text:
The Marine Fisheries of South Africa
Summary and Keywords
The South African fisheries are environmentally bifurcated by the different current regimes on the west (Benguela) and east (Agulhas) coasts. Limited precolonial subsistence use of the littoral zone was supplemented from the mid-17th century by commercial harvesting of marine mammals for international trade and fish to ration imported slave labor. The liberalization of trade after 1814 led to the commercialization of Benguela fisheries by Cape Town merchants drying barrracouta (snoek) for export to ration indentured Indian labor on the sugar plantations of the southwest Indian Ocean and canning rock lobster to feed the urban bourgeoisies of Europe. The mineral revolution in the final quarter of the 19th century created an expanded southern African demand for fish in the new mining centers of the subcontinent, prompting the colonial state to pioneer the demersal fisheries of the Agulhas current, which were monopolized for the first half of the 20th century by British-owned steam trawlers. The motorization of rock lobster fishing in the same period created widespread poverty in the inshore subsistence fisheries. This became an increasingly politicized issue as Afrikaner nationalists laid blame on the British monopoly over the national fish market. Proposed state nationalization of the demersal fishery and reorganization of the inshore fisheries into cooperatives was defeated in 1944 in favor of state financing of private capital through the provision of research, infrastructure, and finance. Afrikaner nationalists after 1948 utilized the latter to engineer the rapid industrialization of the pelagic inshore fisheries and concomitant rise of Afrikaner capital. Falling inshore catches and increasing foreign competition in the demersal fishery led to a crisis in the 1960s that was resolved through the creation and strict conservation of an exclusive economic zone south of the Orange River coupled with the looting of the Namibian colony's fish resources. The postcolonial states in Namibia (1990) and South Africa (1994) thus inherited severely depleted fisheries resources dominated by white capital and superintended by neoliberal states, severely constraining black capital formation. Both consequently satisfied themselves with blackening the white monopolies and defending their exclusive resource access against escalating insurgencies from the excluded black underclass.
Keywords: fisheries, hake, Namibia, pilchard, rock lobster, South Africa
Defining the "South African" Fisheries
The geographical ambit of the "South African" fisheries expanded dramatically over the course of the 20th century. It began, in 1910, as an inherited colonial sea that reached just three nautical miles seaward of the coast along a 1,738-mile coastline from the Orange River mouth in the west to Kosi Bay in the east. The postcolonial white national state increased it by half through the conquest of Namibia in 1915 (977 miles) and then pushed its seaward border out, first to twelve nautical miles in 1964 and then to 200 nautical miles in 1978, including that of the Prince Edward Islands (annexed in 1948), whose two tiny volcanic cinder cones (208 square miles) added more than 310,685 square miles of the southern Indian Ocean to the national estate. The scale of the national sea thus grew by an order of magnitude over the century after 1910; from a 9,320-square-mile coastal rind in 1910 to more than 932,056 square miles today, significantly larger than the surface area of the terrestrial nation state. South Africa also acquired an Antarctic base in 1960 with concomitant fishing rights in the southern ocean, and South African fishing capital extended its operations into both the Humboldt (Chile) and Canary (Mauritania) upwelling current systems in the second half of the 20th century.
The South African state's reach always far exceeded its grasp over this burgeoning maritime estate. While it acquired rudimentary naval (1922) and marine research (1930) capacities in the first half of the 20th century, it only took control over marine fisheries from the Cape Province in 1940. In addition, it was unable to enforce its claim (against both national and international fishing fleets) to enlarged territorial waters in the Namibian colony after 1964, or its own contingent exclusive economic zone (much less than that of the Prince Edward Islands) after 1978. The postcolonial state's ownership of the sea was most effectively exercised through the inheritance from its colonial predecessors of a 120-foot "naval reserve" above the high-water mark along the length of its coastline. This was the basis of its gatekeeping over the maritime commons until the final third of the 20th century, when the arrival of international fishing fleets in the southeast Atlantic rendered it an increasingly impotent sovereign of the sea. The various colonial, provincial, and national states were primarily rent-seekers on the marine commons, charging users for the right to access the sea and its resources, but always lacking the marine research and compliance capacity to value those resources accurately or exclude non-fee-paying users effectively, and so always hostage to particular interests of various kinds. The post-1910 national state was thus unable to even assert control over all the fisheries along its coastline; the Natal province refused to surrender its marine fisheries in the mid-1930s, and the national state was forced to cede authority over sea fisheries back to the "independent" Bantustans of Transkei (1976–1994) and Ciskei (1981–1994).
The national sea is governed by the two prevailing current systems; the Benguela on the west coast (from the mouth of the Orange River to Cape Agulhas) and the Agulhas on the east coast (from Cape Agulhas to Kosi Bay).1 The former is a slow-moving, wind-driven upwelling current flowing south to north and dominated by relatively few species occurring in great abundance. The latter a fast-moving warm current flowing north to south with abundant species occurring in much lower numbers. As a result, since the beginning of white settlement of the subcontinent in the mid-17th century, the commercial fisheries have always focused on the Benguela current, while the Agulhas current has been exploited mainly by subsistence fishers to supplement agropastoralism or migrant wage labor. Thus, although the coastline is devoid of natural protection, state harbor and other infrastructure investment has focused on the west coast, as has marine research spending. However, even at the height of their industrial exploitation in the 1960s, the fisheries have never contributed more than 1 percent to South Africa's gross domestic product. As a result, they have always been developed to subsidize the needs of the economically dominant mining and politically powerful agricultural sectors for cheap protein to feed wage labor and domestic livestock. The national market, however, could not absorb the production from the industrialized fisheries, and South Africa became a net fish exporter in the second half of the 20th century. The combination of a gatekeeper state and low national economic importance have made fisheries use rights a form of political patronage for the successive states that have laid claim to control of the maritime commons since the 19th century.
In contrast to the sea, the inland waters of South Africa are relatively fish poor and their fisheries have historically been small-scale, seasonal supplements to hunting and gathering, pastoralism, and agriculture, focused on the resource-rich estuaries that are important nursery sites for marine species. Since the mineral revolution, beginning in the 1850s, the national river systems have been extensively degraded by and re-engineered to serve the demands of commercial agriculture, mining, urbanization, and white middle-class recreation. The British colonial states and their 20th-century provincial successors established hatcheries for the production and distribution at cost of a range of invasive alien sport and food fishes from the 1890s onward. Control over these so-called inland fisheries was vested in the provinces at Union in 1910 and has remained there ever since, only passing briefly into the hands of the various "independent" Bantustan administrations in the final quarter of the 20th century. The South African inland fisheries have no historiography, only archaeology and anthropology, and are not further discussed here. In what follows, the focus is on the Benguela fisheries, as that is where historiography has focused, and the most intensive human exploitation has occurred.
The Precolonial Fisheries of South Africa
There is archaeological evidence of a human presence on the South African coast from the Early Stone Age (1–0.5 million years before present, or bp), but the earliest evidence for systematic use of marine resources dates from 120,000 years bp, when they were integrated into the hunter-gathering economy. Most of what is known about the precolonial marine fisheries derives from the far more numerous Late Stone Age sites deposited in the last 12,000 years. Most earlier sites were submerged on the coastal shelf by the 393.7-foot rise in sea level since the end of the last glacial maximum, 18,000 years bp. The Late Stone Age sites reveal low population levels, rudimentary technology, and harvesting confined to the intertidal zone and targeting overwhelmingly shellfish and crustaceans, with some hunting and scavenging (of washed-up seabirds, seals, and cetaceans). There is evidence of at least ten species of fish being caught by means of gorges, bone fish hooks, wooden spears, reed baskets, nets, and stone fish traps. Harvesting pressure varied between localities and over time but peaked in the millennium 3,000–2,000 years bp, when so-called shellfish megamiddens become common and a marine dietary signal is clearly detectable in human skeletal remains. The arrival of pastoralism (1,900–1,400 years bp) dramatically reduced human use of marine resources, which became seasonal and subject to the grazing needs of domesticated livestock. Philip Hine has also recently shown that some of the most visible assumed artifacts of the precolonial fisheries—fish traps—are in fact of historical origin and settler construction.2
There is a useful introduction to the archaeological literature of the Late Stone Age Benguela in "Impacts of Human Activities on Marine Animal Life in the Bengeula," by C. L. Griffiths et al. (see "Further Reading").
The Dutch Colonial Fisheries c. 1652–1814
The first European seafarers entered the seas of southern Africa in the late 15th century en route to Asia, but in the mid-17th century, the Dutch East India Company (DEIC) established a resupply base at Table Bay (Cape Town) to service its annual fleets. The company claimed the west coast to the Berg (c. 1700), Olifants (1750), and Buffels (1798) Rivers, as well as five bays north of the Orange River, including Walvis Bay and Lüderitz, in 1793, but had no means of enforcing its claims. The rich marine resources of the Benguela supplemented the initial DEIC settlement and were systematically exploited to provision the slave labor force imported from 1658 onward, but attempts to develop marine export trades were unsuccessful. The seal and seabird colonies on offshore islands within easy reach of Table Bay were dramatically reduced in number, and European fishing boats and catching technologies were introduced to harvest whales and fish. The DEIC's strict mercantilism, however, constrained the level of exploitation by preventing the emergence of a free market in marine commodities within the colony. It was only at the end of the 18th century that American and European whalers discovered and decimated the migratory right whale populations on their summer breeding grounds in bays along the southern African coast, taking an estimated 12,000 animals in the quarter century after 1785.3
The sole historian of the Dutch colonial fisheries is Christoffel F. J. Muller, whose doctoral thesis was completed in 1938. The thesis is written in Afrikaans, but despite its antiquity remains valuable for its systematic working of a large and opaque archive. A few subsequent historians have written complementary histories of DEIC outstations, some of them coastal, again in Afrikaans.4 The earliest scholarship in English deals with the late-18th century right whale fishery, but is written predominantly by marine scientists concerned with reconstructing the scale and periodicity of the historical catch as a guide to management of the modern right whale population.5
The British Colonial Fisheries c. 1814–1910
The British takeover at the Cape in 1814 led to the abolition of both slavery and mercantilism and their replacement by free labor and trade. The combination of public land and abundant marine resources made the Benguela coastal margins attractive to both black ex-slaves and European merchants; the former as a site of independent subsistence production and the latter as a source of commodities for exchange. The colonial state facilitated the ingress of both in return for use fees. Unlike the Dutch East India Company (DEIC), the British were able to enforce their rentier interest on the coast; when an international fleet rushed Ichaboe and Malgas Islands for guano in 1843–1845 British navy warships imposed the rule of law and license fees on the diggers.6 Initial local merchant interest focused on marine commodities with established international markets; an estimated 1,580 right whales, 650,000 seals, and 110,231 tons of guano were taken from the Benguela over the course of the 19th century, largely for export.7 Cape Colony merchants also hunted elephant seal in the islands of the southern Indian Ocean.8
The mainstay of the 19th-century Benguela fisheries was the production of cured fish to ration agricultural labor. The domestic demand was supplied by farmer and subsistence fisheries, but the importation of more than 630,000 indentured Indian laborers to the sugar plantations of the southwest Indian Ocean during the 19th century created a massive new market for Cape merchants, who after 1840 exported 77,161 tons of cured fish to supply it. The ration fisheries were labor intensive, and it was this demand for labor that brought merchants into increasing conflict with subsistence fishers along the Benguela littoral as the mineral revolution and associated public works programs drained labor from the coast in the last quarter of the 19th century. Seeking to secure their labor supply, the largest merchants in the ration fisheries, Stephan Brothers, bought up all the land at the main fishing sites on the southern west coast and evicted any subsistence fishers who refused to sign a labor contract with the firm. The contract, coupled with free housing and payment in kind, enabled Stephan Brothers to create a debt-bonded proletariat in the fisheries by the end of the 19th century.
The ration fisheries were also constrained by the seasonal nature of pelagic fish stocks and pre-industrial catching technologies. Combined, these factors rendered them incapable of expanding output to meet the burgeoning demand for food in the new mining centers of the interior, which had been brought within reach by colonial state railway construction. These new markets encouraged the Cape colonial state to industrialize the fisheries in the final decade of the 19th century by appointing a British marine biologist and purchasing a British steam trawler to prospect for trawling grounds out to the 50-fathom line (300 feet). By 1904 there were nine steam trawlers fishing the Benguela, but the lack of refrigeration and high cost of rail transport stunted the development of a demersal trawling industry. The Cape colonial state also provided a marine fertilizer subsidy to colonial agriculture by taking over control of the offshore guano islands from private merchants in the mid-1890s and redirecting the annual harvest free to colonial wine and wheat farmers in the southwestern Cape.
There is a useful contemporary account of the Cape colonial fisheries written by a senior civil servant Wardlaw Thompson.9 The colonial guano trade has recently found a historian in Hendrik Snyders, and there are a number of histories of the 19th-century ration fisheries on the Cape Peninsula and west coast.10 The one glaring omission is the nascent demersal trawling industry, the history of which remains the exclusive domain of corporate praise singers due to the denial of access to company archives to scholars.11 The history of the colonial marine survey has been sketched by van Sittert.12
The British National Fisheries c. 1910–1948
The unification of the two British colonies (Cape and Natal) and two conquered Boer republics (Orange Free State and South African Republic) in 1910 unified previously separate markets on the subcontinent under a single authority, triggering the reorganization of the demersal trawl fishery into a new concern, Irvin and Johnson (I&J) in 1912. British trawling and mining capital vertically integrated demersal fish production and wholesale distribution, using the national railway network and associated refrigeration facilities to create a single urban demersal fish market that I&J monopolized until the mid-1960s. The new white nation state directly assisted I&J by reviving the marine survey in 1918 to prospect new demersal trawling grounds out to the 100 fathom line (600 feet). In 1922, I&J was listed on the London Stock Exchange with a capital of £550,000 (US$670,568); a decade later, its trawlers, although comprising less than 5 percent of the national fleet, produced half the national catch. The company dumped 30 to 50 percent of its catch (3,858–5,511 tons per annum) at sea, however, to protect its profits from an oversupply of fish on the national market. The combination of public subsidy and profiteering made I&J the target of sustained attack by both Afrikaner nationalist and white labor politicians after 1924, culminating in the proposed nationalization of the demersal industry in 1943 and 1944.
Although I&J was blamed for the collapse of catches and rising poverty in the ration fisheries after 1910, demersal trawling did not compete with them for resources, labor, or markets. Rather, the growing crisis in the ration fisheries was caused by a second, much weaker industrialization based on the canning of rock lobster for export to Europe. Although lobster canning began in the 1890s, it was only consolidated by British merchant capital after 1910 and the burgeoning demand for canned food in Europe created by the World War I. The lobster canneries competed directly with the ration fisheries for both fish and labor and, by motorizing their fishing fleets and equipping them with gill and purse seine nets in the 1920s, increasingly starved the latter of both. The new white national state was initially indifferent to the crisis in the ration fisheries, but deepening poverty among white fishers forced the state to intervene in the 1930s. At that time, the national state took over control of marine fisheries from the Cape provincial state and initiated a small-harbor construction program intended to assist the modernization of the ration fisheries. By the 1940s, however, its diagnosis of the problem shifted from lack of infrastructure to lack of capital, leading to a new proposal to reorganize the ration fisheries into producer cooperatives whose catch was distributed by a central state fish marketing board. This plan was abandoned when I&J defeated the attempted nationalization of its distribution network. Instead, the state established a Fisheries Development Corporation (FDC) to finance industrialization of the ration fisheries by private capital.
A third new area of fisheries industrialization after 1910 was whaling, where the introduction of steam-powered vessels vastly increased the range of shore processing factories, enabling them to target new species: humpbacks in the 1910s, blue and fin whales in the 1920s, and Southern Ocean whale stocks in the 1930s. The new white national state also continued the colonial guano subsidy to white agriculture, cross-subsidizing the cost of guano production with the revenue from the sale of seal skins and penguin eggs harvested from its offshore islands.
As indicated above, the history of I&J remains to be written, but that of the marine survey and the assault of Afrikaner nationalism and organized labor on the company during World War II has received initial treatment.13 The interwar industrialization of the inshore fisheries has been better covered, and so too the state's plans to nationalize the fisheries during World War II.14 The history of the 20th-century whaling and guano industries, however, have been written exclusively by marine scientists concerned with cetacean and seabird management, and so are primarily concerned with reconstructing annual production as a proxy for species abundance.15
The Afrikaner Nationalist Fisheries c. 1948–1994
Afrikaner nationalism came to power in 1948 determined to foster Afrikaner capital (volkskapitalisme) and secure it a significant share of the national economy dominated by English capital. The fisheries were ideally suited to this purpose, having both undeveloped resources and a gatekeeper state with public funds dedicated to fisheries development. The cessation of imports and requisitioning of half the trawler fleet for seaward defense purposes during World War II encouraged rock lobster canners and others, including Afrikaner entrepreneurs, to start canning pilchard; reduction plants for fish oil and meal manufacture were added after the war. The new National Party government consolidated Afrikaner capital in the pilchard fishery and handed it the lion's share of the newly opened Namibian pilchard fishery together with research, infrastructure, and financing support. In so doing, it increasingly discounted the sustainability of the pilchard resource to accommodate the access and profit demands of Afrikaner capital, leading to the fishery's collapse in the 1960s.
Gaining capital access to the two established industrial fisheries, however, brought the Afrikaner nationalist state into direct conflict with English capital over the redistribution of lobster export rights in 1963 and the creation of Afrikaner trawling capital in 1965. English capital retaliated by launching a direct assault on the Namibian pilchard stock, using factory ships operating outside the territorial waters from 1966 to 1971. The discovery of a new deep-water rock lobster fishery on the south coast and increasing competition for demersal fish from an international fishing armada in the 1970s led to a new modus vivendi between the Afrikaner nationalist state and English fishing capital, culminating in the declaration of an exclusive economic zone in 1977. This was based on the state's guarantee of a closed shop for incumbents in all the established fisheries in return for their adherence to conservation restrictions intended to ensure the sustainable use of the shrunken national marine resource base in perpetuity. Apartheid's deepening political crisis in the 1980s soon put the rapprochement between state and capital under strain; the black capital supporting the new tricameral constitution (1983) could only be accommodated on the marine commons by redistributing shares in the scientifically determined total allowable catches for each commercial fish species. The loss of the key United States market to anti-apartheid sanctions between 1986 and 1991, and the Namibian fisheries to black nationalism in between 1990 and 1994 triggered the widespread and systematic looting of marine resources by incumbent white capital, which continued long into the post-apartheid era.
The history of the postwar industrialization of the pilchard fishery has been written for cannery row in South Africa, but not Namibia, where the only history of the post-1945 fisheries is by a political scientist.16 The postwar reorganization of the rock lobster fishery and Afrikaner capital's belated penetration of its Anglo capital monopoly has also been covered, but, predictably, that of Afrikaner capital's challenge to I&J has not.17 The disappearance of records after c. 1970 in the public archives make this the approximate terminal point of paper-based historical enquiries, fully half a century short of the present.
The Black Nationalist Fisheries c. 1994–2016
The end of the Cold War in 1989 led to South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia (1990) and the abandonment of apartheid (1994), belatedly inaugurating a postcolonial black state in the fisheries. African nationalism enjoyed none of the advantages of its predecessor with regard to the fisheries; all stocks, with the possible exception of demersal hake, were overexploited, and the interventionist state in the fisheries had been systematically dismantled. African nationalism thus had neither the room nor means for maneuver in fostering black capital in the fisheries except to redistribute the access rights of incumbent white capital. Its attempt to do so in 1999 ended in disaster, however, when the combined deluge of applications and lawsuits incapacitated the fisheries administration. In a bid to depoliticize and stabilize the fisheries, the African National Congress changed tack and decided to redistribute ownership rather than access rights, and to grant the latter for ten years at a time. This so-called black economic empowerment (BEE) strategy saw white capital hastily transferring shares more or less genuinely into black hands to have their access rights confirmed by the first long-term rights allocation in 2004.
The postcolonial black state faced the same pressure to accommodate aspirant black capital in the fisheries as Afrikaner nationalism had a half-century earlier, but without the resources to do so. This has led to a number of poaching insurgencies against high-value inshore resources like abalone and rock lobster, as well as toothfish in the Prince Edward Islands exclusive economic zone—all of which have proved beyond the capacity of the state to resolve either through the granting of access rights or repression.18 This failure reflects a wider decay in the state's marine research and policing capacity on the increasingly privatized maritime commons, to the extent that the renewal of long-term (decadal) access rights in 2014 has yet to be completed. More recently, the African National Congress, frustrated with the meager returns from the fisheries, has signaled via the unveiling of Operation Phakisa that black capital's ocean economy will be based not on fish but shipping, offshore oil and gas, aquaculture, and marine protection services.19
While there has been an outpouring of scholarship on the post-apartheid fisheries, it has come almost exclusively from social scientists, who have been mainly concerned with the redistribution and recognition of access rights. Lance van Sittert has argued that the post-apartheid moment recapitulates in many respects that of the mid-20th century, and with the same likely outcome of confirming the status quo.20 He has also critiqued the advocacy of co-management in the 1990s by comparing the post-1994 fisheries with the successful fisheries co-management regimes of the Cape colonial and provincial states in the half-century after 1890.21
Discussion of the Literature
In common with the rest of Africa, there has always been and remains a profound terrestrial bias in the South African historiography. That on fisheries is consequently vanishingly small and impoverished, there being no better indicators of its marginality to the dominant white national historiographies than the pioneering role of Afrikaner nationalist historians and the continued prominence and production of company histories.22 The fisheries historiography is further heavily skewed to the Benguela fisheries, often treated as synonymous with the national fisheries, and mostly in the form of unpublished postgraduate theses, making it largely invisible outside of South Africa. This literature is with very few exceptions of low quality, marred mainly by a reliance on and uncritical use of published official sources. The only substantial published critical historiography dates from the 1990s and employs an historical materialist frame derived from the revisionist turn in the wider national historiography, but with the same Benguela bias of the earlier fisheries historiography.
There has been a post-1994 efflorescence in a wider social science scholarship on fisheries reform, some of which is of interest to historians for its recovery and reconstruction of historical access rights from around the whole of the national coast in support of black claims for the recognition and/or restitution of these rights.23 Marine science has had a longstanding interest in historical resource use as a guide to the management of particular marine mammals and birds, but there has been a wider historical turn post-1994 driven by a shift from species to ecosystems management and consequent interest in the historical periodicity of the economically important Benguela large marine ecosystem. This has prompted a wider effort to recover and reconstruct proxy historical resource harvest data as seen as an essential antidote to shifting baselines in current management objectives and practices.
Primary Sources
There are extensive fisheries archives on the national archives of South Africa repositories in Cape Town (KAB and TBK) and Pretoria (SAB). In the former, the Cape colonial state's secretary for agriculture (AGR) is particularly rich. For the post-1910 Cape provincial state to mid-century, the director of sea fisheries (FDS) and Nature Conservation Department (PAN) are helpful, while the superintendent of Guano Islands (GIS) straddles the two regimes. The Cape Town Records Centre (TBK) contains the superintendent of Guano Islands (GIS) and the Cape Province's Nature Conservation Department (PAF) records for the third quarter of the 20th century as well as the Department of Environmental Affairs: Branch Marine Development (SF). The key series in the national state archives in Pretoria are those of the Departments of Mines (MNW), Trade and Industry (HEN), and Board of Trade and Industry (RHN). While the national archives can be searched online, none of the holdings are as yet available online.
In addition to the archives, there are numerous published state series on the fisheries. The most important for the Cape colonial state are the annual reports of the Government Marine Biologist (1896–1906); for the Cape provincial state, the Marine Biological Reports (1913–1918); and for the national state, the annual reports of the director of fisheries (1920ff.) and the Fisheries Development Corporation (1945–1987) together with the various official investigations into fishing harbors (1927–1929), the fishing industry (1934), the Crawfish Export Control and Sea Fisheries Acts (1939), and the Fishing Industry Development Bill (1944), which either printed their verbatim evidence or deposited it the national archives. The protracted fisheries crisis in the final third of the 20th century also spawned a host of official investigations in 1968–1972, 1980, 1984, 1986, and 1993, but none of these published their evidence and only the first deposited it in the archives. Beyond the state publications, the industry journal the South African Shipping News and Fishing Industry Review, which began publication in 1946, and its annual digest, the Fishing Industry Handbook and Buyers' Guide, which appeared intermittently from 1951, are indispensable sources for historians on post-1945 fisheries development.
Further Reading
Griffiths, C. L., L. van Sittert, P. B. Best, A. C. Brown, B. M. Clark, P. A. Cook, R. J. M. Crawford, J. H. M. David, B. R. Davies, M. H. Griffiths, K. Hutchings, A. Jerardino, N. Kruger, S. Lamberth, R. W. Leslie, R. Melville-Smith, R. Tarr, C. D. Van der Lingen, and J. D. M. Gordon. "Impacts of Human Activities on Marine Animal Life in the Benguela: A Historical Overview." Oceanography and Marine Biology: An Annual Review 42 (2004): 303–392.Find this resource:
Moorsom, R. A Future for Namibia 5: Exploiting the Sea. London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1984.Find this resource:
Muller, C. F. J. Die Vroeë Geskiedenis van die Visserye in Suid-Afrika. Master's thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 1938. Published without tables in Archives Yearbook for South African History 1 (1942).Find this resource:
Payne, A. I. L., and R. J. M. Crawford, eds. Oceans of Life off Southern Africa. Cape Town: Vlaeberg, 1989.Find this resource:
van Sittert, L. "Making Like America: The Industrialisation of the St Helena Bay Fisheries." Journal of Southern African Studies 19 (1993a): 422–446.Find this resource:
van Sittert, L. "More in the Breach than in the Observance: Crayfish, Conservation and Capitalism, c. 1890–c. 1939." Environmental History 17 (1993b): 21–46.Find this resource:
van Sittert, L. "South Africa's Seagoing Proletariat: The Trawler and Line Fishermen's Union." International Journal of Maritime History 6 (1994): 1–44.Find this resource:
van Sittert, L. "The Handmaiden of Industry: Marine Science and Fisheries Development in South Africa 1895–1939." Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science Part A 26 (1995): 531–558.Find this resource:
van Sittert, L. "Those Who Cannot Remember the Past are Condemned to Repeat It: Comparing Fisheries Reforms in South Africa." Marine Policy 26 (2002): 295–305.Find this resource:
van Sittert, L. "The Tyranny of the Past: Why Local Histories Matter in the South African Fisheries." Ocean and Coastal Management 46 (2003): 199–219.Find this resource:
Snyders, H. Stink and Smelly—but Profitable: The Cape Guano Trade c. 1843–1910. PhD diss., University of Stellenbosch, 2011.Find this resource:
Thompson, W. W. The Sea Fisheries of the Cape Colony from Van Riebeeck's Day to the Eve of Union with a Chapter on Trout and other Freshwater Fishes. Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1913.Find this resource:
(1.) A. I. L. Payne and R. J. M. Crawford, eds., Oceans of Life off South Africa (Capetown: Vlaeberg, 1989), 12–27.
(2.) See P. Hine et al., "Antiquity of Stone-Walled Tidal Fish Traps on the Cape Coast, South Africa," South African Archaeological Bulletin 65 (2010): 35–44.
(3.) C. L. Griffiths et al., "Impacts of Human Activities on Marine Life in the Benguela: A Historical Overview," Oceanography and Marine Biology: An Annual Review 42 (2004): 309.
(4.) A. P. Roux, Saldanhabaai, St Helenabaai en Dasseneiland 1652–1806 (Master's thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 1970); and D. Sleigh, Die Buiteposte in die Ekonomie van die Kaapse Verversingstasie 1652–1795 (PhD diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1987). Published as Die Buiteposte: VOC-buiteposte onder Kaapse Bestuur, 1652–1795 (Pretoria: HAUM, 1993).
(5.) See for example R. Richards and T. du Pasquier, "Bay Whaling off Southern Africa c. 1785–1805," South African Journal of Marine Science 8 (1989): 231–250; and P. B. Best, "The Presence of Right Whales in Summer on the West Coast of South Africa: The Evidence from Historical Records," African Journal of Marine Science 28 (2006): 159–166.
(6.) R. Craig, "The African Guano Trade," The Mariner's Mirror 50 (1964): 25–55; and J. Burman and S. Levin, The Saldanha Bay Story (Cape Town: Human and Rosseau, 1974).
(7.) For the number of whales, see P. B. Best and G. J. B. Ross, "Catches of Right Whales from Shore-based Establishments in Southern Africa, 1792–1975," Reports of the International Whaling Commission Special Report 10 (1986): 275–289; for the number of seals, see J. David and L. van Sittert, "A Reconstruction of the Cape (South African) Fur Seal Harvest, 1653–1899 and a Comparison with the Twentieth Century Harvest," South African Journal of Science, 104 (2008): 107–110; and for the quantity of guano, see L. van Sittert and R. J. M. Crawford, "A Historical Reconstruction of Guano Production on the Namibian Islands, 1844–1895," South African Journal of Science 99 (2003): 1–4.
(8.) See T. J. M. Rousset, Might Is Right: A Study of the Cape Town/Crozets Elephant Seal Oil Trade (1832–1869) (Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011).
(9.) W. W. Thompson, The Sea Fisheries of the Cape Colony from Van Riebeeck's Day to the Eve of Union with a Chapter on Trout and other Freshwater Fishes (Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1913).
(10.) H. Snyders, Stink and Smelly—but Profitable: The Cape Guano Trade c. 1843–1910 (PhD diss., University of Stellenbosch, 2011); see J. Kinahan, "The Historical Archaeology of Nineteenth Century Fisheries at Sandwich Harbour on the Namibian Coast," Cimbebasia 13 (1991): 1–27; A. Kirkaldy, The Sea Is in Our Blood: Community and Craft in Kalk Bay 1880–1939 (Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988); L. van Sittert, Gebrei in die Aambag: Farmers, Fish and Fishermen in the Hout Bay Valley 1880–1956 (Honours diss., University of Cape Town, 1985); and L. van Sittert, Labour, Capital and the State in the St Helena Bay Fisheries, 1856–1956 (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 1992).
(11.) For company histories of the demersal trawl fishery, see F. Gill, Ovenstones: A Story of the Sea (Cape Town: Ovenstone Holdings, 1958); Irvin and Johnson, South African Fish and Fishing (Cape Town: Irvin and Johnson, 1963); and R. Lees, Fishing for Fortunes: The Story of the Fishing Industry in Southern Africa—and the Men who Made it (London: Purnell, 1969). For a recent reconstruction of the early history of the Mossel Bay trawl fishery from public records, see N. Visser, "The Origins of the Present: Economic Conflicts in the Fisheries of the South African South Coast, circa 1910 to 1950," Maritime Studies 14 (2015).
(12.) L. van Sittert, "The Handmaiden of Industry: Marine Science and Fisheries Development in South Africa 1895–1939," Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, Part A 26 (1995): 531–558.
(13.) L. van Sittert, "The Handmaiden of Industry"; and L. van Sittert, "South Africa's Seagoing Proletariat: The Trawler and Line Fishermen's Union," International Journal of Maritime History 6 (1994): 1–44.
(14.) L. van Sittert, "Making Like America: The Industrialisation of the St Helena Bay Fisheries," Journal of Southern African Studies 19 (1993): 422–446; L. van Sittert, "More in the Breach than in the Observance: Crayfish, Conservation and Capitalism, c. 1890–c. 1939," Environmental History 17 (1993): 21–46; and L. van Sittert, "Those Who Cannot Remember the Past are Condemned to Repeat It: Comparing Fisheries Reforms in South Africa," Marine Policy 26 (2002): 295–305.
(15.) Payne and Crawford, Oceans of Life.
(16.) van Sittert, "Making Like America"; and R. Moorsom, A Future for Namibia 5: Exploiting the Sea (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1984).
(17.) For Afrikaner capital penetration of the post-war lobster fishery, see L. van Sittert, "Slawe van die Fabriek: The State, Monopoly Capital and the Subjugation of Labour in the Hout Bay Valley Crayfish Fishing Industry, 1946–1956," in Studies in the History of Cape Town, vol. 6, ed. C. Saunders (Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1986), 112–149; L. van Sittert, "To Live This Poor Life: Remembering the Hottentots Huisie Squatter Fishery, Cape Town, c. 1934–1965," Social History 26 (2001): 1–21; and L. van Sittert, "Political Corruption and the Moral Economy of Apartheid: The Case of Dawie Walters, the Lobster King of South Africa," South African Historical Journal 67 (2015): 139–157.
(18.) See S. Raemaekers et al., "Review of the Causes of the Rise of the Illegal South African Abalone Fishery and Consequent Closure of the Rights-based Fishery," Ocean and Coastal Management 54 (2011): 433–445.
(20.) van Sittert, "Those Who Cannot Remember."
(21.) L. van Sittert, "The Tyranny of the Past: Why Local Histories Matter in the South African Fisheries," Ocean and Coastal Management 46 (2003): 199–219.
(22.) C. F. J. Muller, Die Vroeë Geskiedenis van die Visserye in Suid-Afrika (Master's thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 1938); see also B. and E. Silverman, Memoirs of a Pioneer in the Fish Canning Industry of South Africa (Cape Town: Saldanha Bay Canning Company, 1956); Gill, Ovenstones; Irvin and Johnson, South African Fish and Fishing; Lees, Fishing for Fortunes; K. van Zyl, Marine Products Die Eerste 50 Jaar (Cape Town: Marine Products, 1992); and B. Sacks, Before Memories Grow Dim: The Story of a Family Business (Cape Town: Saldanha Group, 1993).
(23.) For a useful overview of this post-apartheid scholarship, see M. Sowman et al., "Shallow Waters: Social Science Research in South Africa's Marine Environment," African Journal of Marine Science 35 (2013): 385–402.


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Nathan has been raising and protecting Mia after her mother died when she was born. Not an easy task being that she is part Vampire. Mia and her Uncle Nathan came to Roachdale, Indiana, in hopes of being able to lead a quiet life away from the dangers that seemed to follow her. Little did they know what they would find in the small town of Roachdale. Blood Cursed is a plot twisting tale filled with love, hope, adventure, drama, humor, friendship, and passion that will leave you wanting to read more.


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Hot Classes
February 05, 2010
English 298: The Rock-and-Roll Novel—
Pauls Toutonghi, assistant professor of English, was interviewed by the Los Angeles Times about his course on the rock-and-roll novel, which explores the interplay between literature, music, and pop culture.
The class, which includes works such as Salman Rushdie's The Ground Beneath Her Feet and Jessica Hagedorn's The Gangster of Love, was offered for the first time last spring.
"I think that there is a strong yearning among students for classes that connect, in some way, with their daily lives," Toutonghi told the Times. "Here we were looking at books that were, many of them, published within their lifetime. Compared to some of the other texts we study, these felt quite immediate to them, and so they felt perhaps a little more in control of their educational experience."
History 348: Modern Cuba—
Elliott Young, associate professor of history, teaches one of "America's 10 Hottest Classes," according to the Daily Beast, a news and opinion website.
Young says students in his Modern Cuba class are interested in the island nation, in part, because it has been offlimits to U.S. tourist travel for nearly 40 years. "I think Cuba's popularity suggests that this generation of college students doesn't like their government to shield them from experiences and prevent them from gaining firsthand knowledge of alternative political and cultural ways of being."


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It's a Thanksgiving Revenge special, Charlie Brown! (And hello to those of you not watching Liz & Dick.) Tonight we enjoyed an entire flashback episode from the good old days, oh around six years ago. Before Emily returned to the Hamptons for her revengenda, before Victoria left Conrad, and apparently before Nolan went full-tilt preppie. We see a few seeds planted -- but more than anything else we see how never-ending these revenge sagas are. How they go back generations. How they move toward the future with no end in sight.
So check it out: While Emily was still training with Mr. Takeda for her big revenge mission she was was a crime-fighting ninja, kind of like one of Charlie's Angels. (Takeda's Angels?) She meets Aiden while taking down a human trafficker named Dimitri. Aiden is after the guy because he kidnapped his sister, Colleen -- and Aiden wants to know where she is. Remember from a past episode, we find out that Aiden abandons Emily for the opportunity to find his sister, a failed mission according to Takeda.
Meanwhile, we get to meet Victoria's mother for Thanksgiving! The phrase "that's where she gets it" seems woefully inadequate, but here we discover the roots of Victoria's treacherous, conniving ways. Oh, also we're introduced to mom's new boyfriend, Ben. After burying her late husband, Maxwell, Victoria's mother has found love again.
And to let us know how sick her mom truly is, we find out that she kicked Victoria out of the house when she was a teenager. But Mom justifies it by saying "but look at how well you're doing now -- I did you a favor!" Taking notes, moms? Here's how you raise a strong daughter: Let your creepy boyfriends hit on her and then kick her out of the house at 15. Everything will turn out for the bestest ever!
Back to Emily and Aiden, in some hurried dialogue we find out Colleen disappeared shortly before that flight David Clark is credited for bombing. Also, Aiden's father was a baggage handler. YES OF COURSE, why wouldn't Aiden's family be tied up in all this mess going way back?
Speaking of tied up in all this mess -- here's Nolan celebrating Nolcorp going public and dating the CFO, Marco. Oh, but Marco finds out that $500 million mysteriously disappeared recently. And when Nolan confides that it went to David Clark's daughter to make up for all she's been through and out of loyalty to David, Marco is disgusted. Nolan fires/breaks up with him. And Marco quits/breaks up with him. It's all very sad that Marco can't be more understanding. He's probably holding a grudge still...
Back to Mommy Dearest, Victoria regales the family with an old family yarn about the time her mother's lover was trying to leave her and she shot him. And made Victoria take the blame. And then kicked her out six months later when she caught her new boyfriend Maxwell sneaking into Victoria's room. Mom's current new boyfriend Ben leaves, disgusted.
The juicy mother-daughter confrontation could have been fun, but it has a weary feel to it. Victoria reminds her mother, "pity's not a quality you taught me," before kicking her out. It turns out the whole thing was a charade! New boyfriend Ben was hired by the Graysons to play the part just so Victoria could pull this come-uppance on her mother. SICK.
To her credit, Victoria doesn't even seem to enjoy it. I guess it doesn't help that Daniel has just shown his parents some poetry he wrote about his family's generational dysfunction -- something about breaking the cycle? Right. Conrad burns the poetry (because, seriously? There will be no Grayson poet, only Grayson capitalists). "Was it worth it?" Conrad asks. Victoria can't say. "Ask me in the morning." The whole Grayson Thanksgiving just gives me indigestion.
(Was it me, or did this episode have more commercials than usual? Maybe I just don't watch enough TV.)
Oh god, finally we're back in the present. Emily is in Aiden's arms in bed, giggling over how she convinced Takeda to take him on. "Better not disappear on me again," she says. What do you want to bet he does?
And what was I just saying about Marco and his grudge? Dainel calls him up about a "deal." Doesn't sound like Nolan's generosity to Emily is paying off. No good deed goes unpunished on this show.
And speaking of biting you in the ass, now the Graysons are plotting to keep Daniel from taking over the board for his own protection. "Maybe we should have let him become a poet." Ya think?
And I haven't even delved into the crazy business with the bar and Ashley's hooker past -- WTF?!? But we end tonight on a poignant note. Emily shows Aiden her infinity box and her tattoo: Revenge, "a journey with no end."
Do you think Emily or anyone on the show will ever get any satisfaction or closure?
Image via ABC


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3. Ultra-violence
Speaking of AMC, how visceral and crushingly dark are parts of "Breaking Bad"? How bloody is "Game of Thrones" and "Sons of Anarchy"? By the 34th throat-slit on Season 2 of HBO's "Boardwalk Empire" (pictured), it was clear there's a new standard of TV violence this year. "The Sopranos" now looks quaint.
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LIVERMORE — Two Bay Area families claim they were barred from riding go-karts at a popular Livermore track last summer because of their head attire, and one of them, a Muslim family, filed a discrimination complaint Tuesday with the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing.
The other family, which practices the Sikh faith, was also expected to file a complaint with the state agency this week, said Zahra Billoo, spokeswoman for the Council on American-Islamic Relations. The announcement came during a news conference Tuesday morning at CAIR's Bay Area office in Santa Clara.
Both families attended the event and are two of five in the state citing separate but similar discrimination cases against Boomers. The other three families are Muslim and are claiming they were discriminated against at the business' sister parks in Southern California, including one in Irvine, Billoo said.
The complaint filed Tuesday by Sunnyvale resident Nasir Abdo, on behalf of his daughter, Noorah Abdo, alleges violations based on the park's unwillingness to allow attendees wearing religious head coverings to ride go-karts.
The one-page complaint alleges Abdo bought tickets to the ride on Aug. 8 and waited in line for several minutes with his son and two daughters — one of whom wore a headscarf. When it was their turn to ride, an employee told Abdo that his daughter was not allowed to ride the go-karts because any head gear was not permitted on the ride.
When Abdo asked to speak to a manager, the manager told him, "I am sorry, but for safety reasons, this is our company policy," the complaint reads.
The complaint goes on to state that the manager also presented a copy of the company policy to Abdo.
"We do not allow any headwear or neckwear on go-karts," the policy reads. "This includes hats, caps, visors, ear muffs, head phones, bandanas, scarves, ribbons, bows, neckties, turbans, yarmulkes, hijabs, doo-wraps, wigs or head wraps of any kind."
In the complaint, Abdo responds saying, "When I read the policy I was shocked … about the material I was reading."
But the policy adds that the park created the rule because headwear and neckwear are a possible chocking hazard and a hazard to other drivers: "Around the world, people have died when hajabs, scarves and other lengthy headwear or neckwear became entangled into a go-kart's wheels or engine causing violent neck breaks and crushed windpipes. In one horrific accident … a woman was literally decapitated when her hijab was snagged around her neck and she crashed into a wall."
A few weeks earlier, on July 28, a Sikh family from Alameda claimed it was discriminated against when the park wouldn't let them ride go-karts while wearing their traditional head attire.
The family has not filed a formal complaint, but Billoo said they plan to do so sometime this week. The Alameda family is also contemplating a lawsuit against Boomers amusement park, according to Billoo.
Four cousins from the Singh family bought tickets to ride the go-karts on July 28 and waited in line for several minutes, said attorney Manmeet Singh, who is not related to the family. When it was their turn to ride, they were told that their patkas, the traditional Sikh turbans, weren't allowed.
Singh told this newspaper last year that there was no policy stating any such thing on the premises.
"There were posted signs, but nothing about turbans," he said. "And considering how it was handled by the staff there, we feel that this was a blatant case of racism."
Michele Wischmeyer, a spokeswoman for Palace Entertainment, the company that owns Boomers, said Tuesday that the headgear ban was implemented after riders at other parks around the country — none owned by Palace — were injured when headscarves, hats or other loose clothing were caught in equipment.
"We do not see this is a discrimination issue but purely a safety issue," Wischmeyer said, adding that the company has no intention of changing its policy.
Palace Entertainment owns 37 parks around the United States and is based in Newport Beach.
Karina Ioffee contributed to this report. Contact Natalie Neysa Alund at 510-293-2469. Follow her at Twitter.com/nataliealund.


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My niece LOVES penguins. For her sixth birthday she wanted to have a penguin party. I was thrilled when my sister asked me to design a few things for it.
The girls enjoyed dressing up to have penguin races, ice fishing and waddling around doing a penguin dance. After the games they sewed penguin purses and made penguin dress up dolls. The party ended with yummy cake and ice cream. Each guest left with a penguin purse, dress up doll and a tasty treat in a penguin pillow box.
You can find all the designs used for this party in my Silhouette store available to download and create yourself.


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What I did during my blogging vacation (so far)
by, October 28th, 2012 at 03:33 PM (5768 Views)
Here in the city, waiting for the storm to arriveseemed like the perfect time to catch up on my blog. So, heres what Ive been up to the last few weeks:
· Took some time off from the pool after the end of my open-water swim season
· Traveled to a couple of wonderful family celebrationsmy moms 80th birthday in Alabama, and my husbands cousins wedding in Philly. Decided that all my family should move from Alabama to Philly, as that travel was soooooooo much easier.
· Resumed diving practices upon the reopening of the Flushing Meadows pool, and discussed with Coach Croft what I would need to do to compete in diving at the Seattle IGLA meet next August
· Worked on some technique issues that need fixing on my freestyleleft-side breathing is getting better and feeling more natural
· Committed myself to attending a swim meet on November 18events still to be determined, but leaning towards 4IM and some 200s stroke in a last-ditch attempt to make TT in something this year
· Spent a wonderful afternoon/evening exploring the wonders at Chelsea Piers with three friends, courtesy of the guest passes supplied by rxleakemthanks Mike! This visit included a Friday night session with the Chelsea Piers masters team, a wonderfully friendly group of folks. I also came to the realization that its a very good thing I dont normally work out at a pool with an adjacent hot tubif I ask myself before every set whether I want to keep swimming or go lounge, the latter eventually wins.
· Swam my first super-loop of the seasonjust yesterday. Grimaldos chair to the east end of Manhattan Beach to the Coney Island pier then back, 5 miles in 59-degrees. It was completely wonderful, and made me hope its not the last super-loop of the seasonwell see what this storm has done to the water temps and condition by next weekend . . .
· Celebrated a friends 40th birthday with 40 x 50 this morning at Riverbank: multiples of 3 = BR, multiples of 4 = BK, multiples of 7 = FL, earlier in IM trumps later in IM, plus all prime numbers = kick. (Yes, it was a little complicated.)
Thats it!
Heres hoping Sandy doesnt wreak too much havoc . . . hope all my fellow east coasters stay safe and that the power stays on for the next few days. Fingers crossed here in the city!


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|01-02-2018 10:23 AM CET - Business, Economy, Finances, Banking & Insurance
Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market with an impressive CAGR growth by 2022- New business opportunities and investment research and top manufacturers profiled in detail
Press release from: qyreports
The report systematically analyzes the most essential details of the Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market with the help of an in-depth and specialized analysis. Defined in a ground-up manner, the report presents a comprehensive synopsis of the market based on the factors that are predictable to have a considerable and determinate impact on the market's developmental prospects over the prognosis period. Obtaining market-related data is not a very problematic task. It is a task of filtering out the unnecessary parts and compiling pertinent information that actually matters or can solve a business issue at hand. Lack of out-and-out resources for undertaking focused research that results in gathering of the most fruitful data is one of the most common limitations of inbound research activities.
This report of Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market studies Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market in Global and Global market, especially in North America, Europe, China, Japan, Korea and Taiwan, focuses on top manufacturers in Global and Global market, with production, price, revenue and market share for each manufacturer.
With this report, organizations can have easy access to the details that will have the most substantial bearing on the overall development of the Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Industry or the sectors that matter the most to organizations. The report is assembled with the intent of providing necessary market information to vendors operating in the Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market. Thus, it makes for a resourceful data collection that can help decision makers devise most effective business strategies. The report includes a thorough overview of the competitive landscape and regulatory framework of the Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market. This will offer clients a strong understanding of the current state of competition, threats, major opportunities, and the major rules, regulations, plans, & policies impacting the market.
Browse entire report now @ qyreports.com/payment-form?report-id=32983
Table of Contents
1 Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Overview
2 Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Competition by Manufacturers
3 Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Sales (Volume) and Revenue (Value) by Type (2011-2016)
4 Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Sales (Volume) by Application (2011-2016)
5 Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Manufacturers Profiles/Analysis
6 Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Manufacturing Cost Analysis
6.1 Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Key Raw Materials Analysis
7 Industrial Chain, Sourcing Strategy and Downstream Buyers
8 Marketing Strategy Analysis, Distributors/Traders
9 Market Effect Factors Analysis
10 Global Vehicle Anti-Theft System Market Forecast (2016-2021)
11 Research Findings and Conclusion
For more details, enquire now @ qyreports.com/enquiry-before-buying?report-id=32983
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We at, QYReports , a leading market research report publisher accommodate more than 4,000 celebrated clients worldwide putting them at advantage in today's competitive world with our understanding of research. Our list of customers include prestigious Chinese companies, multinational companies, SME's and private equity firms whom we have helped grow and sustain with our fact-based research. Our business study covers a market size of over 30 industries offering unfailing insights into analysis to reimagine your business. We specialize in forecasts needed for investing in a new project, to revolutionize your business, to become more customer centric and improve the quality of output.
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Diesel Generators
Coastal Power & Equipment is your one-stop-shop in Houston, TX for Diesel Generator sales, rental, maintenance and repair. If you are looking to buy or sell a new or used Diesel Generator, we can help. If you have any questions or need sales assistance for used generators or equipment, please call our Houston office at 281-962-1023.
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Monday, September 12, 2011
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We lived to celebrate the first day of the rest of our lives! We made it at last. Now lets snoop around and see what we can get into next! Only a fool learns from their own mistakes when there are so many lessons to learn from the experiences of others. We won't be greedy with our information here. Cheers!
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I am, admittedly, a bit of a celebrity news junkie and nothing thrills my soul more than hearing positive stories from celebrities who are breastfeeding their little ones. I'm a firm believer that SEEING OTHERS BREASTFEED IMPACTS OUR CONFIDENCE TO BREASTFEED…even (especially) if those we see are the rich and famous (and media powerhouse TIME agrees!).
Here's a round-up of some of our favorite breastfeeding stories of 2012.
Beyonce made a huge impact when she was spotted breastfeeding her daughter, Blue Ivy, while out in New York City. While it was a proud moment for all women, it was especially significant for African American women who statistically breastfeed at a lower rate than the rest of the population. Kimberly Seals Allers, a prominent advocate for breastfeeding in the African American community was interviewed by Lactation Matters, the official blog of the International Lactation Consultant Association and was asked about the impact of Beyonce breastfeeding:
"Beyonce breastfeeding in public is particularly significant for our community because we just haven't had as many high profile African American celebrities come out and support breastfeeding. Like it or not, role models matter. Celebrities can help create a lifestyle cache and trendiness, particularly among young women, that helps broaden our ideas about who breastfeeds in the black community. When you look at the high infant mortality rate among African American infants (and we know how critical breastfeeding is to saving these babies lives and reducing their risks of respiratory infections and childhood obesity), the possibility that the power of one highly-visible black celebrity breastfeeding could potentially save one more infant and help one more baby become a healthier child is significant beyond words for me."
Snooki was my favorite breastfeeding celebrity of the year and, contrary to popular belief, it wasn't because I'm a huge Jersey Shore fan. It was simply because of this: she doesn't fit the breastfeeding stereotype. While still pregnant, she spoke of her fears about breastfeeding and wondered publicly if pumping would make her feel like a "cow". Despite a few hurdles to cross at the beginning, once baby Lorenzo was born, Snooki didn't just answer a few polite questions from magazine interviewers, she took to Twitter and regularly sang the praises of breastfeeding her little one. And the best part? Snooki made breastfeeding work for her and her family. She's been up front about pumping, bottle feeding and putting Little Lorenzo to her breast. Brava, Snooki!
The whole country came together to celebrate Team USA this summer for the 2012 Summer Olympics. Quite a few Olympians and future Olympians have stepped up and shared publicly about how breastfeeding has impacted their lives. We were proud to have interviewed Olympian Deena Kastor about breastfeeding her daughter, Piper. She shared,
"I think running helped in my entire approach to pregnancy, breastfeeding and raising Piper. I would focus on the desired outcome and then make choices to get to my desired goal."
In addition, World Class Cyclist Willow Rockwell joined us as our newest Champion for Moms and was incredibly vulnerable about the emotional trauma she had experienced earlier in her life. Breastfeeding was a critical piece in her healing process.
"I chose to heal, and devoting myself to breastfeeding was part of the process. I had to completely let go of my past life and just BE there for my baby. At first, it seemed like it was mostly for her benefit, but I soon realized that her angelic presence was also nurturing me."
Breastfeeding Beyond One Year
We are thrilled about all of the new celebrity mothers who have breastfed this year but the biggest celebrity breastfeeding trend for 2012 is open, honest conversation about breastfeeding beyond one year. The national conversation got kicked off with the TIME Magazine cover in May and several celebrities stepped up to share their stories. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends "exclusive breastfeeding for about 6 months, followed by continued breastfeeding as complementary foods are introduced, with continuation of breastfeeding for 1 year or longer as mutually desired by mother and infant" and the World Health Organization suggests "infants should be exclusively breastfed for the first six months of life to achieve optimal growth, development and health. Thereafter, to meet their evolving nutritional requirements, infants should receive nutritionally adequate and safe complementary foods while breastfeeding continues for up to two years of age or beyond." Public health experts agree and celebrity moms are read to be heard!
Alanis Morissette let the world know, through a number of media appearances, that she would continue to breastfeed until her little one chose to wean. After the TIME magazine cover, Alanis appeared on Good Morning America to talk about the fact that she was continuing to breastfeed her then 17-month old son, Ever.
"I don't really even consider it extended [breastfeeding]. I just consider it appropriate for that particular child and that mom and that family…I know some children who have weaned naturally at two years, some kids wean naturally a couple of years later. I mean, it's up to every child."
Jewel shared with Celebrity Baby Scoop about her experience breastfeeding her toddler, Kase.
"Yes, I am still breastfeeding and it is going well. Being raised on a ranch, you see what it does for the babies and their health. Kase has been perfectly healthy; he's never had a cold or anything. So it's been good. I hate pumping with a passion though [laughs]."
Previously, she had spoken publicly about her motivations for breastfeeding and the incredible impact that it can have on breast cancer risk.
"For me it's for the nutrition and the fact that breast cancer decreases almost 70% for one year of breastfeeding! And it can go up to almost 90% for two years of breastfeeding. That's amazing! That's one of the biggest things you can do to prevent breast cancer."
Breast cancer prevention, and not just awareness, is very important to Best for Babes and we thank Jewel for bringing breastfeeding to the forefront of the issue!
Kelly Preston (one of Best for Babes' Champions for Moms and one of the hosts of our recent Celebrity Breastfeeding Event) shared with us about breastfeeding her now 2-year old, Benjamin. She said,
"I am still breastfeeding Benjamin and it has been incredibly rewarding and healing. It gives me so much joy to breastfeed him and I am so grateful that I am able to do it. He loves it too! Mother's milk is loaded with so much vital protection that your child will never get anywhere else. I know that not all moms can breastfeed but anyone who wants to do it should get educated, be able to make an informed decision about what is best for themselves and their babies, and get all the support they need. I've been learning from Best for Babes that too many moms are not getting the right help from their hospitals and doctors, and are having to fight for their right to pump at work or be able to nurse on the go. I'm also sad to hear that so many moms are being discouraged from breastfeeding past a few months when there are clear benefits to nursing much longer."
Check out this great video (starting at 2:19)of Kelly's husband, John Travolta, talking on The Ellen Show about Benjamin's willingness to share his mother's milk!
Pink spoke several times this year about her willingness to defend herself and her daughter, Willow, against those that would deny her her right to breastfeed. While on a UK radio program, she shared a story about a dinner out with her family.
"The first time we went out to a restaurant, I had a [nursing cover] on and this guy walks by and was like, 'Uughhh.' He was just disgusted. I was like, 'You didn't get enough hugs when you were little.' My husband said, 'You are starting fights in restaurants?' I said, 'I will… I will fight, hold my baby. I think breastfeeding is healthy and natural and it's a comfort to my baby, so I can give a sh*t what somebody else thinks."
Her husband recently tweeted a photo of Pink and Willow, now 18 months old, while out to dinner with the caption, "Pink, Willz and I out to dinner in Paris. Looks like Willow is having the best meal!"


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Lance Armstrong has turned down what may be his last chance at reducing his lifetime sporting ban.
Armstrong has already admitted in an interview with Oprah Winfrey to a career fueled by doping and deceit. But to get a break from the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency, all he had to do was tell his story to those who police sports doping. The deadline was today, and Armstrong now says he won't do it.
"For several reasons, Lance will not participate in USADA's efforts to selectively conduct American prosecutions that only demonize selected individuals while failing to address the 95 percent of the sport over which USADA has no jurisdiction," said Tim Herman, Armstrong's longtime lawyer. "Lance is willing to cooperate fully and has been very clear: He will be the first man through the door, and once inside will answer every question, at an international tribunal formed to comprehensively address pro cycling."
But the "international tribunal" Armstrong is anxious to cooperate with has one major problem: It doesn't exist.
The UCI, cycling's governing body, has talked about forming a "truth and reconciliation" commission, but the World Anti-Doping Agency has resisted, citing serious concerns about the UCI and its leadership.
READ MORE: Armstrong Admits to Doping
Livestrong, Elizabeth Kreutz/AP Photo
READ MORE: Lance Armstrong May Have Lied to Winfrey: Investigators
WATCH: Armstrong's Many Denials Caught on Tape
U.S. Anti-Doping Agency officials seemed stunned by Armstrong's decision simply to walk away.
"Over the last few weeks, he [Armstrong] has led us to believe that he wanted to come in and assist USADA, but was worried of potential criminal and civil liability if he did so," said Travis Tygart, CEO of the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency. "Today, we learned from the media that Mr. Armstrong is choosing not to come in and be truthful and that he will not take the opportunity to work toward righting his wrongs in sport."
Armstrong's ongoing saga plays out amid a backdrop of serious legal problems.
Sources believe one reason Armstrong wants to testify to an international tribunal, rather than USADA, is because perjury charges don't apply if Armstrong lies to a foreign agency, they told ABC News.
While Armstrong has admitted doping, he has not given up any details, including the people and methods required to pull off one of the greatest scandals in all of sport.
Armstrong is facing several multimillion-dollar lawsuits right now, but his biggest problems may be on the horizon. As ABC News first reported, a high-level source said a criminal investigation is ongoing. And the Department of Justice also reportedly is considering joining a whistleblower lawsuit claiming the U.S. Postal Service was defrauded out of millions of dollars paid to sponsor Armstrong's cycling team.
READ MORE: 10 Scandalous Public Confessions
PHOTOS: Olympic Doping Scandals: Past and Present
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Born into Mao's communist China, Li Cunxin was selected to train in Madame Mao's Beijing Dance Academy at age 10. He left home, and dire poverty, the next year to begin a harsh training regime, and his true potential - and astounding determination - was soon recognised and developed.
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After retiring from dancing, Li Cunxin resumed his involvement with the ballet world in 2012 as Artistic Director of the Queensland Ballet.
Li's extraordinary and inspirational autobiography, Mao's Last Dancer, was published in 2003 - currently in its 23rd reprint, it is now sold in over 20 countries. It was awarded the Book of the Year by the Australian Booksellers Association, the Nielson BookScan (2004) and was named in Amazon.com's Break-Out Books list just weeks after its US release. In September 2009, a movie adaptation, directed by Australia's Bruce Beresford (Breaker Morant, Driving Miss Daisy), was released to great critical and audience success. The highest grossing film of that year, it holds the record for the 12th highest grossing Australian film of all time.
An inspirational and motivational speaker, Li Cunxin's story is a beautiful account of his extraordinary journey told with honesty, dignity and pride.
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