text:
Urban Society in Colonial Sudan
Summary and Keywords
As in the rest of Africa, the establishment of colonial rule has accelerated the pace of urban growth in the Sudan. During the period of British colonial rule (1898–1956), a number of new administrative centers, ports, and railway stations were established and metamorphosed into full-fledged cities. Among the most important towns and administrative centers were Khartoum, the capital of the Anglo-Egyptian administration; Atbara, headquarters of the Sudan Railways; the port city of Port Sudan; and Khartoum North, the headquarters of the steamers division of the Sudan Railways. These towns grew from small administrative headquarters into major urban centers and became the home of a diverse population that included Sudanese as well as immigrants from the Middle East, Europe, and neighboring African countries. The inhabitants of these towns engaged in a wide range of economic, social, and political activities that shaped the character of these towns and developed a distinctive urban culture.
Keywords: Urbanization, Sudan, colonialism, Khartoum, Atbara, Daims, leisure, slavery
Sudan has an old urban tradition dating back to the ancient kingdoms of Nubia and the medieval states of Dar Fur and the Funj. Towns such as Sinnar, al-Fashir, al-Ubayyid, Berber, and Swakin functioned as administrative centers, trading posts, and ports. However, as in the rest of Africa, the establishment of colonial rule accelerated the pace of urban growth in the Sudan. European colonizers in Africa either used preexisting towns and villages, or established settlements near trading areas, with easy access to natural resources and food supplies. In some cases, however, Europeans did establish new garrisons, administrative centers, ports, and railway stations that metamorphosed into full-fledged cities. In the Sudanese case, this was exemplified by the towns of Khartoum, the capital of the Anglo-Egyptian administration; Atbara, headquarters of the Sudan Railways; the port city of Port Sudan; and the Khartoum North, the headquarters of the steamers division of the Sudan Railways. These towns grew from small villages into major urban centers that were inhabited by people of diverse backgrounds, who engaged in various economic and social activities and created a dynamic urban culture.
The Evolution of Colonial Towns in the Sudan
From Turco-Egyptian to Anglo-Egyptian Khartoum
The evolution of Khartoum reflects the uniqueness of Sudan's colonial history in the sense that the country had experienced two phases of colonial domination. The first was the Turco-Egyptian (1820–1884), which was overthrown by the Mahdists, and the second was the Anglo-Egyptian (1898–1956). Both colonial regimes made Khartoum their capital. Located near small farming and fishing villages at the confluence of the White and Blue Niles, Khartoum became the headquarters of the Turco-Egyptian rule in the 1820s, and by the late 19th century it had grown into a cosmopolitan city with a diverse population that included Europeans, Egyptians, Middle Easterners, and Sudanese. Khartoum was the headquarters of commercial firms that were active in trade in the Upper Nile regions. A major part of this trade was in ivory and slaves. In 1883, the slave population in Khartoum was estimated at twenty-seven thousand people, or two-thirds of the total population.1
In 1885, Khartoum fell into the hands of the Mahdist rebels, who established their capital across the river in Omdurman. Many of Khartoum's residents, particularly the foreigners, had fled during the chaotic period of the siege, while the rest of the population moved to Omdurman. A year later, Khalifa Abdullahi, the Mahdi's successor, ordered the destruction of the remaining buildings in Khartoum. The Mahdist regime was short lived, defeated in 1898 by the joint forces of Britain and Egypt. The Anglo-Egyptian regime swiftly moved to establish its capital in Khartoum and the city was revived and became the political and social hub of the country. The new towns of Khartoum and Khartoum North became the home of a growing number of the employees of the colonial government, on the railways, while Omdurman was neglected and remained a native town that did not fit the colonial model of an orderly city. Khartoum became the center of the newly emerging working class that included freed slaves, immigrants, and other marginal groups who were employed in the service, transport, and the public works sector of the colonial economy.2
Atbara: The Rise of a Railway Town
While Khartoum became an administrative center and the capital of the colonial government, Atbara evolved as a railway center company town. In view of its position as a railway junction, Atbara was chosen to be the headquarters of the railway department in 1905. The city grew around an old village named al-Dakhla, located at the confluence of the River Atbara and the Nile. During the subsequent years, several railway divisions and workshops were established. By 1914, Atbara had begun to take its shape as a railway center and a colonial town. From the beginning, it was highly cosmopolitan. The railway work force included British, Egyptians, Italians, Greeks, Albanians, and Syrians. The Sudanese community consisted mainly of former Mahdist war prisoners captured during the Anglo-Egyptian campaign, runaway and liberated slaves from the neighboring areas, and a few West Africans.3 However, with the expansion of railway employment, particularly in the 1920s and 1930s, a large number of Sudanese from the neighboring region and from the northern part of the Sudan migrated and settled in Atbara. By the end of World War II, the number of Sudanese employed in the railway department was estimated at 16,580.4
Organization and Occupation of the Urban Space
Urban settlement in the Sudan during the colonial period reflected the dualism that prevailed in colonial towns in other parts of Africa. While Europeans officials and other foreigners lived in the modern sections of the city, the overwhelming majority of the local population, most of whom were low-income people, settled in the "native" quarters.
Urban Space in Khartoum
Among the oldest residential quarters in Khartoum were the Daims, huge slums on the outskirts of Khartoum. These native quarters did not conform to the standards that the colonial officials were trying to establish. Labeled "Native Lodging Areas," the Daims fell outside the official scheme, which classified residential neighborhoods into first-, second-, and third-class areas. This classification reflected the plot size and type of building materials. In 1902, municipal officials moved the Daims to the south side of Khartoum.5 These quarters did not fit into this scheme, and were therefore not entitled to any health or social services such as running water or electricity. Residents lived in small houses of about thirty to sixty square meters. These had low ceilings, and the only means of ventilation were usually one or more small openings, stuffed with rags to keep out light and the cold air. The houses had no latrines, and the inhabitants had no alternative but to use the open area adjoining the neighborhoods.6 It is not surprising, therefore, that the inhabitants of the Daims suffered from outbreaks of diseases such as tuberculosis, which became the leading cause of death in Khartoum in the early years.7
The Daims continued to grow and became the home of a diverse group of people from different parts of the Sudan. This diversity was reflected in the names of these neighborhoods. For instance, Daim Banda, Daim Kara, and Daim Jabal or Kreish refer to groups whose original home was southwestern Sudan and the eastern part of the Central African Republic. Similarly, Daim Berta was named after the Berta of the Sudan-Ethiopian border region, while Daim Tegali or Nuba alluded to the inhabitants of the Nuba Mountains. Daim Ta`isha and Daim Jawam`a relate to the Ta`isha and the Jawam`a of Dar Fur and Kordofan. The presence of these people in Khartoum amply illustrates the scale of social dislocation and demographic shifts that occurred during the 19th century. For example, the presence of the Ta`isha and the Jawam`a in the capital was associated with the Khalifa's policy. However, the presence of the Banda, Berta, Kara, Kreish, and Nuba was linked with the 19th-century slave trade, which created a vast southern and western Sudanese diaspora.
However, ethnicity was not the only binding force in the Daims. Shared historical experience, occupational cleavages, and corporate ties also played a major role in the formation of the new communities. For example, former slave soldiers (bazingir) who were employed by the slave traders in the south, and their descendants, settled in Daim Al-Zubairiyya. They named their quarter after Al-Zubair Rahma, the northern Sudanese slave trader, under whom they served. Occupational cleavages were reflected in Daim Al-`Attala (porters), Daim Al-Gashasha (grass or fodder sellers), and Daim Telegraph, which was inhabited by the workers of the Posts and Telegraph Department.
During World War II, Khartoum and other Sudanese towns received an influx of immigrants from the rural areas. The population of Khartoum reportedly rose from 44,311 in 1939 to 55,933 in 1944.8
Urban Space in Atbara
The physical layout of Atbara reflected its colonial character. One year after its foundation, a number of native quarters emerged to the east of the railway line and near the railway cantonment.9 One of the oldest native quarter in Atbara was Hay al-Darawish (the Dervish Quarter), which was established by former Mahdist soldiers, many of whom were Baqqara from Kordofan and Darfur or West Africans. Another old settlement was `Ishash, in the southeastern part of town. It was called `ishash (straw) because it consisted mainly of straw huts and hovels that provided accommodation for the poorest segments of the town's population. The majority of those were ex-slaves and West African immigrants who were known locally as Fellata. Some immigrants, particularly the Ja`aliyyin and Rubatab, preferred to settle among their kinsmen at al-Dakhla. Not far from al-Dakhla, hospital workers and dressers established a quarter called Hay al-Tamargiyya (Hospital Workers Quarter). As in Khartoum and other towns in the Sudan, these informal urban settlements where the majority of low-income people lived fell outside the official classification and were dubbed "Native Lodging Areas." Since they were considered illegal, the municipal authorities could evict tenants and remove these settlements at any moment.
In the 1ate 1930s, colonial authorities in Atbara launched a big scheme for the reorganization of the urban space in the city. Residential quarters were classified as first-, second-, third-, and fourth-class areas. This classification was based on the size of plots and the building materials. The reorganization of Atabara involved the removal and relocation of several residential neighborhoods.
The urban space in Atbara remained segregated. Europeans lived in their exclusive quarter in the western part of town, the Egyptians and a few Sudanese in the central area near the market, while the overwhelming majority of the Sudanese settled in the eastern part of town. With the exception of servants and gardeners, Sudanese were not allowed to wander in British Quarter.10
Surviving the Urban Environment
As indicated, during the early years of colonial rule a large number of runaway and liberated slaves, socially dislocated groups, and other immigrants flocked to Khartoum. This "floating" population was considered a source of much-needed labor for the colonial economy. Hence, Khartoum became a reservoir from which workers would be deployed to perform unskilled agricultural tasks in different parts of the country. People left the countryside to the city to escape slavery, famine, and other disasters, and found themselves redeployed to the rural areas as laborers. At the same time, many of the city's inhabitants found employment in various government departments. Those who could not find government employment engaged a wide range of economic activities such as petty trading, blacksmithing, barbering, and tailoring. Other worked as porters, wood and grass sellers, water carriers, and so on. A large number of women, particularly liberated slaves sold locally, made alcoholic drinks or engaged in prostitution.
As elsewhere in Africa, urban residents in Khartoum created extensive social networks that were based on ethnic or regional backgrounds, neighborhoods, work, and mutual aid organizations, just to name a few. Early literature on this subject advanced the adaptation theory, which stressed that these associations represented immigrants' efforts to "adjust" to urban life. According to this thesis, regional and kin-based associations illustrate the persistence of rural culture in the city. Recent writings, however, have argued that beyond the coping strategy, mutual aid societies and village associations reflected the multifaceted world of African urban dwellers, a world that encompassed both the town and the countryside. By incorporating their rural culture into the urban cultural milieu, rural immigrants created a new model and thereby shaped the city itself.11
One of the most important examples of social networks that developed in the poor neighborhoods in many Sudanese towns was the sanduq or rotating saving association. According to this system, several individuals would contribute a sum of money at specific intervals to such a savings group; at each interval, one of the contributors would take the whole amount. Such associations first appeared in the Three Towns in the 1940s.12 The sanduq included both males and females, bachelors and married. It was usually based on localities, although members from outside were often allowed to participate. It was the main way for working-class families to achieve a surplus so they could meet important expenses incurred regarding house repair and ceremonies surrounding birth, circumcision, engagement, and marriage.
Other important networks were the mutual aid and charity organizations that flourished in the Sudan, particularly during the depression. One of the oldest urban-based charity organizations was Malja' al-Qirish (the Piastre Shelter), which was founded in Omdurman in 1931, and which established branches in other towns such as Atbara, al-Ubayyid, Wad Medani, Sinnar, and Port Sudan.13
Of all Sudanese towns, Atbara had the largest concentration of mutual aid, charity, and village associations. Unlike Khartoum, the overwhelming majority of Atbara's residents were railway workers, which enabled them to develop solidarity and strong communal bonds. Atbara residents established rotational credit associations as well as cooperative societies and mutual aid organizations. In addition to helping individual members, one of the primary goals of these organizations was to improve material conditions in rural areas and provide financial assistance to relatives at home in emergencies such as flood, fire, or crop failure. Rotational credit associations in particular helped their members save money and borrow against future contributions to meet unexpected expenses.
Among the oldest cooperatives in Atbara was Umbakol Cooperative Society. It was established in 1933 by immigrants from the villages of Umbakol and al-Ghorayba in Meroe District.14 The main function of the society was to provide financial help to its members in times of need.15Another society with similar goals was the Kuri People Society, which was established in 1934 by people from the villages of Hussain Narti, Kuri, al-Takar, Moura, al-Rikabiyya, and al-Naf`ab.16 In 1936, immigrants from the town of Kosti established the Kosti Youth Association. Despite its name, its efforts were directed mainly at helping the poor in Kosti. By World War II, there were fourteen other regional and village associations in Atbara. They included the Nubian Cooperative Society, Berber Boys' Society, Dongola Men's Society, Mahas People's Society, Kordofan and Dar Fur Society, Mograt Cooperative Society, and the Bawag Men's Society.17
These associations fostered communal bonds in the city and strengthened links with rural areas. It was through these institutions that railway workers were connected to the larger community and found common language, familiar cultural symbols, and support. Old residents of Atbara still reminisce about the simple way of life in the city. They report that the overwhelming majority of Atbara residents lived on credit. Workers obtained everything from groceries to newspapers on credit. Typically, a worker would maintain accounts with retail traders, butchers, barbers, and tailors, and would repay them at the end of the month.18 The first week of the month was, therefore, the busiest time for businesses in Atbara.
Communal organizations and mutual aid societies were also prevalent among foreign communities in Atbara. Among the most important of those was the Egyptian community. The majority of Egyptians in Atbara were Coptic Christians. Of all the Coptic communities in the Sudan, the one in Atbara was the best organized. The overwhelming majority of the Copts were railway employees. Since their settlement in the early years of the 20th century, the Copts had taken the lead in establishing communal organizations, most of which revolved around the Church. In 1912, the Coptic Benevolent Society, affiliated with the Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate in Cairo, was established. The society ran a Coptic school, a Bible Society, and a Christian Girls Society.19 Although the primary function of the society was religious, it also provided important social services. One of its most important contributions was the establishment of a blood bank.
Although most Copts in Atbara were immigrants from Egypt, they gradually adopted Sudanese cultural norms. But, as a Christian minority in a predominantly Muslim society, the Copts strove to maintain their distinctive identity. They clustered in particular residential neighborhoods and formed a close-knit community. Nonetheless, the Coptic community was not monolithic. In addition to Orthodox, there was a small group of Evangelical Christians, who were affiliated with the American Presbyterian Church. They numbered about twenty-three people in the late 1940s.20 Moreover, there were major cleavages within the community along occupational and social lines. It was reported that there was major tension between the artisans and the educated elite who occupied senior posts in the railway department.21
The Greeks were another important foreign community in Atbara. Since their early settlement in Atbara, the Greeks had established a local branch of the Hellenic Society, which was based in Khartoum. However, with Sudanization of the railway posts, the number of Greeks declined sharply. In the mid-1940s, the Hellenic Society in Atbara had about eighteen members, the most eminent of them Savas Marketto, Christo Antoniadis, John Diamandopulos, and Nicolas Mavrikious.22
Leisure and Social Life
The subject of leisure and recreational activities in African cities during the colonial period has attracted considerable attention in the 20th century.23 Most studies have stressed the fact that leisure activities were closely linked with the official attempt to inculcate African workers and urban residents with industrial concepts of time and discipline. Leisure and recreational activities, these authors have argued, were used as instruments of social control and were closely supervised by colonial officials. The provision of this "supervised" leisure was designed to counter political mobilization and to check development of autonomous social and cultural activities among colonial subjects. But as was so often the case, colonized people reshaped and refashioned these forms of recreation to suit their own needs.
Leisure and Social Life in Khartoum
With a diverse population, Khartoum became a major center of leisure and recreational activities. It was in the Daims and other working-class neighborhoods that people from different cultural backgrounds encountered each other and produced a new dynamic urban popular culture. Among the most significant aspects of this culture were music and singing.
Until World War I, Sudanese music and performance were limited to folk songs and the traditional dances from different parts of the country. The most common type of singing in the northern Sudan was the madeih, a religious chanting that praised the Prophet Muhammad and local holy men. Another type was the dobait, vocalized singing in which a romantic theme or praise was communicated. Following the establishment of colonial rule and the rapid growth of urban centers, new forms of music and new styles of performance began to emerge in different Sudanese towns.
The period after World War I saw the development of a new style of singing called haqiba (Arabic bag), which flourished in Omdurman and Khartoum. According to the Sudanese musician and musicologist Jum`a Jabir, this new style first appeared in the Three Towns in the early 1920s.24 The haqiba singing was performed by individual vocalists accompanied by a chorus, and the main musical instrument was the tambourine. However, in this particular form of singing the main emphasis was on the lyrics rather than the tunes.
Just as in southern Nigeria, the first generation of haqiba singers was drawn from the working population of Khartoum. They included artisans, tailors, mechanics, and many ex-slaves.
The first generation of Sudanese musicians faced many challenges but were able to overcome tremendous social pressures. This was particularly the case with female singers, who had to contend with the additional burden of gender discrimination. Singers performed mainly at weddings and other social occasions. However, the first commercial recording appeared as early as 1921, when an Egyptian record company opened a branch in Omdurman.25 A few years later, two other Egyptian companies—Audion and Misiyan—established branches in Omdurman. The production of phonograph records played a major role in popularizing haqiba songs, as did the political climate of the early 1920s. Slogans of the White Flag League and pro-Egyptian groups—such as Unity of the Nile Valley—became major themes of haqiba songs.
However, the most important role in the dissemination of urban music was played by the Omduran radio station, which was established in 1941.26 This was accompanied by the introduction of new musical instruments such as the mandolin, violin, accordion, trumpet, and piano. This represented a major shift in haqiba singing, as many performers began to rely on these instruments rather than on a chorus. Discharged soldiers had played a major role in popularizing Western musical instruments, which combined with urban stylistic influences and Sudanese rhythms and dance to lead to the rise of a new form of music which set the standard for urban music.
By the end of World War II, a new form of popular culture in Khartoum began to appear in working-class neighborhoods such as the Daims, where people gathered for social recreation. The new means of mass communication—such as radio, television, and newspapers—exposed all segments of the urban population to European and American popular music, including jazz. Electronic instruments became a common feature of Sudanese music. By the 1960s, a blend of Sudanese, European, and Afro-American music began to emerge in Khartoum.
The Khartoum Daims and other working-class neighborhoods not only became the home of many musicians and performers who had a lasting impact on Sudanese urban music, but they also produced many athletes who became stars in al-Hilal, al-Mareikh, and al-Mawrada soccer clubs. Residents of these quarters were highly cosmopolitan. They developed unique styles of dress and attitudes which distinguished them from other urban residents. Arabic-speaking northern Sudanese associated residents of the Daims, `Abbasiya, and Mawrada with social deviance and servile origin. These quarters remained enclaves in which the cultures of ex-slaves and non-Arab Sudanese groups thrived and became an integral part of Khartoum popular culture.
Atbara: Leisure in Company Town
Like Khartoum, the residents of Atbara also engaged in a variety of leisure activities and developed a vibrant urban culture. However, social and recreational activities in this company town reflected its highly regimented industrial environment. The tight discipline and control of the railway department also permeated every aspect of life in Atbara. Daily life in the city was organized by the suffara (sirens) that were blown several times during the day, to signal the beginning and the end of the working day, meal times, breaks, and so forth. The suffara signaled not only when people went to and left work but also how they organized their social activities.
The fact that the working day in Atbara began very early in the morning had a great impact on how people spent their leisure time. For instance, municipal laws regulated everything from vagrancy to the opening and closing hours of clubs, cafes, and beer houses. These regulations limited the evening hours of coffee houses, restaurants, cinemas, parties, and so forth.27
Social life and leisure activities in Atbara were centered in social clubs. These clubs were pioneered by European and other foreign employees of the railway department. One of the oldest was the Atbara Club, established in 1907 and affiliated with the Red Sea and Port Sudan Clubs. Atbara Club remained an elite club, limited to senior British railway employees and administrative staff.28 Another British club was the Atbara Sports Club. It was founded in 1910 for sport and social activities. The club had tennis, hockey, and cricket teams. Tennis was very popular in the early days, followed by golf and hockey. Atbara Golf Club was founded in 1914 and in 1933 it affiliated with the English Golf Union. At that time, it had about ninety members. Golf tournaments were held regularly among various railway clubs in Khartoum North and Port Sudan.29 However, these tournaments were limited to Europeans. The establishment of social and sport clubs at this early stage has set the pattern for leisure activities in Atbara. Clubs proliferated in the 1930s and 1940s and became one of the most distinctive features of this railway town. By the mid-1940s, Atbara had about thirty registered clubs. The proliferation of these clubs became Atbara's hallmark. Nearly every resident belonged to a club.
These clubs had multiple functions. Most of them were sports clubs that provided recreational and cultural activities as well. Clubs also became centers of political mobilization, networking, and organization. Since most clubs were located in residential neighborhoods, they provided convenient and affordable entertainment to the majority of the working people in Atbara. Railway workers went to clubs in the evenings to socialize with fellow workers and neighbors, to exchange news, to play cards, to read newspapers, and to listen to the radio.
Social and sports clubs reflected the socio-economic status and interests of their members. The most elitist clubs in the town were the Atbara Club and the Atbara Sports Club, for their membership was restricted to senior British officials.30 However, members of the Atbara Sports Club included junior officials, many of whom were members of the Hammer and Sickle Club. Little is known about this club except that it was established by European artisans who had socialist leanings.
Some clubs had purely religious functions. These included the Catholic Mission Club and Evangelical Club. The former had about forty members in the 1945, most of whom were Italians. Its main function was to provide Christian education to the youth. The Evangelical Club was affiliated with the Evangelical Church and its main function was to provide a venue for young men to study and socialize.
that the Old Boys of the Technical School Club played a pivotal political and social role in Atbara. Sudanese artisans of the railway department founded the club in 1935. The club membership was limited to graduates of the technical schools of the Sudan Railways.31 The Old Boys of Technical School Club devoted great energy to social programs such as adult education and literary activities. It offered classes in technical subjects in English and Arabic. It organized lectures and debates as well as theatrical events. In addition to social and educational activities, the club had a soccer team that was affiliated with the Atbara Football Association.
One of the most important leisure activities in Atbara was sport, particularly soccer, which became the most popular game in Atbara. The city had the first soccer stadium in the Sudan, the Parker Stadium, which was established in 1928.32 It was named after A. C. Parker, who was general manager of the Sudan Railways for many years.
Numerous authors have stressed the link between athleticism and colonial service.33 Imperial governments considered athletic abilities an essential quality for competent administrators, and believed that athleticism would enhance responsibility, initiative, and integrity. Sport activity was particularly important for railway work. It was considered an essential ingredient for molding railway employees and helping them internalize the norms and values of the industry. It is not surprising that the railway department regularly organized tournaments among its various divisions. For instance, soccer matches were held between engineering and mechanical divisions, and between the suffragias (restaurants workers in the catering department) and the muraslat (messengers).34 Heads of divisions led their teams, and tea parties were held after games. These inter-departmental tournaments were seen as means of promoting esprit de corps among the railway employees. According to one official, these internal competitions would lead to understanding:
Understanding means sympathy and appreciation, and mutual appreciation is the keystone of departmental life. These inter-departmental meetings will re-act in no uncertain manner an office and workshop, and it is by such means that we can best foster and maintain that ideal of which we are all proud. The Atbara spirit.35
Hence, railway employees should view themselves as a team and should reproduce workplace connections in the outside world.
Soccer spread rapidly throughout Atbara and generated great enthusiasm among residents. By the mid-1940s there were at least a dozen soccer clubs in town. Annual tournaments were organized in the Parker Stadium. In 1945, the stadium was expanded and admission charges were instituted. The most prestigious cup for which teams competed was Parker's Cup, and the main rivalry was between al-Nil and al-Shabiba clubs.
As elsewhere in Africa, sport activities created a venue where colonizers and colonized met and interacted. Most important, it offered opportunities for the youth of Atbara to pursue professional careers in sport and enhance their social standing. Sport clubs created new loyalties as each club attracted its own supporters. Moreover, given the rigid stratification of railway employment, sport clubs fostered development of social networks that cut across occupational lines.
Other venues for leisure activities in Atbara were bars and anadi (beer houses). There were seven bars that sold imported liquor. Bar owners were mainly Greeks and Copts, and the main customers were senior railway employees and well-to-do citizens. The majority of low-income workers attended the anadi where less expensive, locally made drinks were sold. As in other Sudanese towns, the bars and the anadi continued to exist until the early 1980s, when Ja`far Nimeiri imposed the so-called September laws that made the selling and consumption of alcohol illegal.
Atbara residents exhibited keen interest in literature, poetry, music, and theatre. Artistic activities in Atbara were pioneered by the small class of intelligentsia, most of whom were junior government employees. They included railway employees, teachers, army officers, and civil servants. Following World War I, these groups played a leading role in the development of early Sudanese nationalism. Their activities culminated in the 1924 uprising, which was crushed by British authorities.36 Following the defeat of the uprising, the colonial regime tried to marginalize the intelligentsia and promote traditional authorities such as tribal heads and religious leaders. However, this policy was reversed in the mid-1930s, when the colonial government began to co-opt the Western-educated class to counter sectarian influences. This strategy was associated with Sir Stewart Symes, who became the governor-general of the Sudan in 1934 and adopted a more liberal policy toward the intelligentsia. Moreover, since the defeat of the 1924 uprising, the educated elite focused their attention on literature, poetry, theatre, and music, and established literary societies and social clubs in various Sudanese towns.
As a cosmopolitan town, with highly diverse and relatively educated population and numerous clubs, Atbara created conducive environment for cultural activities. A corpus of Sudanese, Egyptian, and Syrian railway employees, administrators, and teachers took the lead in the development of a vibrant cultural life in the city.
One of the most influential Sudanese was al-Tayyib al-Sarraj (1894–1963), an Arabic language teacher who taught at the Atbara intermediate school in the 1930s. Al-Sarraj was an accomplished linguist, translator, and a poet, who wrote in classical Arabic as well as in Sudanese colloquial Arabic. While in Atbara, al-Sarraj educated and influenced a whole generation of young Sudanese artists such as Abu Sharaf, Muhammad `Umar Idris, Khalifa `Abbas, Muhammad `Uthman `Abd al-Rahim, Hasan Muddathir, and many others.37
Another prominent intellectual in Atbara was Ibrahim Hasan Mahlawi (1898–1977). Mahlawi's ancestors migrated from Egypt in the 19th century and settled in Swakin and Kassala in the Red Sea region, where they became leading merchants. After completing his intermediate education in Atbara, Mahlawi joined the Sudan Railways in 1916. From an early age he developed keen interest in European languages and literature. It was reported that he spent one-third of his six-pounds monthly salary on a private tutor to learn French. He also learned English through correspondence with a college in London and obtained a diploma in economics from Columbia University.38
By the 1920s, Mahlawi had become a prominent figure in Atbara's social and cultural circles. He was a leading member of the Literary Society and gave a series of lectures on the development of Arabic poetry from the pre-Islamic era to the modern period. He also published a several articles in Hadarat al-Sudan and was a regular reader of the London Times, the Manchester Guardian, and Egyptian newspapers and magazines. In the 1930s, Mahlawi began to learn German and developed a strong interest in socialist ideas, particularly the Fabian strand. His lecture on the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1936 at the Sudanese Club drew the attention of British officials and prompted the general manager of the SR to entrust him with the task of training new accountants. However, in 1939 Mahlawi was replaced by a British expert. Mahlawi then devoted his attention to the study of Fabian and socialist ideas. Following a series of lectures he gave during World War II on fascism and communism, Mahlawi received a letter from the civil secretary, commending him for his vast knowledge and intellectual abilities.39
After the war, Mahlawi adopted a more radical and activist stand as he began to advocate for the establishment of trade unions and played a key role in organizing the railway workers. In 1948, he led a demonstration to protest the establishment of the Legislative Assembly, which had been introduced by the colonial administration in the same year and opposed by many nationalist groups. Consequently, Mahlawi was dismissed from the SR and imprisoned. Following his release, he became heavily involved in the anti-colonial struggle and joined the unionist groups. In 1954, he joined the first nationalist government as the minister of mineral resources, but he resigned as a result of disagreements with unionist leaders. Since then, Mahlawi devoted his life to the exploration of mineral resources in the Red Sea region and the promotion of education in Atbara and Sinkat. In his final years, he lived a modest life and continued to pursue his interests. Neither age nor economic hardships could hamper Mahlawi's quest for knowledge and learning. He began learning Italian when he was in his sixties. He died in 1977 at the age of seventy-nine.
Another prominent literary figure in Atbara was Joseph Latif Sabbagh, a Syrian Christian who was born at al-Nuhud in Kordofan Province. His grandfather came to the Sudan in the 19th century. After a brief stay in Omdurman, Sabbagh moved here he became a trader and then went to Atbara. Joseph attended Atbara intermediate school, the Coptic school, and then went to Egypt where he studied at Cairo University. He returned to the Sudan in 1939 and settled in Atbara, where he taught Arabic language at the Anglican School for girls and later transferred to the Coptic School to teach English.40
From an early age, Joseph exhibited his interest in poetry and music. His poems were published in such magazines as al-Sudan, al-Nil, al-Fajr, and Omdurman. His companions in Atbara included al-Tayyib al-Sarraj, Mahmoud Abu Bakr, Muhammad `Utham Mahjoub, Muhammad `Abd al-Rahim, and Mustafa Abu Sharaf. His first collection of poems, titled al-Khatwa al-Ula (The First Step), was published in 1938. It was filled with romantic themes and gained great notoriety, particularly among Egyptian literary critics. However his second collection, dhura al-Zikrayat (Of Memories), had a more political and nationalistic overtones. In addition to poetry, Sabbagh was an accomplished musician.41
Sabbaqh played a major role in promoting literacy among the railway workers. He held English classes at the workers' club and encouraged those who had an interest in literature and poetry. He was also a political activist who became heavily involved in the political activities of Graduate Congress. In 1944 he delivered an anti-colonial poem in Atbara, as a result of which he was banished to Wadi Halfa. However, owing to growing factionalism within the nationalist movement, Sabbagh became disillusioned in politics and moved to al-Ubayyid, where he established a business.
Literary activities in Atbara received strong support and encouragement from the railway department. In fact, the Sudan Railways Bulletin was a major forum for creative writing. The bulletin's editorial board included such figures as `Abd al-Majid Maher, `Ali Hamu, Shatir al-Busayli `Abdel Jalil (a prominent Egyptian historian), Khalifa `Abbas, Muhammad Sinada, and Muhammad Siddiq. As an incentive to contributors, the editorial committee offered prizes for the best four articles. The scope of articles ranged from history and literature to railway work and international affairs.
However, the railway bulletin was designed to promote the railway work culture among employees. For instance, in the September 1948 issue, a whole page was devoted to the train. A few articles celebrated the train as a symbol of modernity and compared it to the camel, which was considered a sign of backwardness. Another article spoke about the train as a source of grief because it separated children from parents, husbands from wives, and lovers from one another.42 The editors reprinted a lengthy poem on the train by the famous Egyptian poet, Hafiz Ibrahim, in which he expressed great fascination with the train's speed, comparing it to lightning.
Besides these official publications, there were several other popular avenues for literary activities: clubs and bookstores, magazines and newspapers. One of the oldest bookstores in Atbara, which still exists, was Dabora Bookstore, established in 1923. In its initial phase, the bookstore specialized in Muslim religious texts. However, after finishing his education, `Awadalla took over the responsibility of running the bookstore and brought a wide range of books, magazines, and newspapers. Dabora Bookstore is located in the central market and has become a meeting place for artists, poets, and singers.43
In 1955 the municipal council of Atbara opened a public library. Within two years, the library had a collection of seven hundred books, in both English and Arabic, and an array of magazines and daily newspapers.44
Other arenas for cultural and literary activities were social and sport clubs, where public lectures, drama, and performances were regularly held. Atbara clubs attracted prominent Sudanese poets and writers such as Muhammad `Umar Idris, Muhammad al-Amin Musa, Mubrak Zarruq, Muhammad `Uthman Mahjoub, Salah
Mustafa al-Tahir, Mustafa Muhammad Hasan Sharaf, Khalifa `Abbas, Makki al-Sayyid, Mahmoud al-Fadli, and others, as well as singers such as Ahmad al-Mustafa, Ibrahim al-Kashif, and Hasan `Atiyya. For instance, on June 28, 1945, the Sudanese Club invited a speaker from Khartoum to lecture on the relationship between science and religion. Two days later the Coptic Bible Society held a lecture on gender equality. The lecture was followed by a very lively debate.45 Moreover, many railway artisans were accomplished poets and writers. Examples were al-Tayyib Hasan al-Tayyib and al-Hajj `Abd al-Rahman. Most clubs had dramatic societies. In 1944, a drama society known as Atbara Native Actors Society was established.46 The Old Boys of Technical School also had an active drama society.
Although the railway management encouraged this form of leisure, it also felt threatened by development of autonomous cultural activities. On July 26, 1945, the Old Boys society produced the play of `Antra ibn Shaddad. A descendant of an Ethiopian slave mother in pre-Islamic Arabia, `Antara appeared as the hero of a famous romance play of chivalry, involving wars against Persia, Byzantium, the Crusaders, and so forth. According to al-Tayyib Hasan al-Tayyib, when the society tried to perform this play in 1945, the railway manager prevented the performance because he considered it politically enticing. The cast performed the play in Omdurman and the proceeds were given to malja' al-Qirish, a charitable association.47
The end of World War II sparked a wave of celebrations, encouraged by the British authorities, in Atbara. Government employees were given a two-day holiday. Following the news of Japan's capitulations, Atbara Club held a big celebration to which it invited members of various clubs in the city. A few days later the Sudanese Club organized a big celebration and invited the general manager of the SR and members of the Egyptian Club and the Old Boys of Technical School. After refreshments, a play was performed. One of the play's scenes was a court-martial in which Hitler and Mussolini were tried. Following the play, al-Tayyib Hasan al-Tayyib read a poem celebrating the German defeat in North Africa.48
During the colonial period, urban life became an integral part of Sudanese society. Urban life in colonial Sudan reflected the country's remarkable diversity and its complex history. The cities and towns that emerged during the colonial period were pioneered by people of diverse ethnic, regional, and social backgrounds. They included former slaves, migrants, and other marginalized groups. These people established their own neighborhoods and communities and drew upon elements of their culture to face the challenges of urban life. They constructed a new urban identity, with multiple dimensions, and constructed a vibrant urban popular culture.
National Record Office Classification
National Record Office, Khartoum
Sudanese Archives, Durham University
Discussion of the Literature
The past four decades have witnessed a growing body of literature on the history of cities and urban life in Africa. The works of Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, Bill Freund, Frederick Cooper, Janet Abu-Lughod, David Anderson, Richard Rathbone, and several others have shed significant light on the evolution and the nature of African cities.49 Considerable attention has also been given to the development and the characteristics of colonial cities. Bill Freund has argued that the growth of urban centers in Africa during the colonial period must be linked to the larger colonial project, which was geared toward the extraction of African resources. Colonial rule led to the decline of old towns such as Ibadan and Omdurman and to the emergence of new cities such as Lagos, Casablanca, Port Sudan, Khartoum, and Nairobi, just to name a few. These new administrative, commercial, transport, and port cities were linked to production areas and became sites for the processing and the export of cash crops and other products.50 Colonial towns in Africa developed distinctive features. They were hybrid cities inhabited by Europeans, other foreigners, and the local population. Their residents were separated by race, class, and residence. The urban space also became a site in which the colonial regimes displayed their power. The local population, most of whom were immigrants from the rural areas, were people of low income who established their own residential neighborhoods that did not conform to the colonial notions of an orderly and organized city. Hence, these neighborhoods became the target of intensive intervention by colonial authorities who were determined to create a uniform and well-structured urban space. The new literature has also emphasized the way in which African urban dwellers have shaped the colonial city. They engaged in a wide range of economic activates, maintained links with the countryside, established extensive social networks, pursued various forms of leisure activities, and created a vibrant urban culture. Several studies have explored the social history of African cities by focusing on the life and culture of ordinary Africans such as workers, non-wage workers, women, the underclass, and other marginalized groups.51
Primary Sources
The study is based on a range of primary and secondary sources. Archival materials were gathered in the Sudan and Britain. In the Sudan, the National Records Office in Khartoum (NRO) is a rich source of information on all aspects of pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial Sudanese history. The most important materials used in this article are the records of Civil Secretary Office, the Intelligence Department, the files of Khartoum Province and Northern Province, the archives of the Railway Department. Archival sources in Britain include the British National Archives in London and the Sudan Archives of the University of Durham. At the National Archives, the Foreign Office Files cover many aspects of the Anglo-Egyptian administration in the Sudan. The richest source of information on Sudanese history in Britain is the Sudan Archives at the University of Durham, which includes the papers of officials, soldiers, missionaries, and private individuals who served or lived in the Sudan during the Anglo-Egyptian period.
Further Readings
Abu Salim, M. I. Tarikh Al-Khartoum. Beirut: Dar Al-Jeil, 1991.Find this resource:
Barbour, K. M. The Republic of Sudan: A Regional Geography. London: University of London Press, 1961.Find this resource:
Fawzi, Saad ed-Din. "Some Aspects of Urban Housing in Northern Sudan." Sudan Notes and Records 35 (1954): 91–110.Find this resource:
Fawzi, Saad ed-Din. The Labour Movement in the Sudan, 1946–1955. London: Oxford University Press, 1957.Find this resource:
Henderson, K. D. D. Sudan Republic. New York and Washington: F. A. Praeger, 1965.Find this resource:
Hill, R. Egypt in the Sudan, 1820–1881. London: Oxford University Press, 1958.Find this resource:
McLoughlin, P. "The Sudan's Three Towns: A Demographic and Economic Profile of an African Urban Complex," Part III. Economic Development and Cultural Change 12.1 (October 1963): 286–304.Find this resource:
Perkins, K. J. Port Sudan: The Evolution of a Colonial City. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993.Find this resource:
Rehfisch, F. "A Sketch of the Early History of Omdurman." Sudan Notes and Records 45 (1964): 35–47.Find this resource:
Santi, P., and R. Hill, eds. The Europeans in the Sudan, 1834–1878. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980.Find this resource:
Simpson, R. "Town Planning and Development during the Condominium: Two Extracts from a Memoir." Modernization in the Sudan. Edited by M. W. Daly, 73–84. New York: Lilian Barber, 1985.Find this resource:
Stevenson, R. C., "Three Impressions of Khartoum during the Turkiya." Sudan Notes and Records 41 (1960): 101–106.Find this resource:
Walkley, C. E. J. "The Story of Khartoum." Sudan Notes and Records, 19.1 (1936), 71–92.Find this resource:
(1.) R. C. Stevenson, "Khartoum during the Turco-Egyptian Occupation," in Urbanization and Urban Life in the Sudan, ed. Valdo Pons (Hull, U.K.: Development Studies Center at Hull University 1980), 115. See also, Ahmad Sikainga, "Slavery and Social Life in the Nineteenth-Century Turco-Egyptian Khartoum," in Race and Slavery in the Middle East; Histories of Trans-Saharan Africans in 19th Century Egypt, Sudan, and the Ottoman Mediterranean, eds. Terence Walz and Kenneth Cuno (New York: American University in Cairo Press, 2011), 147–170.
(2.) Ahmad Sikainga, Slaves into Workers: Emancipation and Labor in Colonial Sudan (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996), 73–95.
(3.) Ahmad Alawad Sikainga, City of Steel and Fire: A Social History of Atabara, Sudan's Railway Town, 1906–1984 (Portsmouth, U.K.: Heinemann, 2002).
(5.) Sudan Reports, 1902, p. 312.
(6.) Sikainga, Slaves into Workers.
(7.) Sudan Reports, 1912, p. 144.
(8.) NRO, 2Kh.P. 32/1/1, D.C., Khartoum to Governor, Khartoum Province, January 16, 1945.
(9.) SAD 50/1/6: Storrar Diary, November 12, 1907.
(10.) Sikainga, City of Steel and Fire. See also "Atbara," Al-`Arabi Magazine, No. 154, September 1971, p. 106.
(11.) Kenneth Little, "The C Urbanization," American Anthropologist 59 (1957): 579–596; and A. L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1958).
(12.) F. Rehfisch, "A Rotating Credit Association in the Three Towns," in Essays in Sudan Ethnography Essays in Sudan, eds. Ian Cunnison and Wendy James (New York: Humanities Press, 1972), 189–200.
(13.) NRO, NP 1/12/68, History of Clubs and Societies in Atbara.
(14.) NRO, NP 1/12/68, Petition to District Commissioner, Atbara, November 13, 1933.
(16.) NRO, NP 1/12/68, Committee of Kuri Society to D.C., Atbara, January 1, 1934.
(17.) NRO, NP 2/34/401, Societies Functioning in Atbara, 1945.
(20.) NP 2/57/586, Evangelical Church Atbara, to Director of Education, February 7, 1947.
(21.) NRO, NP 2/34/384, Societies Functioning in Atbara.
(23.) Phyllis M. Martin, Leisure and Society in Colonial Brazzaville (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Frederick Cooper, "Urban space"; and Remi Glignet and Maureen Stark, "Modernization and Football in Cameroun," Journal of Modern African Studies 12.3 (1974): 409–421.
(24.) Jum`a Jabir, al-Musiqa al-Sudaniyah: tarikh, turath, hawiyah, naqd (Khartoum: Sharikat al-Farabi, 1986), 33.
(27.) Sikainga, City of Steel and Fire, 78–79.
(28.) NRO, NP 2/33/386, D.C. Atbara to Governor, Northern Province, December 8, 1945.
(33.) Terence Ranger, "Pugilism and Pathology: African Boxing and the Black Urban Experience," in Sports in Africa: Essays in Social History, eds. William Baker and James A. Mangan (New York and London: Africana Publishing Company, 1987), 196–213; see also in the same volume, Anthony Kirk-Greene, "Imperial Administration and the Athletic Imperative: The Case of the District Officer in Africa," 81–113.
(34.) SAD, APK 1500, The Atbarabian, July 1927, p. 12.
(36.) This was an uprising led by the Sudanese battalions of the Egyptian army and other Sudanese nationalists against the British colonial regime.
(37.) Mahjoub `Umar Bashari, Ruwwad al-Fikir al-Sudani (Khartoum: Dar al-Fikir, 1981), 88–90.
(43.) Sikainga, City of Steel and Fire, 92.
(44.) Kamal Hamza, Murshid Baladiyat Atbara (Khartoum: Tamadun Press, 1958), 52.
(45.) Sudan Railways Bulletin, September 1945.
(46.) NRO, NP 2/23/384, Clubs and Societies Functioning in Atbara, 1945.
(47.) Al-Tayyib Hassan Al-Tayyib, mudhakirat `an al-Harka al-`Ummaliyya (Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1989), 5.
(48.) Sudan Railways Bulletin, October 1945.
(49.) Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, "The Process of Urbanization in Africa (From the Origins to the Beginning of Independence)," African Studies Review 34.1 (April 1991): 35–36; Anderson & Rathbone, Africa's Urban Past (Oxford and Portsmouth, NH: James Currey and Heinemann, 2000); Frederick Cooper, ed., Struggle for the City: Migrant Labor, Capital and the State in Urban Africa (Beverly Hills, CA: SAGE, 1983); and Bill Freund, The African City: A History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
(50.) Freund, The African City, 65–107.
(51.) Paul Maylam and Iain Edwards, The People's City: African Life in Twentieth-Century Durban (Portsmouth, U.K.: Heinemann, 1996).


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Possible Duplicate:
Efficiently sampling points uniformly from the surface of an n-sphere
I'm trying to generate random points of a (n-2)-sphere on a n-hyperplane so basically the intersection of a (n-1)-sphere and a n-hyperplane.
The hyperplane here is the plane associated with a (n-1)-simplex of equation: $x_1 + x_2 + ... + x_n = 1$
I know the radius $R$ of the n-sphere and I know the center $a$ which is in the simplex. $a = (a_1, a_2, ..., a_n)$ and $a_1+a_2+...+a_3=1$
So the points I want to generate are solution of :
$x_1 + x_2 + ... + x_n = 1$ and $(x_1-a_1)^2 + (x_2-a_2)^2 + ... + (x_n-a_n)^2 = R^2$
I absolutely need to generate points uniformly and in Cartesian coordinates.
I have been looking into it for a few days now and cannot seem to find a good way to do it.
For the moment I did it on $\mathbb{R}^3$ which is equivalent to generate points of a circle on a plane. To do so, I projected the space on the 2-simplex (3D->2D) and I generated points of a circle using :
$(u,v) = \frac{R}{\sqrt{X_1^2 + X_2^2}}(X_1,X_2)$ where $X_1, X_2$ are independent gaussians.
(this algorithm allows you to generate points on a n-sphere too)
Finally, I used an "inverse-projection" of the simplex to the space (after some calculus...) :
$z = \sqrt{2/3} \cdot v $
$y = \frac{u}{\sqrt{2}} - 1/2 \cdot z$
Here is a graph to give you an exemple of what I just presented in 3 dimensions. The standard 2-simplex is the area represented in cyan.
http://www.freeimagehosting.net/t/aksf6.jpg (sorry cannot post image tags...)
Of course, those formulas are easily derived in 3 dimensions but not as easily in $\mathbb{R}^n$.
I feel like I am looking at the problem the wrong way so any idea is welcome.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Dyyno necesitaba un nuevo diseño de impreso o envases y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 96 diseños de 17 diseñadores freelance.
Dyyno is a startup company that specializes in screen sharing. Our technology is one of kind and broadcasts in high definition at a really inexpensive price compared to the other guys.
"Prosumers" (professional consumers) - Men and Women ages 18-40
The Dyyno Personal Channel is a free channel for users to broadcast anything on your computer for free. We can broadcast Audio and Video in High Definition.
Attached is a powerpoint presentation of what we want the datasheet to contain.
Page 1 describes What the video Channel is, how you can use it and the main features it has
Page 2 describes How the product works
1. Plug in your video camera to your computer and your computer to the internet
2. "drag the d" (with our software, whatever application you drag the d to it will automatically broadcast that application.. in this case, the user will have to "drag the d" to wherever the camcorder stream is playing)
3. Every user has their own address "mychannel.dyyno.com/USERNAME" the broadcaster will send out his own link to whoever he wants and when a viewer clicks the link they can see what he is broadcasting. I want to represent that we can have an endless amount of viewers watching the webcast session.
check out the video that we want to convert to a datasheet!- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RJOLEOqedEw
eventually, we will ask for the source files for the PDF so we can update any text accordingly and we will need a low resolution copy for our webpage and high resolution file for printing.
Thank you and good luck!


text:
The University of Maine at Presque Isle (UMPI) was among the first universities to join the American College & University Presidents' Climate Commitment. As a signatory of the agreement in early 2007, President Donald N. Zillman committed UMPI to a rigorous plan to reduce its carbon footprint. A unique HVAC renovation at Folsom/Pullen Hall was among the first steps in the university's trek to carbon neutrality.
One of the primary educational buildings on the UMPI campus, Folsom/Pullen Hall includes classrooms, laboratories, and a lecture hall. It had not received any major mechanical upgrades since being built in 1966. For decades, students and faculty were subjected to excessive mechanical noise and wildly fluctuating indoor temperatures, while the university footed the bill for substantial inefficiencies.
An in-depth evaluation conducted by Mechanical Systems Engineers of Yarmouth, Maine, showed a heat loss of 1,604,188 Btuh for the Folsom wing (assuming 15 cfm per occupant) during occupied cycles. Steam-heated unit ventilators located on outside walls did not incorporate heat recovery. This, combined with insufficient sealing around the ventilators, accounted for 51 percent of the total heat loss when the units were in operation.
Replacement of the unit ventilators, along with replacement of an outdated oil-fired steam boiler serving the Folsom wing, was expected to go a long way in helping the university reduce its carbon footprint.
Kurt Magnusson, PE, of Mechanical Systems Engineers advocated a combination of a central energy-recovery ventilator (ERV) from SEMCO and a variable-refrigerant-flow system (variable-speed heat pumps). This would result in the best payback for UMPI while affording students and faculty the added benefit of air conditioning during summer.
A separately ducted ventilation system would eliminate most of the noise associated with conditioning the building. Also, it would allow maximum recovery of energy from exhaust air. A SEMCO FV-5000 ERV with electric preheat coil proved ideal for this cold-climate application.
The FV-5000 relies on SEMCO's EXCLU-SIEVE total energy-recovery wheel to recover both sensible and latent energy, not only reducing heating and cooling loads, but providing humidification during winter and dehumidification during summer. As the wheel rotates between the opposing supply- and return-air streams, higher-temperature air yields sensible energy to the wheel's aluminum substrate. A molecular-sieve desiccant coating captures water vapor in the air stream and transfers it to where it is needed.
The FV-5000's energy wheel can operate at full capacity without risk of frost as long as outdoor conditions do not drop below -10°F at indoor design conditions of 70°F and 25-percent relative humidity. Because of Maine's extreme winters, however, an electric preheat coil was included on the unit. A silicon-controlled-rectifier controller modulates heat output according to outdoor-air temperature so that the coil operates only as needed to prevent frosting.
The variable-refrigerant system responds to indoor- and outdoor-temperature fluctuations by adjusting compressor speed to optimize energy use. Inverter technology allows the system to heat and cool simultaneously, basically transferring heat from the warmer side of the building to the colder side. The system is supplemented by operation of new oil-fired boilers during heating season.
"This approach reduced the total amount of ductwork we needed because we're using smaller air handlers," Magnusson said. "That results in significant fan energy savings."
Fuel consumption dropped from 55,000 gal. of oil in 2007-08 to 22,000 gal. in 2008-09, surprising considering the HVAC renovation applies to only half of the total heating load. Both wings of Folsom/Pullen Hall share a boiler room, but only the Folsom side was renovated, while the other awaits financing. Although significant improvements to the thermal envelope of the Folsom wing were made, Magnusson attributes most of the fuel savings to the heat pumps and ERV.
According to David St. Peter, UMPI's director of physical facilities, electrical consumption increased by only $5,000, even though the Folsom wing is now almost entirely electric. That amount is expected to decrease with the completion of a campus windmill project.
"The building was a real energy hog before," Magnusson said. "Now, we've reduced its carbon footprint by 63 percent."
For Design Solutions author guidelines, call Scott Arnold, executive editor, at 216-931-9980, or write to him at [email protected].


text:
Double P - 2009 Freestyle [Unsigned Hype]
P reports "Double-p reports: Phamous Starphace/Dolla Figga Inc. Presents.. Double P - "2009 Freestyle" Cameos Include: Hot Dollar, Guerilla Black & The Whole Dollar Figga Inc. Double P - "2009 Freestyle" Dollar Figga Inc. Phamous Starphace Ent. (c) 2009 Download New Mixtape: The Compton General Mixtape Vol.2 http://lnk.ms/09Z0w www.twitter.com/comptonsdoublep www.myspace.com/thecomptongeneral www.youtube.com/doublepfromcpt2
Please click the "Report" button below if the video on this page is not working properly.
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Bucsko Design
Posts Tagged connections
How To Optimize Your LinkedIn Profile
Posted by Bucsko Design in Blog Tips, Branding, Identity, Marketing, Optimization, Sales, Social Media on April 16, 2012
In 2011, LinkedIn's 150 million members conducted more than 4 billion professional searches. The network boasts executive profiles from all Fortune 500 companies, and adds new members at a rate of more than 2 per second. What's more, if you've ever faced an executive gatekeeper, social networks like LinkedIn bypass them directly, since connection requests and direct messages go right to the member. Clearly, LinkedIn is a platform that cannot be ignored.
To get the most out of LinkedIn, optimize the following key sections of your profile:
Basic Information
Your basic information includes your name, photograph, location, industry, and most importantly, your professional headline. This section shows at the top of your profile page. The headline is your first chance to make an impression, in under 140 characters. You have an opportunity to include more than just your "official" title — so carefully craft a headline with keywords that are important to your industry.
For example, your headline could read "Helping homeowners in the tri-county region market their home online," instead of "real estate salesperson." Big difference.
Summary And Specialties
After Basic Information are the Summary and Specialties sections. The Summary is like an expanded personal biography, so again, use keywords and keyphrases that would help me get to know your background better. Below this section are your Specialties, another area to list your keywords and keyphrases.
Job Titles And Descriptions
Moving down the profile are your Job Titles and Descriptions. Consider listing all positions you've had — you never know how a connection could be made. Include relevant keywords and keyphrases for each.
Add Connections
We're doing all this profile prework so we have the most complete information possible when networking with other professionals.
To find new connections, use the advanced search function, in the top right hand section, and search by job titles, companies and geographic locations. You can also search for groups to join.
LinkedIn also gives you an option to import your email contacts, which will send everyone a default connection request. However, if you send them individually, and customize your message, you'll get a better response (and more connections). So find common ground, such as a shared company or group, or as alumni of a school or college.
Don't forget to your 1st level connections for their connections. With LinkedIn, you truly are only a step or two away from connecting with potential clients, recruiters, and the link. But always ask for an introduction!
Finally, update your status message often — daily if possible. Remember, LinkedIn regularly sends out network summary emails with activity (yet another chance to pick up more connections).
If you follow these simple LinkedIn optimization steps, you'll be well on your way to fruitful connections, new clients and more influence over your personal brand.
Other Social Optimization Guides:
• 7 Easy Steps To Turn Your Twitter Account Into A SEO Magnet
• A Simple Guide To Getting Started On Google+
• Facebook Timeline For Brands & Businesses Factsheet
Source: http://press.linkedin.com/about
Post from: Search Engine People SEO Blog
How To Optimize Your LinkedIn Profile
>Written by Brian Farrell, social selling | http://bfarrell.com/
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text: About Linux Magazine. The publication has become entirely web based. All content is free after registration. The paper subscriptions were absorbed by Linux Pro Magazine. There will be more HPC content coming as well. I have been writing a weekly opinion/rant piece since the beginning of the year. There is an even HPC sections and newsletter. HPC content lives in two places on the site: http://www.linux-mag.com/solutions/hpc http://www.linux-mag.com/resource-centers/todays-hpc-clusters -- Doug > But people do buy them -- grab a copy of PC Mag or Linux Mag (now > sorta-defunct?) or whatever and leaf it. What do you find? Lots of ads > for rackmounts. A few ads for consumer systems (but not that many > anymore, outside of laptops). And yeah, quite a few ads for > bladeservers. -- Doug


text:
The Chiefs have in recent years employed a 3-4 defense. With Andy Reid running the show, things could be changing.
Peter King of SI.com reports that former NFL assistant and, more recently, USC assistant Monte Kiffin is one of the leading candidates to run Reid's defense in Kansas City. Kiffin possibly would bring the Tampa Two approach that helped him win a Super Bowl 10 years ago with the Bucs.
Per King, another candidate for the job was Panthers coach Ron Rivera, but Rivera will be returning for a third year in Carolina. Rivera has experience with both the 4-3 and the 3-4 defense.
If the Chiefs switch to a 4-3, they'd have to retool the personnel accordingly. But it would be intriguing to see how safety Eric Berry would perform in a defense that places greater emphasis on the abilities of the folks who man the last line of the defense.
Either way, Reid needs a great defensive coordinator. His Eagles teams weren't the same after the passing of Jim Johnson. The ability of his Chiefs teams to match what his Eagles teams did will likely hinge on whether Reid can field a defense that complements his offense.


text:
Here is what the template looks like. It's not too tricky. The hardest part might be the stems of the clovers. Remember to cut from left to right (or right to left if you're left handed) so you can see how thick a cut you are getting.
Download your free template here: Pot O'Gold
*It just might so happen that my birthday is in March.
©2014 Cindy Bean (www.bean-cutter.com)
These templates are for personal use only. You can make them for your mom, you can make them for your aunt, you can make them for your family reunion, etc. Please don't sell these free templates for your own personal gain. I put them out there as a service, don't make me get frustrated and stop doing them. Don't ruin it for everyone else! Also, if you're going to sell art, maybe you should make it your own. You can do it, I promise! It's not good karma to pass off someone else's art as your own.


text:
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Scientists Discover Link Between Diabetes and Poor Sleep Habits
A mutation in the gene that induces sleep significantly increases the risk of developing diabetes, according to a new study published in the journal Nature Genetics.
Researchers in France found a mutation in the melatonin receptor gene lead to an almost sevenfold increase in the risk of developing diabetes. Melatonin, also called the "hormone of darkness", is essentially the biological time keeper, that synchronizes biological rhythms with nightfall.
Type 2 diabetes is the most common form of the disease, which affects about 300 million people worldwide. Diabetes is typically caused by high-sugar diets, obesity, lack of exercise and other lifestyle factors. However, recent studies have also confirmed that sleep disorders, that impact both the quality and duration of sleep, are also common contributors.
The mutation in the melatonin receptor gene is one of the primary causes of sleep deprivation.
The research team sequenced the MT2 gene, which encodes its receptor in 7600 diabetics and people with normal glycaemia. They located 40 rare mutations that change the protein structure of the melatonin receptor, 14 which made the receptor in question nonfunctional. It was also learned that the risk of getting diabetes is almost seven times grater in those affected by these type of mutations.
Scientist believe this information could lead to the better treatment of diabetes, and also refocus the attention on genome sequencing, which can further personalize diabetic care.


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In 2012, the federal tax return deadline is Tuesday, April 17 — so if you haven't already filed your income tax return, you have about one week left to shop around for different options to finish your taxes, or request an extension.
If you're wondering if you're better off filing your federal and state income tax returns through an online tax preparation service, a standard CPA (certified public accountant), or a more elaborate tax specialty firm, you may want to read an article over at Bloomberg Businessweek called "Joel Stein Has Four Accountants."
As he tells Morning Edition co-host Steve Inskeep, Stein plugged his financial results from 2011 into tax services that ranged from TaxSlayer.com to his father's Staten Island accountant.
One paragraph of Stein's article explains his motives:
"This year I really wanted to find out: What level accountant do I need? Can I do my returns myself using websites that promise to guide me through the process? Can H&R Block handle it? Is my current accountant great? Or would a high-end accountant know all the loopholes and get me so much money back that his fee would be worth it? Would any of them slip me the results of the Academy Awards?"
Stein's tax situation isn't as straightforward as some. The writer's income spiked to around $400,000 last year, he says, thanks to a book deal he signed. And because he often works from his house in Los Angeles, he also has the option of claiming a deduction for his home office — something he got conflicting advice about.
Here's the breakdown of services Stein tried out, and how much they cost:
- TaxSlayer.com — $30
- H&R Block — $400
- Family Wealth Group at RBZ of Los Angeles — $1,200
- Howie Halbreich of Staten Island — $400
Starting out at TaxSlayer — which, as a NASCAR sponsor, is "the preferred accounting method of Dale Earnhardt Jr.," Stein says — things went a little awry. Stein admits that he may have made some mistakes in entering his data.
And the results were shocking: The online service promised Stein a combined federal and state refund of $120,000, with about two-thirds of the money coming from the U.S. government.
Upon seeing those numbers, Stein tells Inskeep, his reaction was that "I have a Romney-like hedge fund that I apparently didn't know about."
So, he took the TaxSlayer documents along to his next stop: an H&R Block office in Los Angeles.
"When I showed the 80-page return to the H&R Block guy, he said that the IRS wouldn't bother calling me — they would just send a car straight to my house," Stein says.
After looking at his data, an H&R Block "tax associate" told Stein he needs to pay more than $2,000 — sending $1,227 to the IRS and an additional $1,160 to California's Franchise Tax Board.
That led Stein to return to TaxSlayer and correct his mistakes — the site eventually told him he would get nearly $17,000 from the federal government, but that he would owe California around $22,000.
Another accounting company he tried was RBZ, a venerable firm with plush offices overlooking Los Angeles.
"I kind of thought high-end accountants found all kinds of loopholes that only they knew about," Stein says. "That's not quite how it works."
Instead, the firm's adviser tried to help Stein position his finances so he could help his family, with plans for his son's education and possible care for his parents. The RBZ method would leave him with no refund, and owing around $4,544 for combined state and federal taxes.
Stein also gave his tax return info to an old family favorite, Howie Halbreich — a man he has never met but who has handled his taxes for more than 20 years, since Stein left college.
Halbreich, who also does Stein's father's taxes, already had all of his information on hand. He told Stein that he stood to receive a federal refund of $1,488 and owed California $1,019 — for a net gain of $469.
"That means I stick with Howie," Stein says.
Asked what it means for other taxpayers, he says, "They should go to Howie."
In his article, Stein wrote that Halbreich "makes the process painless, which — more than a fat return or even a long-term plan of how to beat the government — is what I'm really looking for."
In addition to the ones Stein tried out, other popular choices include TurboTax — which Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner used when he neglected to report all of his income in his 2001 tax return.
And, if your income was under $57,000 in 2011, you can also use the IRS website to file your return free of charge. If you need help finding professional assistance, the IRS site also has a search tool.
In the current issue of Bloomberg Businessweek, the writer Joel Stein makes an admission...
JOEL STEIN: Though I've tried many times, I've never read James Joyce's "Finnegans Wake" or my own tax returns.
INSKEEP: Too painful. So he hires someone else to do the work. But, of course, there are many options if you're going to pay someone else to do your taxes, and Joel Stein is going to help us work through them as he did for Bloomberg.
Mr. Stein, welcome to the program.
STEIN: Thanks for having me.
INSKEEP: You looked at four types of tax services, which are kind of the range of ideas that are out there. What are the options?
STEIN: Well, I went to an online service. I chose TaxSlayer.com because they have an awesome name.
INSKEEP: Thirty bucks to do your taxes, right?
STEIN: That's both state and federal.
STEIN: And then I went to H&R Block.
INSKEEP: All right.
STEIN: I went to my normal accountant that I've been using since college.
INSKEEP: This is several hundred dollars now.
STEIN: Yeah. And then I went to a very high-end accountant here in Los Angeles.
INSKEEP: And when you say high-end, how much does it cost to get your taxes done at the high end?
STEIN: It would've been 1,200.
INSKEEP: OK. So you had these different options and your question is what?
STEIN: My question is: who gets me the most money back? You know, they do more than just get you returns; they kind of help you plan for the future. There's other things to take into account.
INSKEEP: OK. So let's work through the different options here. Who did you try first?
STEIN: I went to TaxSlayer.com first. It asks you a lot of very simple questions, and you give either yes or no answers, you punch in the amount and then it gives you your returns. It's the preferred accounting method of Dale Earnhardt, Jr.
INSKEEP: Does he get an endorsement out of that?
STEIN: He drives the TaxSlayer.com Chevrolet.
INSKEEP: Oh, that is awesome.
STEIN: Yeah.
INSKEEP: OK. So let's see how it did for you. What was your tax return, if any?
STEIN: Let's start with the fact that I'm not good at math or inputting things or using computers. So TaxSlayer told me I was going to get about $120,000 back.
INSKEEP: A $120,000 tax return, I wasn't aware you were making that many millions of dollars that you would be entitled to a tax return...
STEIN: Yeah. I have a Romney-like hedge fund apparently that I didn't know about.
INSKEEP: So there was some error - garbage in, garbage out. You put in the wrong numbers or something and TaxSlayer didn't pick up on that and claimed a huge return for you.
STEIN: When I showed the 80-page return to the H&R Block guy, he said that the IRS wouldn't bother calling me; they would just send a car straight to my house.
INSKEEP: Well, that leads us then to the H&R Block guy. What do you pay H&R Block?
STEIN: Three to 400 bucks.
INSKEEP: OK. And how did they do?
STEIN: It was great. It was like a cheery place. They had like macaroons and coffee when you walked in and it was very professional; it was like going to a LensCrafters. It wasn't that cheap, but it was like they could take care of you.
INSKEEP: What was your tax refund there?
STEIN: They said I owed the state and federal governments a little over two grand.
INSKEEP: So on a strict monetary basis, TaxSlayer.com...
STEIN: Oh, yeah.
INSKEEP: ...much more effective than H&R Block, but didn't involve any prison time.
STEIN: That was the tradeoff I had to think about.
INSKEEP: Let me go to the high end next, if I might. You hired the most expensive accountant, pretty much, that you could find. And what was that experience like?
STEIN: Great. They validated my parking. They gave me water. The accountant was this super cool guy who played guitar for me. It was a wonderful experience.
INSKEEP: And how'd they do?
STEIN: I kind of thought the high-end accountants found all kinds of loopholes that only they knew about. That's not quite how it works. Like, there's only so much information you can program in unless you lie. So, yeah, apparently I owe almost five grand.
INSKEEP: So basically, what they were thinking about was being as conservative as possible.
STEIN: Yeah. They more interested in talking to me about like my son's education and taking care of my parents and kind of planning I might do for the long-term future. But as far as this year's returns, yeah, they were very conservative.
INSKEEP: And so let's do one more and go home to the tax accountant that you used for years.
STEIN: What I love about this guy, Howie Halbreich, is I don't ever have to even talk to him. I've never met him. He's been doing my taxes for more than 20 years, doing my dad's taxes for even longer. I just mail him some stuff or send him some emails. He asked me a couple more questions. He eFiles for me. He's got my credit card information, my bank account. I don't have to do anything. I don't have to sign anything.
INSKEEP: So this guy - if I'm not mistaken - was the mid-range cost here, about the same as H&R Block.
STEIN: Yeah.
INSKEEP: You paid about 400 bucks. How did he do for you?
STEIN: He got me $469 back, about what I pay him.
INSKEEP: Maybe enough left over to buy yourself a little lunch or something like that.
STEIN: Exactly. I'm pretty excited.
INSKEEP: OK. So just to review - TaxSlayer got you an insanely large refund...
STEIN: Yeah.
INSKEEP: ...that would surely get you in prison. H&R Block was a reasonable experience and cost you some money. The gold-plated accountant actually cost you a bunch of money. But Howie, the family standby, got you the tiniest of profits, about breaking even. What do those results mean for you?
STEIN: That means I stick with Howie.
INSKEEP: And what does it mean for everybody else?
STEIN: They should go to Howie.
INSKEEP: Howie's going to be inundated, if he's not already.
STEIN: He's going to beat H&R Block. There's going to be a Howie on every corner in every mall.
INSKEEP: Well, Joel Stein, thanks for helping us through all this.
STEIN: It was fun. I mean it wasn't fun, but it was nice talking to you.
INSKEEP: He wrote in the current issue of Bloomberg Businessweek. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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Elliott Wave Theory was developed by R.N. Elliott and popularized by Robert Prechter. This theory asserts that crowd behavior ebbs and flows in clear trends. Based on this ebb and flow, Elliott identified a certain structure to price movements in the financial markets. The article serves as a basic introduction to Elliott Wave Theory. A basic 5-wave impulse sequence and 3-wave corrective sequence are explained. While Elliott Wave Theory gets much more complicated than this 5-3 combination, this article will only focus on the very basics.
Wave Degrees
Elliott Wave Basics
The labeling convention shown above is a hybrid between that shown in the Elliott Wave book and the Elliott tools from SharpCharts. In Elliott-speak, this labeling convention is used to identify the degree or level of the wave, which represents the size of the underlying trend. The upper case Roman numerals represent the large degree waves, the simple numbers represent the medium degree waves and the small-case Roman numerals represent the small degree waves. The trends start with the largest degree (Grand Supercycle) and work their way down to waves of lesser degree. For example, the Cycle wave is one larger degree than the Primary wave. Conversely, the Primary wave is one lesser degree than the Cycle wave. Wave 1 of (1) would indicate that Wave 1 is part of a larger degree Wave (1). Wave 1 is a lesser degree than Wave (1).
In reality, most chartists will only use 1 to 3 wave degrees on their charts. It can get quite complicated trying to apply nine Wave degrees or even just using the labeling convention in the order provided. Chartists using 1 to 3 wave degrees can simply label the highest degree waves with upper case Roman numerals (I,II,III,IV,V,a,b,c), the middle degree waves with numbers (1,2,3,4,5,A,B,C) and the lowest degree waves with lower case Roman numerals (i,ii,iii,iv,v,a.b,c). This provides three distinct groups for labeling various waves.
Basic Sequence
There are two types of waves: impulse and corrective. Impulse waves move in the direction of the larger degree wave. When the larger degree wave is up, advancing waves are impulsive and declining waves are corrective. When the larger degree wave is down, impulse waves are down and corrective waves are up. Impulse waves, also called motive waves, move with the bigger trend or larger degree wave. Corrective waves move against the larger degree wave.
Elliott Wave Basics
The chart above shows a rising 5-wave sequence. The entire wave is up as it moves from the lower left to the upper right of the chart. Waves 1,3 and 5 are impulse waves because they move with the trend. Waves 2 and 4 are corrective waves because they move against this bigger trend. A basic impulse advance forms a 5-wave sequence.
Elliott Wave Basics
A basic corrective wave forms with three waves, typically a, b and c. The chart below shows an abc corrective sequence. Notice that waves a and c are impulse waves (green). This is because they are in the direction of the larger degree wave. This entire move is clearly down, which represents the larger degree wave. Waves a and c move with the larger degree wave and are therefore impulse waves. Wave b, on the other hand, moves against the larger degree wave and is a corrective wave (red).
Elliott Wave Basics
Combining a basic 5 wave impulse sequence with a basic 3 wave corrective sequence yields a complete Elliott Wave sequence, which is a total of 8 waves. According to Elliott, this complete sequence is divided into two distinct phases: the impulse phase and the corrective phase. The abc corrective phase represents a correction of the larger impulse phase.
Elliott Wave Basics
These 8-wave charts show two larger degree waves (I and II) as well as the lesser degree waves within these larger degree waves. Waves 1-2-3-4-5 are one lesser degree than Wave I. By extension, Wave I is one larger degree than Waves 1-2-3-4-5. Waves a-b-c are one lesser degree than Wave II.
Fractal Nature
Elliott Wave is fractal. This means that wave structure for the GrandSuper Cycle is the same as for the minuette. No matter how big or small the wave degree, impulse waves take on a 5-wave sequence and corrective waves take on a 3-wave sequence. Any impulse wave subdivides into 5 smaller waves. Any corrective wave subdivides into three smaller waves. The charts below show the fractal nature of Elliott Wave in action.
Three Rules
Believe it or not, there are only three rules when it comes to interpreting Elliott Wave. There are many guidelines, but only three HARD rules. These are unbreakable. Guidelines, on the other hand, are bendable and subject to interpretation. Furthermore, these rules only apply to a 5-wave impulse sequence. Correction, which are much more complicated, are given more leeway when it comes to interpretation.
Rule 1: Wave 2 cannot retrace more than 100% of Wave 1.
Rule 2: Wave 3 can never be the shortest of the three impulse waves.
Rule 3: Wave 4 can never overlap Wave 1.
Wave 2 cannot move below the low of Wave 1. A break below this low would call for a re-count. Even though Wave 3 is typically the longest of the three impulse waves, there is a specific rule that it cannot be the shortest. 1 or 5 can be longer than Wave 3, but both cannot be longer than Wave 3. It is probably best to use percentages or log scales when measuring Wave length. Elliott Wave indicates that Wave 3 must exceed the high of Wave 1. Failure to exceed this high would call for a re-count. Impulse moves are all about making progress. Failure to exceed the high of Wave 2 would not be making progress. The third, and final rule, is that Wave 4 cannot overlap Wave 1, which means the low of Wave 4 cannot exceed the high of Wave 1. Such a violation would call for a re-count.
Three Guidelines
There are numerous guidelines, but this article will focus on three key guidelines. In contrast to rules, guidelines should hold true most of the time, not necessarily all of the time.
Guideline 1: When Wave 3 is the longest impulse wave, Wave 5 will approximately equal Wave 1.
Guideline 2: The forms for Wave 2 and Wave 4 will alternate. If Wave 2 is a sharp correction, Wave 4 will be a flat correction. If Wave 2 is flat, Wave 4 will be sharp.
Guideline 3: After a 5-wave impulse advance, corrections (abc) usually end in the area of prior Wave 4 low.
The first guideline is useful for targeting the end of Wave 5. Even though Wave 5 could be longer than Wave 3 and Wave 3 could still be longer than Wave 1, chartists can make initial Wave 5 projections once Wave 4 ends. In a larger uptrend, chartists simply apply the length of Wave 1 (percentage change) to the low of Wave 4 for an upside target. The opposite is true for a 5-wave decline. The percentage decline in Wave 1 would be applied to the high of Wave 4 for a Wave 5 estimate.
The guideline of alternation (2) is useful for determining the time of correction for Wave 4. After a sharp decline for Wave 2, chartists can expect a relatively flat correction for Wave 4. If Wave 2 is relatively flat, then chartists can expect a relatively sharp Wave 4. In practice, Wave 2 tends to be a rather sharp wave that retraces a large portion of Wave 1. Wave 4 comes after an extended Wave 3. This Wave 4 marks more of a consolidation that lays the groundwork for a Wave 5 trend resumption.
The third guideline is useful for estimating the end of a Wave II correction after a Wave I advance. Waves I and II are the larger degree waves. Waves 1-2-3-4-5 are lesser degree waves within Wave I. Once the Wave II correction unfolds, chartists can estimate its end by looking at the end of the prior wave 4 (lesser degree wave 4). In a larger degree uptrend, Wave II would be expected to bottom near the low of lesser degree Wave 4. In a larger degree downtrend, Wave II would be expected to peak near the high of lesser degree Wave 4.
Even though this article just scratches the surface of Elliott Wave Theory, chartists can greatly improve their counting by applying the three rules and three guidelines listed. Elliott Wave counts start with a process of elimination. Apply the rules for the first count attempt and then the guidelines on the second. Eliminating bogus counts paves the way to a more accurate count. Even with accurate counts, chartists will still need to re-evaluate and adjust counts as new price information emerges. It is just the nature of the beast.
You can use our Chart Notes annotation tool to add Elliott Wave notations to your charts. Below, you'll find an example of a chart annotated with Elliott Wave notations.


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This week: the new Dave Eggers novel, turning a crack house into a dream home, and a salacious (and true!) Victorian divorce case. Plus, what happens when an astronaut returns home to find his family in pieces?
Sugarhouse: Turning the Neighborhood Crack House into Our Home Sweet Home by Matthew Batt (Mariner) - This winsome memoir details the story of Batt and his wife, who purchased a former Salt Lake City crack house when the deal for their dream house fell through. The book follows Batt's fixer-upper efforts—slate flooring and poured-concrete countertops—as well as his personal upheavals involving his family. The home-rehab picaresque is hilarious, engrossing, and stocked with a cast of squirrely tradesmen and manic realtors.
Existence by David Brin (Tor) - The discovery of alien artifacts pushes an already troubled Earth to the brink of chaos in bestseller Brin's exciting story of first contact. The question arises: are the artifacts truly "worldstones," full of wonders and ingenious advice, or "demon-stones" that will only ruin the little stability to which humanity clings? Brin's thoughtful, multilayered story explores a first contact scenario where every twist reveals greater peril. His longtime fans will especially appreciate that this story could be read as a prequel to 1983's Startide Rising, while those not familiar with his work will find it an impressive introduction to one of SF's major talents.
A Hologram for the King by Dave Eggers (McSweeney's) - Eggers's first unabashedly fictional, original novel in some time nonetheless grounds itself as firmly in the real world as Zeitoun or What is the What. Deeply in debt and unable to continue paying for his daughter Kit to go to college, Alan Clay finds himself in Saudi Arabia awaiting the arrival of "the Kingdom's" elusive monarch for a chance to pitch his employer, Reliant, as the information technology supplier for a massive new King Abdullah Economic City (KAEC) development. Both Eggers's fans and those previously resistant to his work will find a spare but moving elegy for the American century.
Beyond the Blue Horizon: How the Earliest Mariners Unlocked the Secrets of the Oceans by Brian Fagan (Bloomsbury) - Drawing on a lifetime of sailing, Fagan does more than reconstruct the sea routes and watercraft used by ancient mariners. He recreates their mental states and imagines what forces inspired them to leave the land behind. Tacking between first-person anecdotes, archeological explanations, and fictionalized scenes from the distant past, this salty work of historical imagination travels all over the globe, including Easter Island, Lebanon, and Greece.
Life Everlasting: The Animal Way of Death by Bernd Heinrich (HMH) - This slim but moving book examines the role of death and decay in Earth's "web of life." Examples and anecdotes include how beetles use dead matter for feeding and mating rituals, and how insects and fungus turn felled trees into new soil. Heinrich's engaging, thoughtful volume makes the case that this truth is not only scientifically relevant but personally, and spiritually, too: by looking to nature, humans can "transcend individual deaths," and find a deeper meaning in our earthly existence. Check out an essay from Heinrich detailing the strange life and death cycles in the animal kingdom.
The World Without You by Joshua Henkin (Pantheon) - Less chilly than The Corrections and more bittersweet than This Is Where I Leave You, Henkin's family drama is both tender and stunning. One year after the death of their kidnapped journalist son, Leo, in Iraq, David and Marilyn Frankel, non-practicing Jews, call their entire mishpocha to their summer home in the Berkshires to attend his memorial service. The novel makes the cast of characters empathetic, even as they behave like fools and hurt one another. The World Without You works as a summer read and for any other time of the year. Check out our Q&A with Henkin.
The Infinite Tides by Christian Kiefer (Bloomsbury) - While aboard the International Space Station, "genius" Keith Corcoran comes back to Earth to find that his daughter has died in a car accident and his wife wants a divorce. A period of soul-searching ensues, along with his Ukrainian astronomer friend, in which Keith battles solitude and strives toward a self that will persevere and survive his losses. Kiefer's debut novel is astute, impressive, and ambitious.
My Poets by Maureen N. McLane (Farrar, Straus & Giroux) - McLane's book is nothing if not unusual, presenting a curious and engrossing mixture of prose criticism, memoir, anecdote, and imitative verse written in tribute to the likes of Elizabeth Bishop and Gertrude Stein. Another highlight is her treatment of Chaucer: McLane forever associates Chaucer, for instance, with the word "Kankedort," "a lonely word whose definition can only be inferred from its single, immediate context in Chaucer's poem." Those who know a lot about contemporary poetry will find this book packed to the gills with in-jokes, deep knowledge, and scars and scuff marks from a life lived in poetry's trenches. Newer poetry readers will be lured deeper by McLane's boundless enthusiasm. Read McLane's essay for PW in "Why I Write."
Blessed are the Dead by Malla Nunn (Atria/Emily Bestler) - Nunn once again vividly recaptures 1950s South Africa in her gripping and thoughtful third mystery featuring Det. Sgt. Emmanuel Cooper (after 2010's Let the Dead Lie). The case here involves a 17-year-old Zulu girl murdered in a farming hamlet, but shows no sign of injury apart from a small bruise. The anomalies all come together nicely by the end as Nunn brilliantly combines character and fair play clues.
This Is Not a Test by Courtney Summers (St. Martin's Griffin) - The Breakfast Club meets George Romero in this teen book that's as much a character study as a "zombie novel." Six teens hide in their high school while the undead lurk outside; the story unfolds through the eyes of Sloane Price, who has been contemplating suicide since her older sister ran away six months earlier, thoughts that are pushed aside in her sudden fight for survival. The interpersonal dynamics and growing tension take precedence over any explanations regarding the zombies—Summers is more interested in what it's like to be a girl who doesn't want to live, stuck in a world where death isn't what it used to be. Check out Summers's zombie survival guide for Tip Sheet.
Mrs. Robinson's Disgrace: The Private Diary of a Victorian Lady by Kate Summerscale (Bloomsbury) - With intelligence and graceful prose, Summerscale's nonfiction book gives an intimate and surprising look into Victorian life. A century before Simon & Garfunkel's "Mrs. Robinson," a financially comfortable Victorian named Isabella Robinson defended herself in the newly created English divorce court over a mislaid diary filled with passionate erotic entries, philosophical musings, and complaints against her husband. In two sections, the book first describes Isabella's flowery, coy memories of the doctor and others who offered her distraction; the second part focuses on her trial on an adultery charge and the scrambling of her male friends to preserve their reputations. The unusual divorce case is filled with salacious details and unsympathetic characters on both sides of the aisle.