particularly after they were severely criticized by a friend who was studying Shakespeare with Kittredge at Harvard. The editor, on the other hand, was not receptive to the changes he wished to make before his poems saw the light of print, she told him that in the effort to improve them he had spoiled them. In turn, she suggested some changes of her own which he would not accept. Eventually, he asked that the poems be returned to him and he then decided to have them printed privately in the form he liked best. In this decision he was influenced no doubt by the fate that had overtaken many promising young artists during the war (notably Pound's friend Gaudier Brzeska, about whom Reznikoff wrote some lines). Lest he too perish with "his work unended," he would put into print whatever little of his own work had survived his ruthless determination to
... scrutinize every word and phrase
as if in a document or the opinion of a judge
and listen, as well, for tones and overtones,
leaving only the pithy, the necessary, the clear and the plain.
Studying law did more than merely chasten Reznikoff's style, it stirred him to reflect upon the contrast presented between the sanctuary of the quiet classroom or study and what Wordsworth had once described as "the sad music of humanity." Outside the sheltering walls he could hear:
the noise of the street . . . far way
ten stories below;
far way, too, the worry and noise of my parents' shop;
before me was all that was left of eager argument and eager parties,
now merely names that might just as well have been,
and in the talk of the law students, often were,
single letters of the alphabet:
all the blood--the heartache and the heartening gone out of the words
and only, as a pattern for thinking,
the cool bones of the judge's reasoning.
The sharp contrast between everyday reality and the privileged sanctuary of the intellectual life cured him of his admiration for the romantic sentiments and the soft suggestive imprecise verbiage which conveyed them in the poetry of the Nineties and of the Symbolist movement that he had once tried to imitate. Instead of outworn and affected poetical styles, he learned now to appreciate:
the plain sunlight of the cases,
the sharp prose,
the forthright speech of the judges;
it was good, too, to stick my mind against the sentences of a judge,
and drag the meaning out of the shell of words.
... I found it delightful
to bathe in the clear waters of reason,
to use words for their daylight meaning
and not as prisms
playing with the rainbows of connotations ...
... I felt no regret for the glittering words I had played with
and only pleasure to be working with ideas
of rights and wrongs and their elements,
and of justice between men in their intricate affairs.
There may have been something else which contributed to Reznikoff's appreciation of the law he was studying, and that was his neglect up to that point of the positive meaning of his Jewish heritage (in spite of all the anti-Semitic contretemps he had encountered in early life, both he and his brother, who was to become a physician, were neglectful of Jewish tradition without opposition from the parents). As he was preparing to leave home for the University of Missouri, his grandfather, who would die before Charles' return, embraced him tenderly and with tears:
perhaps, because in spite of all the learning I had acquired in high school,
I knew not a single word of the Torah
and was going out into the world
with none of the accumulated wisdom of my people to guide me,
with no prayers with which to talk to the God of my people,
a soul--
for it is not easy to be a Jew or, perhaps, a man
doomed by his ignorance to stumble and blunder.
Reznikoff's study of the law of the United States seems to have become for him a substitute for the Jewish patrimony of knowledge of the sacred law which he had rejected when he was too young. The idealization of law itself can be heard in the eloquent conclusion of his little "play" (really more of a poem than a play) about the famous medieval Hebrew scholar and commentator on the Bible, Rashi:
Jacob is like the stars
Which rise to their station,
Which the winds cannot blow away
Nor clouds extinguish,
But we become names upon gravestones and upon books,
Our desire for the law an inheritance
Among our grandsons.
It was good to labor, and after labor
It is good to rest.
In his very first year at law school, he had felt that, rightly looked at, the law was something greater than a merely useful instrument of society. Its ultimate purposes were imaginatively far reaching and could be properly grasped perhaps only by a poet:
The law that we studied
was not always the actual law
of judges or statutes
but an ideal
from which new branches were ever springing
as society became complicated
and the new rights of its individuals clear.
In 1919, Reznikoff printed privately another selection of his poems entitled Rhythms II. It is not clear how much, if any, attention his first two little books received; before the end of his life, however, they had become prized collectors' items. That they caught at least one pair of discerning eyes at the time of their appearance is indicated by the fact that, in 1920, the first volume of his poems appeared under modest but commercial auspices. The publisher was Samuel Roth, a bookseller who owned The Poetry Book Shop in Greenwich Village. Roth (who was destined to enter American judicial, if not literary, history, as a result of the U. S. Supreme Court's 1957 decision defining the boundaries of what it is permissible to print without being charged with pornography) wrote a memoir in prison in 1930 in which he indicated that, despite his personal enthusiasm for Reznikoff's work, the book he had published enjoyed only an insignificant sale. Roth's opinion of the poet could not have been expressed in more hyperbolic terms: "I have for a long time been under the impression that in his way [Reznikoff] was doing the only fruitful literary work in America. . . . Indeed, he forms today, in my vision, a solitary lagoon on the vast empty sea of American literary enterprise." One writes in such tones perhaps only when one is conscious of being more or less isolated in his opinion. Yet these words indicate Reznikoff's ability from the outset to compensate for his lack of widespread appeal to a large audience by a gift of inspiring a happy few sympathetically attuned to him with an almost limitless enthusiasm.
In 1921, Reznikoff published Uriel Accosta: A Play and A Fourth Group of Verse, followed in 1922 by the playlets (inspired by the examples he had seen on the American stage of contemporary German Expressionist Drama being produced under the Weimar Republic) Chatterton, The Black Death, and Meriwether Lewis. In 1923, his plays Coral and Captive Israel were published (it should be understood that all of these "plays" are so concise that nine of them were eventually collected into one small book).
In 1928, he went to work for Corpus Juris, an encyclopaedia of law for lawyers, and though this job at last utilized his legal training, he seems to have found it at first nearly as burdensome as selling hats for his parents. Eventually, however, he was able to find through this hackwork the materials for his major work Testimony, and the technique developed there was also applied to his very late work Holocaust. Throughout his life Reznikoff had to wrestle with the problem of having to make a living while continuing to write as he pleased. The difficulty was that of combining his vocation with his avocation, which ideally, according to a figure by Robert Frost, should be "like two eyes which make one in sight." Every genuine writer must find his own way of coping with. the problem; Reznikoff's solution is alluded to in the following five lines:
After I had worked all day at what I earn my living,
I was tired. Now my work has lost another day
I thought, but began slowly,
and slowly my strength came back to me.
Surely the tide comes in twice a day.
These lines seem to me to say much about life in our time, as it presents itself to the vast majority of people--not only to artists, but perhaps especially to them--and it holds out a hope, however tentatively, that one may learn to master its conditions. Reznikoff was far from being alone in his dilemma; two other poets who shared it with him were William Carlos Williams, who had to combine a busy medical practice with his compulsion to write, and Wallace Stevens, who had to learn to cope with the still greater challenges of a career in business while writing prolifically.
In 1929, his thirty-fifth year ("nel mezzo del cammin"), Reznikoff printed a miscellany (which he hoped would be only the first of an annual one thereafter) with a striking title-story, By the Waters of Manhattan. This piece of prose attracted more attention than any of his poems had done, and in 1930 the publisher Charles Boni offered the public a short novel by Reznikoff with the same title and an Introduction by the well-known anthologist Louis Untermeyer. The title By the Waters of Manhattan so pleased Reznikoff and his publishers that it was to be used a third time in 1962 for the book of his selected poems issued by New Directions.
The novel in 1930 scored something of a succ�s destime. Leonard Ehrlich, the author of a well-known novel during the Depression about John Brown called God's Angry Man, reviewed it favorably in The Saturday Heritage of Literature. And a young Lionel Trilling wrote of it in The Menorah Journal: "Mr. Reznikoffs work is remarkable and original in American literature" and attributed the impression it made on him to its prose style, which he described as "of the greatest delicacy and distinction." Despite such admiration, the novel failed to make any signal impact on the public. The great success of 1930, which made use in more highly colored, sensational, journalistic fashion, of impressions of life among the Jewish poor similar to those of Reznikoff, was Michael Gold's Jews Without Money. It was this crude book, rather than Reznikoff's aesthetically refined study, which took not only the fancy of the book-buying public but of a prestigious critic like Edmund Wilson. The threat of revolution seemed to be very much in the air at the time, and Michael Gold's proletarian violence was more attuned to its mood than Reznikoff's philosophical detachment. The news he brought so quietly might indeed "stay news" longer, but for the moment readers preferred the melodrama of ephemeral headlines to it.
In 1930, Reznikoff married the writer and editor Marie Syrkin, an accomplished poet of a traditional kind herself who appreciated Reznikoff's work (particularly the earlier imagistic phase of it) and whose memoir of the Hollywood period of his life appears elsewhere in this book. And in 1931, Reznikoff reached the culmination of the first part of his career through the strenuous critical promotion of Louis Zukofsky, who was ten years younger than Reznikoff but had known and admired his work for some time. According to Mary Oppen's autobiographical Meaning A Life (1978), her husband George Oppen, Zukofsky, and Reznikoff were all known to each other by 1928.
In 1934 The Objectivist Press published no less than three titles by Reznikoff: In Memoriam: 1933, Jerusalem the Golden, and the initial installment of Testimony. In 1937, he brought out a selection of poems entitled Separate Way and another prose work, Early History of a Sewing Machine Operator in the composition of which he collaborated closely with his father, Nathan Reznikoff. In that same year, his mother Sarah died of cancer at the age of sixty-eight and was memorialized by her son in a profoundly moving suite of eleven poems which he called Kaddish. Around the same time he composed another sequence of poems about his experience of serving as a "stooge" to a movie producer entitled Autobiography: Hollywood.
In 1941, Reznikoff published some poems under the title Going To and Fro and Walking Up and Down, and in 1944 The Jewish Publication Society of America brought out his historical novel about the expulsion of the Jews from medieval England entitled The Lionhearted, an epithet which the author evidently thinks would have been more fitly bestowed upon the victims of persecution than it was upon the celebrated King Richard in whose reign it started. For years after this Reznikoff was engaged in writing, research, translation, and editing for such organizations and periodicals as The American Jewish Committee, The Jewish Publication Society, and The Jewish Frontier. However alien any of these tasks were to Reznikoff's real interests as a writer, he performed them with conscientious care that brought praise from an historian like Oscar Handlin. The painstaking attention to detail which makes for concentration in his verse is also evident everywhere in his prose. He looked upon no job which he was called upon to do as beneath him, and he never performed it shoddily. Perhaps it is this humility which is the secret spring of the sympathetic identification with which he always portrays the humblest members of the social order; the scrubwoman, the elevator operator, the poor shoemaker, the overworked servant-girl, the millhand hurt in an industrial accident, helpless children, immigrants, members of vulnerable minorities (Jews, Blacks, Orientals), people in the grip of overwhelming passions as well as the victims hurt or destroyed by them. He always refuses the inherent invitation of his material to sentimentality. If Reznikoff errs at all, it is on the side of understatement and restraint, never melodramatic exaggeration. The reader who feels touched by his "witness," therefore, is affected more intimately, more persuasively, and more powerfully than he might otherwise be.
Reznikoff was too self-critical to be very productive as a poet, and what he did produce too often succumbed to his passion for revision. During his fifties, when he was kept very busy with tasks of editing, translation and research, he did not find much time to spend on his verse. After 1941 he did not print another collection of his verse for eighteen years. In 1959 he collected poems he had published in such magazines as Commentary and published them under the title Inscriptions: 1944-1956. I had been impressed with the appearance of some of these verses in periodicals, and when the book finally appeared I was moved to review it.
The publication in 1962 by New Directions of his selected verse under the old title By the Waters of Manhattan (as I have already indicated) revived interest in his work. Three years later, in 1965, New Directions in concert with The San Francisco Review brought out another book by Reznikoff, Testimony: The United States, 1885-1890: Recitative. Despite a creditable effort at publicizing the book, and despite some interesting and enthusiastic reviews by Geoffrey Wolff and Cynthia Ozick, the general reaction was either negative or silent. Even Hayden Carruth, who had been so enthusiastic over the previous book, was savage in his reception of this one in Poetry. New Directions then gave up its option to publish further installments of Testimony, and Reznikoff, until his work was taken under the small wing of The Black Sparrow Press, was once again reduced to printing his own work. In 1969, he put out two books By the Well of Living and Seeing and The Fifth Book of the Maccabees.
It was not until Reznikoff was in his 77th year, in 1971, that he received a glimmer of recognition from the American literary world (earlier--in 1963--he had been awarded the Kovner Prize by the Jewish Book Council of America) with the award to him of the Morton Dauwen Zabel Prize of $2,500 by The National Institute of Arts and Letters. Three years later, in 1974, his new publisher and patron, The Black Sparrow Press, brought out a handsome volume by him entitled By the Well of Living and Seeing: New and Selected Poems, 1918-1973. In 1975, Black Sparrow also published in soft-cover his Holocaust. This was the last book published in his lifetime, though he was busy correcting proofs of the first Volume of his Complete Poems when he died at his home in Manhattan on the morning of January 22, 1976, following a heart seizure the previous evening. He was buried in the Old Mount Carmel Cemetery in Brooklyn on a Reznikoff family plot. On his tombstone, beside his name, his widow had directed that the word Poet be incised, and as if to prove his right to the title she inscribed on the stone his lovely line: "and the day's brightness dwindles into stars."
from Charles Reznikoff: Man and Poet. Ed. Milton Hindus. Copyright � 1984 by the National Poetry Foundation. Reprinted with permission.
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text:
Review: Brugal Anejo
Posted by Arctic Wolf on June 7, 2010
"I am sipping a little Brugal Ron Anejo closing my eyes and letting my imagination build a place where the rum takes me…. Its late afternoon, and I have I found myself at a road side cafe near the ocean, separated from, but within walking distance of a small Dominican Village. I'm sitting on an old wooden cabana chair with the smells of the nearby village caught up in the canvas umbrella overhead. Oils from the roadside, and saps from the trees overhead have speckled the umbrella, mixing with the canvas and leather only to be washed out by the rain every now and again. Some large ceramic urns with banana trees stand on the patio nearby. The table beside me has a bowl of dried fruit and exotic looking nuts for me to chew on. Inside the cafe they must be baking, as I can smell banana bread and sticky cinnamon rolls whenever the door opens.
Across the road there is a path to the ocean. I can see the roll of ocean surf in the distance as the waves break on a rock strewn coastline. Occasionally a gust of wind brings a little of the ocean brine across my face….."
You may read my review for Brugal Anejo here:
Review: Ron Brugal Anejo – Desde 1888
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text: Editor's Notebook: Wonder What That Iron Is Worth? August 23, 2013 09:59 PM Tweet TAGS: Marketing, Overseas December 18, 2014 By Charlene Finck Farm Journal Editor Email Ask Machinery Pete. The well-known expert, who started collecting equipment auction data when he was 23 years old, sits on a pile of data that can tell you what iron of every kind is worth. Not only does Greg Peterson have the data, he also offers up perspective and analysis that only someone who lives and breathes it can provide. That started 24 years ago, and now he has a wealth of information relevant to everyone who owns machinery. We're proud that you can now tap into his knowledge in the pages of Farm Journal (see page 70). After more than a decade with Successful Farming, Greg recently joined our team. In addition to Farm Journal, you can catch him on all of our media platforms, including: His blog, video and Twitter feed on www.agweb.com. Valuable information from his Used Equipment Index in every issue of Top Producer magazine. Machinery Pete Mondays on "AgDay" TV and "AgriTalk" radio. Beyond that, look for him on Facebook and Twitter and check out his cool tools at www.machinerypete.com. You'll like what you see. This fall, you'll also be able to catch his new television show on RFD. (See his blog for more information.) Every step of the way, you'll be able to leverage the Machinery Pete auction data. The database houses 500,000-plus auction sale prices on roughly 75 categories of equipment. A network of more than 950 auction firms supplement his first-hand data. What a cool deal for a guy who hails from a family deeply rooted in the machinery business! Editor firstname.lastname@example.com Back to news


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Suspects Sought in Missoula Storage Facility Theft [AUDIO]
Missoula County Sheriff's Detectives are looking for 31 year-old Nicole Marie Bushard and 38 year-old David Michael High for a break-in and theft from the Eagle Self-Storage facility.
Sheriff's spokesman Jason Johnson says the theft occurred on December 17th. A review of security footage provided descriptions of the suspects and their vehicle which is a 1998 Ford Windstar van, white in color...grey or primer colored hood, with a large black cargo box on the roof.The vehicle plate is Washington #B79567B.
The suspects may be in the Missoula or Seeley Lake area and may be in possession of stolen firearms. If anyone has information about this crime or they know the location of these suspects, please contact Detective David Walrod at 258-4985 or call Crime Stoppers to remain anonymous at 721-44-44.
Sheriff's department spokesman Jason Johnson


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By leveraging the Wolfram technology stack, Wolfram Development Platform makes it possible for you to develop and deploy a useful application in minutes—and build a major production system in days or weeks.
The Wolfram Language makes as much as possible automatic: you write a little code, and it automatically selects algorithms, organizes data, creates interfaces, optimizes presentation and sets up production deployment.
Because the Wolfram Language is interactive, you can run your code as soon as you write it, and because it's symbolic every fragment of code is instantly runnable—so it's easy to build up any program incrementally.
A single line of code in the Wolfram Language routinely achieves what would take hundreds of lines in traditional languages, if it could be done at all. And the Wolfram Language code is elegant and readable too.
Wolfram Development Platform lets you write your code in Wolfram Computational Notebooks, with text, graphics and interactive interfaces all directly integrated with your runnable code in a richly structured document.
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With Wolfram Development Platform, you can instantly deploy your programs in the cloud, creating APIs, interactive web content, mobile apps and much more.
The Wolfram Language incorporates the world's largest web of algorithms—as well as the vast Wolfram Knowledgebase used in Wolfram|Alpha—and makes everything instantly accessible in your programs.
In the Wolfram Language most of the primitives are about images or networks or cities—not low-level machine operations.
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When Ernie Jaworski became the leader of Monsanto's first biotechnology team in 1979, he had no idea that 25 years later farmers would be planting 200 million acres of genetically engineered crops.
For all Jaworski knew, he and his team were embarking on a search that could have led them to a dead-end that would jeopardize their scientific careers and waste millions of dollars of Monsanto's money.
"Could you put corn DNA in a plant and keep it stable? Could a trait that you put in a plant be inherited? All of those were unknowns at the time," he said. "It took several years of hard work to find out whether we could solve the scientific issues that made all this possible."
Jaworski and other members of the team had a chance to reminisce about those early days at a recent ceremony at the Jerseyville Agronomy Center near Jerseyville, Ill. The Monsanto facility was the site of the first agricultural biotechnology field trial in June 1987.
The team members — Jaworski, Robert T. Fraley, Robert B. Horsch and Steve Rogers — received the National Medal of Technology for their work in 1999. Jaworski and Rogers are retired, while Fraley is executive vice president and chief technology officer at Monsanto and Horsch is vice president for international development partnerships at the company.
"This was the only place in the country where you could see genetically engineered crops for several years," said Rogers, referring to the expanse of soybeans behind a metal building where the team members spoke along with representatives of farm groups from the United States, Spain and South Africa.
"The first time we came here to put in the first genetically engineered crop — tomatoes — we had a lot of questions, and we got a lot of questions from neighboring farmers over the next few years," said Rogers.
"Our work actually started in petunias," said Horsch, who specialized in tissue culture research for the team. Horsch, Rogers and Fraley were among the first scientists to successfully transfer a resistant gene (kanamycin) into a small portion of a petunia leaf.
"This work revolutionized biology," he noted. "It's been estimated that an extra 5 billion pounds of food and fiber are being grown today as a result of this research. Something like 82 percent of research papers now involves some form of plant transformation."
From petunias, the team's research evolved to tomatoes and eventually to corn, soybeans, cotton, alfalfa, wheat and other crops.
Someone with Monsanto took photos of that first field trial being planted at Jerseyville in 1987. Horsch is shown along with Rogers riding on the planter and loading transplants into the feeder tray.
Another photo shows Rogers; Roger Beachy, a scientist with Washington University in St. Louis who worked with Monsanto on the project; Horsch; and Fraley. (Jaworski, who joined Monsanto in 1952 and worked on Lasso and other herbicides before leading the biotech team, retired before the field trials began.)
"Could this new science be applied to agriculture and have any fit? That's what brought this team together," said Fraley. "That was part of the challenge — to bring a group together to do something no one had ever done."
From that first trial in 1987, Monsanto's scientists went on to the testing and introduction of genetically engineered crops such as Bollgard cotton in 1995 and Roundup Ready corn and soybeans in 1996. Then came Yieldgard corn and Roundup Ready cotton and alfalfa. The company recently launched its second generation of Bt cotton, Bollgard II, and is planning to introduce its new Roundup Ready Flex cotton in 2006.
Genetically engineered crops are now being planted on between 200 million and 250 million acres of cropland — or about 10 percent of the world's arable land, according to Fraley. But scientists are still in the beginning stages of the new science.
"Where we are today is like being in computers in the 1960s," he says. "One of the best parts of my job is to see the new products that are in the pipeline. The other exciting part is talking to farmers who are using this technology all over the world.
"I've talked to farmers in India who used to make 15 or 20 sprays before they switched to Bollgard cotton. Now they're making more money, they can buy a house and they can send their kids to college."
Part of the observance in Jerseyville included remarks by Leon Corzine, president of the National Corn Growers Association; John Long, former president of the American Soybean Association; Jose Manuel Pomar, a farmer from Spain; and Thandiwe Myeni, a farmer from South Africa.
"When we planted our first bag of Roundup Ready soybeans 10 years ago, I told myself this will change the way we farm," said Long, a cotton, soybean and corn producer from Newberry, S.C. "I had forgotten the word Lasso until today.
"Since 1997, we've grown 100 percent Roundup Ready soybeans, 100 percent Roundup Ready cotton and 96 percent Bt cotton, and we're now 100 percent no-till" Long noted. "Next year I plan to qualify for Level III of the Conservation Security Program. I couldn't do that without no-till, and I couldn't do that without biotech crops."
"It has been marvelous to see the growth in biotechnology," said Jaworski. "We had a lot of fun in those early days. Could we have predicted these results? Not in our wildest dreams."
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14 Inch MyGel White Queen Mattress
Product Description
Extra layers of gel-infused foam mean more pressure relief and greater support. Sleep in cool luxury on the 14" Series MyGel memory foam queen mattress. Cooling layers of gel infused memory foam and breathable hollow yarn fibers wick away moisture and dissipate body heat for a cooling effect. You'll love the feel of contouring support and pressure-relieving comfort as the layers of memory foam also work to minimize motion transfer for an undisturbed sleep. Active charcoal and green tea extract infused into MyGel keeps your mattress fresh. A luxury four-way stretch knit cover tops the mattress and provides a beautifully soft sleep surface that's quite inviting. Foundation/box spring available, sold separately.
Product Features
Product Features
- Comfort level: plush
- Luxury quilted cover
- Quilted gel infused memory foam layer
- Thick layers of gel infused memory foam and ventilated support foam
- Air flow support core
- Maintenance-free, one sided design: no flipping or rotating
- 10-year limited warranty
- Note: Purchasing mattress and foundation from two different brands voids warranty
- Foundation/box spring sold separately
- State recycling fee may apply
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59W x 14H x 79D
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text:
Alexa Chung, the Brit fashionista and host of Lifetime's new 24-Hour Catwalk (think Project Runway on speed) lets you in on how she decides what to wear and what inspires her.
What she's going for: Quirk! "This is my Charlie Chaplin look-black trousers with suspenders and an Yves Saint Laurent shirt. Putting weird pieces of clothing together is what I'm good at."
The embroidered pillow reads, "Friends are flowers that never fade."
Friends and hanging out: "The pillow is so wrong it's right, it's so bad it's good! I think my style can be like that at times. I got the pillow in New Orleans and as kitsch as it is, the sentiment written on it is so true."
Her new show: "That's me, mentoring a young designer."
This is what Alexa's shoe collection looks like: "I pick up one piece of clothing—often shoes—and let it lead me to the next, then the next, till I have an outfit. These shoes were all over my living room. Imagine the possibilities."
The perfect dress: I loved Cristopher Kane's spring 2012 collection. I wore one of his embellished '60s shifts to the British Fashion Awards. I love dresses that flare out a bit to give me more shape. I have loads of them."
Her ultimate style idol: "Jane Birkin inspires me daily. When I'm tempted to dress too sexy, I think of her and am reminded that true style comes from within."
Her Home Sweet Home: "My Union Jack curtain keeps me from feeling homesick."
Alexa's Tabitha Simmons ankle boots.
A parade of cute shoes: "My friends make fun of me because they say I own tons of this same style shoe, just different tweaks here and there--a buckle, a strap, a stud--but it's ultimately the same shoe. It's one of my staples. I guess I always go back to pieces I adore."
Her surprising signature scent: "Le Labo makes the best smelling fragrances and candles. I always have a Santal candle burning in my apartment so much clothes smell ace. When I'm out and about, it's important to smell good."
What do you think of Alexa's style? Check out our March issue for additional snaps, sketches and insights!


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South Sudan: the dangers within
|Rational exuberance? Photo: RRS
With a large majority in favor of independence in South Sudan, according to preliminary results from the independent poll body in Juba, the threat of conflict with the North is receding. The main challenges the country faces going forward are likely to come from within.
As we have seen, from Timor-Leste to Liberia, it takes time, strong national leadership and appropriate international support to escape the kind of violent conflict South Sudan has known for more than half of the past 60 years.
We also know there are many false dawns. Fragile states are wracked by repeated cycles of violence that come in a dizzying array of forms—with civil war often coexisting with criminal or gang-related violence.
How to stop these cycles of violent conflict is the focus of the 2011 WDR. Its central thesis is that resilient institutions are the best available antidote to the economic, political and security stress factors that overwhelm fragile states and trap them in repetitive violence.
But before you can start bolstering institutions with any likelihood of success, you need to win public confidence. In most places this means instilling a sense that things will change for the better.
That's hard when hopes have been dashed many times over. Finding the right narrative and taking actions that will persuade people to suspend their disbelief is a huge challenge for leaders trying to prevent further violence.


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Koa Resort #4F
Koa Resort #4F
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Features of this Property
- Heated Pool
- Hot Tub
- Outside Shower
- Ceiling Fans (4)
- Suitable for Children
- Laundry (In)
- Dishwasher
- Microwave
- VCR/DVD (both)
- Stereo
- Gas Grill / BBQ
- Golf Nearby
- Tennis
- Internet Access
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ADDISON COUNTY — Area deer hunters enjoyed the second best opening weekend of rifle season since 2005, bringing 242 bucks to an Addison County weigh station on this past Nov. 11 or 12.
That total of deer taken came just seven short of 2016's opening weekend kill of 249. That total was the best opening weekend result since Vermont wildlife officials in 2005 banned the taking of spikehorn bucks during November's 16-day rifle season, the most popular of the state's deer hunting seasons.
MONTPELIER — The Vermont Fish & Wildlife Department says hunters are looking forward to Vermont's upcoming Oct. 7- Nov. 3 and Dec. 2-10 archery deer hunting season.
A hunter may take up to two deer in Vermont's two-part archery season with the purchase of two archery licenses. No more than one of the deer taken during archery season may be a legal buck. Antlerless deer hunting is allowed statewide this year during archery season.
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ADDISON COUNTY — The 2015 deer rifle season got off to a promising start in Addison County on Nov. 14 and 15, with the numbers coming in at the third-best opening-weekend total since 2010 and hunters taking down many trophy animals.
In all, the county's nine official weigh stations handled 188 bucks, just 12 fewer than the highest opening weekend total of the past six years, 200 in 2013, and four fewer than 2010's two-day total of 192.
CORNWALL — Hundreds of boys and girls across Vermont participated in the annual Youth Deer Hunting Weekend this past Saturday and Sunday, two days when deer hunting in the Green Mountain State is reserved for youngsters age 15 and younger.
Young people may take part in the hunt if they have successfully completed a hunter education course, hold a valid hunting license and youth deer tag, and are accompanied by an adult.
VERMONT — Young hunters participating in Vermont's youth deer hunt this weekend, Nov. 7 and 8, are encouraged to help Department of Fish & Wildlife biologists by reporting their deer at one of 23 biological reporting stations around the state.
Two of those stations are in Addison County — at Buxton's Country Store on Main Street in Orwell and at Vermont Field Sports on Route 7 South in Middlebury.
MONTPELIER — Sportsmen and women should be optimistic about the upcoming deer hunting seasons, according to the Vermont Fish & Wildlife Department.
"Our overall herd health is good, and people are seeing a lot of deer right now," said Fish & Wildlife Commissioner Louis Porter. "Hunters who scout early should do well as favorite fall foods for deer — apples and nuts — appear spotty. Hunters should key in on these fall food areas, because deer will concentrate in them."
MONTPELIER — Hunters took 14,107 deer during Vermont's four deer hunting seasons in 2013, according to a report on last year's hunting success released March 20 by the Vermont Fish & Wildlife Department.
The number of legal bucks with at least two points on one antler totaled 8,831, up 8 percent from the year before.
NEW HAVEN — Vermont Fish and Wildlife Department Deer Project Leader Adam Murkowski will speak at the New Haven Town Hall on Thursday, Dec. 12, at 7 p.m. His presentation, titled "White-tailed Deer Biology, Ecology and Management," is part of the New Haven Conservation Commission's Armchair Naturalist Series.
VERMONT — Hunters are enthusiastic about Vermont's upcoming Oct. 5-27 and Dec. 7-15 archery deer hunting season, according to the Vermont Fish & Wildlife Department.
A hunter may take up to three deer in Vermont's archery season with three archery licenses. No more than one of the deer taken during archery season may be a legal buck. No antlerless deer may be taken in Wildlife Management Unit (WMU) E, where antlerless deer hunting is prohibited in 2013.
ADDISON COUNTY — Official weigh stations across Addison County handled 183 deer killed by bow hunters during the October and December bow seasons and 163 shot during the recently completed December muzzleloader season.
This total of 346 deer bagged locally during the bow and muzzleloader seasons was not the highest count in recent years, but it was very respectable (see story, Page 1A).
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