text:
Information Sheet: Anvil and Mosquito Control
- "Information Sheet: Anvil and Mosquito Control" is also available in Portable Document Format.
1. What is Anvil?
Anvil is a pesticide product that is used to control mosquitoes in outdoor residential and recreational areas. It contains sumithrin and piperonyl butoxide as active ingredients. Sumithrin is a man-made pyrethroid insecticide that can also be found in other pesticide products used indoors and on pets to control ticks and insects, such as fleas and ants. Piperonyl butoxide does not directly kill insects on its own, but acts to increase the ability of sumithrin to kill insects. These active ingredients are dissolved in a petroleum solvent. Petroleum solvents are similar to paint thinner or kerosene. Petroleum solvents make up most of the Anvil used for mosquito control. Anvil may be applied as is or may be diluted with other petroleum-based products, such as mineral oil, before application.
Because pesticide products are inherently toxic, no exposure is risk free. The likelihood of experiencing adverse health effects from exposure to any pesticide, including Anvil, depends primarily on the amount of pesticide that a person con-tacts and the amount of time the person is in contact with that pesticide. In addition, a person's age, sex, genetic makeup, life style and/or general health characteristics can affect his or her likelihood of experiencing adverse health effects as a result of exposure to pesticides.
2. Is the spraying of Anvil harmful to my health or my family's health?
Short-term exposures to very high levels of pyrethroid pesticides similar to sumithrin can affect the nervous system, causing such effects as loss of coordination, tremors or tingling and numbness in areas of skin contact. Short-term exposure to high levels of petroleum solvents can cause irritation of the eye, skin, nose, throat or lung. Vomiting or central nervous system depression may occur if very high levels of petroleum solvents are ingested. There are no studies examin-ing whether the use of Anvil to control mosquitoes has caused any long-term health effects in humans.
Anvil is applied at very low concentrations to control mosquitoes. It is unlikely that adverse health effects will occur as a result of this use for most people, but some individuals may experience health effects. For these reasons, individuals should consider taking steps to minimize their exposure to Anvil if it is applied to control mosquitoes (see question # 10).
3. Is Anvil an "endocrine disruptor"?
"Endocrine disruptors" are chemicals that interfere with endocrine system function. The endocrine system consists of glands that produce hormones that act together to guide development, growth, reproduction and behavior, and to maintain normal organ function.
Our knowledge of the relationship between exposure and endocrine system effects is still developing. Some chemicals that act like the hormone estrogen (for example, DES) have been reported to cause long-term effects in mice born to mothers who ingested low levels during pregnancy. This area of research is the subject of intense scientific inquiry.
When added to cells growing in plastic dishes in a laboratory, high concentrations of sumithrin acted like an estrogen (a class of naturally occurring hormones). This suggests that sumithrin may interfere with endocrine system function in animals. However, sumithrin did not mimic estradiol (a natural estrogen) in three different tests in another study. Although changes in thyroid hormone levels occurred in animals repeatedly exposed to some other pyrethroids, there are no specific studies examining whether or not sumithrin or the other components of Anvil interfere with endocrine system function in animals.
4. Are some people more likely than others to experience symptoms after they have been in contact with Anvil spray?
Most people would not be expected to experience any symptoms when Anvil is sprayed for mosquito control. However, there could be some individuals who may be particularly sensitive to one or more constituents of Anvil, and could possibly experience short-term effects, such as eye, skin, nose or throat irritation or breathing problems. Children, in particular, may be at greater risk of experiencing adverse effects from the application of Anvil since they may have the potential for greater exposure than adults.
5. If I'm pregnant, can the spraying affect this pregnancy or harm my baby?
As with chemical exposures in general, pregnant women should take care to avoid exposures when practical, as the fetus may be vulnerable. Sumithrin and piperonyl butoxide are unlikely to affect pregnancy outcomes in people as a result of spraying. Although some effects occurred in laboratory animals that were given large amounts of either sumithrin or piperonyl butoxide during pregnancy, these amounts far exceeded the amounts that individuals are likely to contact from the spraying of Anvil.
6. Should I be concerned about cancer because of the spraying program?
Sumithrin did not cause cancer in rats or mice when they were fed high levels for their lifetime. Experimental studies have reported that piperonyl butoxide causes liver tumors in rats and mice when they are fed high levels of piperonyl butoxide every day for a long period of time. The amount of piperonyl butoxide ingested by animals in these studies, however, far exceeds the amount humans might be exposed to as a result of the use of Anvil to control mosquitoes. Although uncertain-ties exist, available information indicates that piperonyl butoxide is unlikely to cause cancer in humans as a result of its use to control mosquitoes.
7. Should I be concerned about coming into contact with pesticides on surfaces after spraying (e.g. outdoor furniture, toys, soil and, grass?)
Some pesticide residues may be present on outdoor surfaces after spraying. Limited studies on other chemicals suggest the amount of pesticide transferred to skin
- decreases with more time after spraying (and very little transfers 24 hours after spraying) ;
- is less on dry skin compared to wet skin; and
- is less from porous surfaces compared to non-porous ones.
Pesticides are degraded from surfaces more rapidly when exposed to sunlight and water. Although not necessary under most circumstances, if spraying has just occurred and surface contact is high (e.g., playing field sports), then exposure can be minimized by wearing long pants and sleeves and washing exposed skin. Normally, most people would not be expected to experience any symptoms from contact with outdoor surfaces after spraying. However, if you want to take extra steps with small babies, the infant could be placed on a blanket instead of grass if spraying has just occurred. In addition, some small toys, such as those that babies may place in their mouths, could be taken inside before spraying.
8. Can pets go outside during the spraying?
If possible, keep your pet inside during the spraying and for about 30 minutes afterwards to help minimize exposure. The amount of pesticide that a pet is likely to track into the house will depend on many of the same factors that were discussed in the previous question.
9. Should I be concerned about my private swimming pool?
Anvil breaks down fairly quickly in water and in sunlight. No special precautions or waiting periods are needed for swimming pools. However, if you have a pool cover, you may wish to use it before spraying.
10. What can I do to reduce exposure to Anvil?
As with any pesticide, steps can be taken to help reduce possible exposures to Anvil before, during, or after spraying.
Steps you should take:
- Children and pregnant women should take care to avoid exposure when practical.
- If possible, remain inside or avoid the area whenever spraying takes place and for about 30 minutes after spraying. That time period will greatly reduce the likelihood of your breathing pesticide in air.
- Close windows and doors and turn off window air-conditioning units or close their vents to circulate indoor air before spraying begins. Windows and air-conditioner vents can be reopened about 30 minutes after spraying.
- If you come in direct contact with Anvil spray, protect your eyes. If you get Anvil spray in your eyes, immediately rinse them with water. Wash exposed skin. Wash clothes that come in direct contact with spray separately from other laundry.
- Consult your health care provider if you think you are experiencing health effects from spraying.
Steps you may want to take:
- If spraying just occurred, minimize your contact with surfaces and wash skin that has come in contact with these surfaces.
- Pick homegrown fruits and vegetables you expect to eat soon before spraying takes place. Rinse homegrown fruits and vegetables (in fact, all produce) thoroughly with water before cooking or eating.
- Cover outdoor tables and play equipment before spraying or wash them off with detergent and water after they have been sprayed.
- Bring laundry and small toys inside before spraying begins (wash with detergent and water if exposed to Anvil during spraying).
- Bring pet food and water dishes inside, and cover ornamental fishponds to avoid direct exposure.
11. Is additional information being reviewed for Anvil?
A substantial amount of information exists on both sumithrin and piperonyl butoxide. However, additional studies have been required by the U. S. Environmental Protection Agency for these active ingredients to fill knowledge gaps as part of the agency's ongoing reregistration process for certain pesticides. Results from these studies are reviewed and will help determine how Anvil and other products containing these active ingredients may be used in the future.
12. Where can I get more information on Anvil?
If you have additional questions about Anvil or the health effects from spraying, contact the New York State Department of Health's toll-free Environmental Health Information Line at 1-800-458-1158, extension 27530.
Publication 2738


text:
On-Sale Products
New Products
Welcome to Stageshop's website!
The Premier Guitar Shop in Hungary
STAGESHOP is the premier guitar shop based in Budapest Hungary. We are a REAL SHOP and not only a webshop. We are happy to share our experience, and help you to find the best guitar for your exact detailed needs. We can assist you to choose which tonewoods and body shape is the best for your needs.
You can find the detailed description of each guitar on our website, and a huge number of feedbacks by our clients from Worldwide. We have a huge experience with Furch guitars. These are our best seller guitars Worldwide. If you can share us your play style, music, what you would play on your dream guitar etc. then we can assist you to choose the best one.
We always take fresh new photos of each guitar when it arrives, and you will get the guitar exactly as it is on the photos on the website. Our guitars listed separately by brands on the site, and the green sign indicates the guitar in stock to make immediate delivery. If the guitar happens to be out of stock we always note the next estimated delivery time. Also our luthier service is standing behind all our guitars, and we always do the setting requirement for the customer's specifications.
We offer free shipping to all EU country above 200 Eur of orders, it means we ship all of our guitars for free inside Europe. But we can offer the best shipping quotes for out of EU clients, we are experienced to ship guitars to USA, Japan, Australia etc. If you have any question, then do not hesitate to contact us, and we will help you to choose the best guitar.
Tel: +36-1-2015700 Cell phone: +36204189015 Email: email@example.com
Click on picture to see details!
We offer FREE SHIPPING TO ALL EU COUNTRY above 200 Eur of order (except used items)
High-end guitar pedals in Stageshop
STAGESHOP SPECIAL* CARLOS CUSTOM VIP TRANSDUCER MADE AND DEVELOPED ONLY FOR STAGESHOP - OVER 250 CARLOS PICKUP HAS ALREADY INSTALLED by STAGESHOP.
FURCH Handmade Acoustic GUITARS & MANDOLINS (CZ)
COLLINGS Handmade Acoustic & Electric GUITARS & MANDOLINS (USA)
BOURGEOIS Handmade Acoustic GUITARS (USA)
DEERING and VEGA Banjo (USA)
FANO electric guitars (USA)
TOM ANDERSON electric guitars (USA)
JOHN PAGE CLASSIC electric guitars (USA/JAPAN)
EASTMAN Acoustic GUITARS & MANDOLINS
TONE KING and TWO-ROCK guitar amplifiers (USA)
CAMPS Spanish made classic & flamenco guitars (E)
ORTEGA ukuleles and Classic Guitars
FARGEN AMPLIFICATION boutique guitar amps (USA)
DUESENBERG Electric guitars and basses (D)
STRYMON effects (USA)
WAMPLER effects (USA)
BOOMERANG Looper (USA)
T-REX ENGINEERING effects (DK)
CARLOS JUAN acoustic guitar pickups (D)
SCHERTLER Transducers and amps (Switzerland)
K&K Pickups and amplification (USA)
DAVID LABOGA cables (PL)
ALLPARTS guitar parts (USA)
DAIWA guitar parts (JAPAN)
SCHALLER parts (D)
GÖLDO guitar parts(D)
TUBE AMP DOCTOR Premium Selected tubes and amp parts(D)
LEHLE Switchers & Loopers (D)
BARE KNUCKLE Handwound PICKUPS(UK)
LOLLAR Handwound PICKUPS(USA)
GEORGE L S Cables and Plugs (USA)
CIOKS power supplies and Cables (DK)
BIGBENDS Nut Sauce and Cleaners (USA)
MUSICNOMAD Cleaners (USA)
WEGEN Handmade PICKS (NL)
IQS Handmade STRINGS (ITALY)
and more.
DEALERS INQUIRY WELCOME for above brands!
WE HAVE EXPERIENCED TO SELL PRODUCTS WORLDWIDE WITH FAST DELIVERY (DPD PARCEL) with FULL INSURED SERVICE and EASY PAYMENT BY BANK TRANSFER OR CREDIT CARDS via PAYPAL. WE HAVE MANY SATISFIED CUSTOMERS from FRANCE, U.K., IRELAND, SWEDEN, NORWAY, DENMARK, AUSTRIA, SLOVAKIA, ROMANIA etc...
The STORE is OPEN from Mo-Fr 10-18h, Sat 10-14h.
Our full line of LUTHIER SERVICE is working from Monday to Friday!!! Please call if you need any urgent repair!
FEEL FREE TO CHECK OUR PRODUCTS in the WEBSHOP OR IF YOU HAVE ANY QUESTION DO NOT HESITATE TO CONTACT US.
Tel: +36-1-2015700 or +36204189015 Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
Company details:
STAGESHOP Kft. (Ltd)
Address: Corvin tér 6. Budapest 1011-Hungary
EU VAT Id.: HU14018237
Have a nice time!
Ernõ Galambos - CEO

subset: commoncrawl


text:
I had to add quotes and such because this BBS is messing with some stuff......
i will try my best to use complete sentences like i learned in 3rd grade.
I KNOW THIS IS AN OLD VULN, BUT MANY MANY MACHINES ARE STILL HACKED THIS WAY, SO IM POSTING IT. please patch yourselfs....
disclamer : none of this information is to be used out of context, i am not responsible for how you use it, or what your mind choices to do with it. futhermore, its educational, and for that purpose only.
First i will start with how it is done, then how it is used, then how to defend, and lastly, how to fix.
The first step in hacking of iis unicode vuln machines, those vulnerable to the ../../..%255c../winnt/system32/cmd.exe type vulns, is finding them. Usually this is done by a custom scanner, or someone using other systems. The scanner starts by identifying the host computer, which usually uses random hosts and marks which ones return IIS 4.0 and IIS 5.0. After this part of the scan is complete, each host is scanned for some 200 unicode vuln's. Depending on which one's they find, will depend on how they are exploited. So, lets get into it.
Lets say your doing this on yourself...(your the attacker)
after you scan for vuln unicode strands, you see yourself as being vuln to
which means your system is not secure against the unicode directory transversal and thus you can access a cmd prompt through it. At this point, the attacker, (i will refrain from using hacker, because it is hardly), will do a basic call of cmd.exe, something like
which would display the contents of your C:\ drive.
next, the attacker(you) would create your own copy of cmd.exe, so you dont have to deal with copy attribute problems.
something like...
Next, there are two different ways to get the files they want onto your computer, one is too simple to explain, which is by using the tftp.exe service and remotly downloading off an tftp server. But it is not the most popular, for the simple reason it is harder to setup.
Instead the next thing the attacker will do is create an ftp script to download files for you. usinng the echo commands, we create an ftp script.
temp ftp being the ftp on which the files lay, 21 being the port
login=ftp login info
password=ftp pass info
downloading the trojan bot file.
httpodbc.dll is a common priv escalation priv exploit
must quit and exit, or else proc hangs
then, to send the command to download, simple use...
and ftp.exe will use your script and download all your files.
Next, the attacker will logon to wherever they have placed their files, in our case, C:\inetpub\scripts\temp.txt, the file must be accessable by the web..., but most are...
they enter in their command to run,, in our case
C:\inetpub\scripts\temp.zip (can be an exe if self extracting)
httpodbc.dll returns with a positive and reporting that privs were escalated for the execution.
This computer can now be completly controled and used however the attacker wants, some iis servers run connected to t3 as well, so lots of bw wasting.
i wont go into anymore about how they are hacked for fear of being banned...
i will answer more indepth questions in priv messages...
Catching The attack:
Easyest way to prevent this attack, is simple updates, which some dont use. There are many fixes for this problem, but still thousands of machines are attacked. If you notice your computer moving very slow, or using unusual ammounts of bandwidth. Another way, if you want to backtrack and see when you were attacked, look into the iis logs for anything resembling
Get /.."%255c"../.."%255c"../.."%225c"../winnt/system32/cmd.exe 200
if it is a 404 instead of a 200, then you are fine, a 200 simply means it returned positive.
What the hell are these used for?:
The most common thing these machines are used for is serving warez/porn. I have seen other, more sophisitcated things, such as bnc's, tunnels, irc servers, FXP servers, e-mail hosts, and just about as much as you can imagine.
The most secure way to fix this problem, if you arnt infected, update, if you are, you most likly need to clean your whole system. Treat it as any other compromise.
Please upgrade this stuff, its been out for almost 2 years, and im getting tired of seeing them online,, just because your behind a firewall, doesnt mean your safe from lame old attacks either....


text:
Message Board
Wayne Johnston Message Board
Talk about the novels, new and used books that Johnston has written!
Author Johnston's Book Reviews
The Colony of Unrequited Dreams
Joey Smallwood, known as the "last father of Confederation" for bringing Newfoundland into the Canadian fold in 1949, grew up poor and was bullied mercilessly early in the last century. This book takes known elements of Smallwood's life and combines them with fictional characters and events to describe Smallwood's coming-of-age and political awakening. Incidents from Smallwood's life are interspersed with excerpts from a fictional "Fielding's Condensed...


text:
Alert 2007-44
Subject: Counterfeit Cashier's Checks
Date: July 25, 2007
Description: Hiawatha National Bank
Counterfeit Cashier's Checks of Hiawatha National Bank, Hager City, WI
To: Chief Executive Officers of All National Banks; All State Banking Authorities; Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; Chairman, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation; Director, Office of Thrift Supervision; Conference of State Bank Supervisors; Deputy Comptrollers (districts); Assistant Deputy Comptrollers; District Counsel; and All Examining Personnel
The above-named bank has reported that counterfeit cashier's checks issued in the bank's name but using Country FCU's routing number of 263179914 are being presented for payment nationwide in connection with various lottery scams.
The counterfeit checks do not resemble authentic items and may be identified by the following: the bank's logo, name, and address are located in the upper-left corner of the instrument. The following statement is printed in the top-center section: "NOTICE TO MEMBERS: The purchase of an indemnity bond may be required before any official check will be replaced or refunded in the event it is lost, misplaced or stolen." The words "CASHIER'S CHECK" are located directly beneath this statement. The words "Pay Exactly" are located in the top-left section of the item followed horizontally by the written dollar amount and the numerical dollar amount, which is enclosed in a rectangular-shaped box. A remitter area appears in the bottom-left, one signature line appears in the bottom-right, and the statement "VOID AFTER 90 DAYS – NOT VALID OVER $10,000.00" is located in the bottom center section of the check.
Items presented to date have been made payable in varying amounts with the majority made payable for $2,780.00. The items contain a 5-digit serial number beginning with the series "62," include a remitter name of Steve Wright, and have been dated 6/29/07. Due to possible variations of appearance, it is suggested that officials of Hiawatha National Bank be contacted to verify authenticity of the bank's cashier's checks if received from an unknown or questionable source.
Correspondence accompanying the counterfeit items may contain the letterhead of "Global Sweepstakes Prize Inc., 3 Baker Road, Kings Cross, London W79DP." The letter alerts the recipient that he or she is the winner of an unclaimed prize and instructs the recipient to contact Robert Dunn or Vivian Campbell at 01144-776-720-4828 within 14 days, or the money will be forfeited. The letter further states that the enclosed check is to be used to pay the clearance fees. The letter may be signed by Claud Clayton or Melinda Hillford.
Another letter accompanying the counterfeit items has contained the letterhead of Skye Sweepstakes Prize Inc. This correspondence instructs the recipient to contact Steve Wright within 14 days at 01144-784-714-8243 to claim the prize. This letter may be signed by Melinda Hillford.
For additional information and guidance, please contact Cyndy E. Tuttle, EVP Operations & BSA Officer, N1555 770th Street, Hager City, WI 54014, by telephone at (715) 265-4211, by fax at (715) 265-4388, or via e-mail at [firstname.lastname@example.com].
Consumers who receive a counterfeit or fictitious item and associated material should file complaints with the following agencies, as appropriate:
Additional information concerning this matter that you believe should be brought to the attention of the OCC may be forwarded to:
E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
For additional information regarding other types of financial fraud, please visit the OCC's anti-fraud resource at: https://www.occ.gov/topics/consumer-protection/fraud-resources/index-fraud-resources.html.
Richard C. Stearns
Related Links


text:
- Announcements
- enewscast
- Library
- Contact
- Sciops
- Gemini Home
- Telescopes and Sites
- Science Visitors at Gemini
- Observing With Gemini
- Instruments
- Retired Instruments
- GeMS
- Status and Availability
- Nod and Shuffle
- Imaging
- Spectroscopy Overview
- Long-slit Spectroscopy
- Multi-Object Spectroscopy
- Integral Field Spectroscopy
- ITC, Sensitivity and Overheads
- Guiding Options
- Calibrations
- Observation Preparation
- Data Format and Reduction
- Documents
- Multi-Object Spectroscopy
- Visiting Instrument Policy
- Visiting Instrument Telescope Interfaces
- Alopeke
- DSSI Speckle Camera
- TEXES (North)
- Integration Time Calculators
- Magnitudes and Fluxes
- Near-IR Resources
- Mid-IR Resources
- Observing Condition Constraints
- Performance Monitoring
- SV/Demo Science
- Future Instrumentation & Current Development
- Queue and Schedules
- Data and Results
- Gemini Research Staff
- Helpdesk
- Statistics
Change page style:
When observing with Nod & Shuffle, one needs to define a nod vector and distance. This is the direction and the distance that the telescope will move when changing pointing from the object position to the sky position. In theory there is no restriction on the size and direction of the nod, though in practice there are several factors one should consider:
- How much additional overhead can the observations tolerate? Both the size and direction of the telescope nod will affect the amount of extra overhead incurred by the Nod & Shuffle observations compared to classical spectroscopic observations. While minimizing these extra overheads shouldn't be the primary consideration when selecting a telescope nod configuration, they can have an important impact on the observing efficiency.
- Does one wish to nod along the slit and observe the target in both the sky and object positions? This is a useful mechanism by which one can double the exposure time on the target and greatly reduce the overheads associated with Nod & Shuffle observing. However, this may not be possible or desirable for certain applications, e.g. observing crowded fields or extended objects. When nodding along the slit there are certain additional considerations to take into account when designing the Nod & Shuffle focal plane mask.
- If one is not nodding along the slit, one must define a sky position which does not place any objects in the slitlets. This can be tricky especially if one is using a large nod to a position for which deep imaging does not exist. It may be beneficial to request pre-imaging for both the target and sky positions if one anticipates using a very large (several arcmin) nod with Nod & Shuffle. Or perhaps more useful would be to request a short exposure (5min) at the sky position through the mask once it has been designed - this is the best way to make sure there are no bright objects contaminating the spectral image of the sky.
- Can one still guide in the sky position? For large nods (several arcmin or more) it is unlikely that the OIWFS will still be able to reach the guide star (the OIWFS patrol field is 3.54 arcmin x 4.15 arcmin). At this time, guiding with two separate guide stars in the target and sky positions is not a supported GMOS operational mode. It is still possible to take the sky spectra unguided (specify OIWFS in FREEZE mode for the sky position) but one must make doubly sure there are no bright objects that can wander into the slits during the unguided sky exposure. Note that observing with the sky position unguided will also help to reduce the Nod & Shuffle overheads.
- One is restricted to a single nod definition for each Nod & Shuffle observation. This means that the telescope will continuously nod between one target position and one sky position; this is known as the standard Nod & Shuffle mode. There are plans to support a pattern mode in a future implementation where the telescope nods between the target position and any number of user-specified sky positions in the same Nod & Shuffle observation.


text:
Labour economics, study of the labour force as an element in the process of production. The labour force comprises all those who work for gain, whether as employees, employers, or as self-employed, and it includes the unemployed who are seeking work. Labour economics involves the study of the factors affecting the efficiency of these workers, their deployment between different industries and occupations, and the determination of their pay. In developing models for the study of these factors, this section deals with the labour force of contemporary industrialized economies.
The economist cannot study the capabilities, jobs, and earnings of men and women without taking account of psychology, social structures, cultures, and the activities of government. Indeed, these forces often play a more conspicuous part in the field of labour than do the market forces with which economic theory is mainly concerned. The most important reason for this arises from the peculiar nature of labour as a commodity. The act of hiring labour, unlike that of hiring a machine, is necessary but not sufficient for the completion of work. Employees have to be motivated to work to an acceptable standard, and the employment contract is, in effect, open-ended. This may be no problem when employees are weak and easily replaced, but the more skilled, organized, and indispensable they are, the more the care that must be given to creating an institutional setting that will win their compliance and meet their notions of fairness.
A second major reason for looking beyond straightforward labour market forces is the often highly imperfect nature of the industrialized labour market. The majority of jobs are occupied by the same employees for many years, and only a small minority of employees quits their jobs in order to move to a comparable job that is better paid. Studies in a number of countries have all revealed substantial variation in the level of pay offered for the same job by different firms in the same local labour market. This sluggishness of labour market response is particularly notable for more skilled labour and for labour employed by firms in strong product market positions. The main thrust of competition in many instances comes not through the labour market but through the product market, with an employee's pay being determined less by what the job is than by who the employer is.
In discussing both market and nonmarket forces in labour economics, the following discussion poses them not as alternatives but as complementary explanations. The difference in pay between, for example, a craftsman and the labourer who works alongside him may be fixed by custom, an arbitrator, a job evaluation system, or a bargain with a trade union. In their different ways these are far from being merely passive agents through which market forces are transmitted into human behaviour. They may, for instance, shape the market by defining its categories of labour. Also, they may differ greatly in their speed and extent of response.
The comparative study of wage movements in different periods and countries does show many similarities and regularities that are more marked than the variety of their settings would lead one to expect. This evidence of the influence of persistent forces working within an equilibrating system is one justification for the economist's speaking of a labour market. But there is much in labour that can be understood only with the aid of the psychologist, the sociologist, the historian, the labour lawyer, or the political scientist. Depending upon both the circumstances and the purpose for which the explanation is required, it is an empirical question how far the forces that these scientists study might interact with the market forces that are the special province of the economist.
Quantity and quality of the labour force
The size of a country's labour force, within a given total population, depends on two factors: the proportion of the total population that is of working age and the proportion of these who work for gain. The limits of working age are usually taken to be established by the minimum school-leaving age and the prevailing pensionable age. Allowance must then be made for those persons who continue to work for gain after attaining pensionable age. Typically, some two-thirds of the population of an industrial country lies within these limits.
Activity rates
The employed labour force may be characterized by particular activity rates. An activity rate is the proportion of the whole number in a given age and sex group—for example, females aged 30–34—who work for gain. Among males, activity rates in the earlier years of working age are as a rule low, because so many remain in education and training. Between the ages of 25 and 50, male activity rates approach 100 percent, but from age 50 onward they fall as men begin to retire. The pattern of female activity rates is very different and changed greatly in the second half of the 20th century. Formerly, female rates ran higher than male in the earlier years because fewer girls enjoyed extended education, but from the age of 20 onward they fell sharply as women married and withdrew to domestic duties. Women so occupied remain by far the largest contingent of persons of working age not in the labour force. Since World War II, however, it has been less usual for women to leave paid employment immediately on marriage. Marrying at a young age and having a small number of children has enabled many women to return to paid work in their 30s, and female activity rates have come to show a second peak between the mid-30s and the mid-40s, after which they decline more steeply than male rates. From these various activity rates there emerges an overall proportion of the gainfully occupied among all of working age that is typically in the region of two-thirds.
Quality of labour
The quality of the labour force depends on education and training, physique, and health. There is evidence that physique has been greatly improved by increases in the standard of living in the 20th century. Because of the reduction in family size, this rise has been even more marked for children than for adults, and the effects have been seen in the greater height and weight attained by children at a given age. The beneficial effects of stronger physique on health have been enhanced by the advance of medical knowledge and the increased availability of medical services. Better health has raised productivity by a reduction in absenteeism and by a prolongation of the working life during which the economy reaps the benefit of the education and training the worker has received.
Education and training can be regarded as a kind of investment, and the rate of return it yields can be estimated. The amount of the investment is the value of the student's use of resources—buildings, equipment, and instructors—together with the output that the economy would have enjoyed from work had the student been gainfully occupied rather than studying. The yield, in turn, is calculated by assuming that the average subsequent earnings of those who completed a given course of education, compared with the average earnings of those who stopped just short of it, provide a valuation of the increase in productivity that the course confers. From this difference in earnings there must be deducted the contributions to the sinking fund required to replace the amount of the investment by the end of the student's working life. The net yield so calculated can then be expressed as a rate of return on the investment. Estimates suggest that this rate of return is not less than that generally obtained from investment in physical capital. They also indicate that a great part of the productive resources of the economy consists in the education and training embodied in its labour force.
Though estimates of this kind are subject to some objections in principle, they do serve a useful purpose in stressing the potential of education and technical training in raising productivity and the risk of investing too little in them relative to other forms of investment. There is no less a risk of underinvestment in training in industry. The great obstacle there is that the employer is not assured of retaining the services of workers in whose training he has invested. Employers generally follow one of two strategies. They may provide training in-house and seek to retain the employee by inducements such as the prospect of career progression, pension entitlements, and other devices designed to encourage loyalty and an "organizational orientation." Or, alternatively, employers may combine to establish industrywide training arrangements, sometimes with statutory support, thereby permitting ample skilled employees for easy movement between firms and more of a "market orientation" in their work forces.
Deployment of the labour force
The contribution of education and training to economic development is apparent in the changes that have taken place in the deployment of labour in the developing economies. When the deployment of the labour force is followed over a period of time, certain patterns appear. One of these arises from changes in methods of production. In farming, improvements in technique and equipment have made possible an increasing output from a declining labour force. In industry, the extension of research and development, the increased complexity of products and equipment, and new methods of collecting, storing, and processing information, along with other developments of management procedures, have all acted to increase the numbers of administrative, clerical, and technical workers relative to manual workers. A second course of change has affected occupations linked with particular industries, when those industries have contracted or expanded as compared with others. Coal mining and cotton textiles are examples of contraction. The service industries, on the other hand, have expanded: a greater proportion of household expenditure is devoted to services; education has extended; governments have provided more social services. A third course of change has its origins in relation to supply. Domestic services, for instance, have contracted because improved education and the opening up of other occupations to women has enabled many to take up work that they prefer. One general tendency is that as standards of living rise the service industries absorb a greater proportion of the labour force, because the rising demand for their output is not generally offset, as in manufacturing, by a progressive reduction in the amount of labour required to produce a given output.
The far-reaching changes that have come about in the relative numbers in different occupations and industries have called for corresponding changes in the training and allocation of young entrants to employment and for the movement of workers already in employment to other kinds of work and, often, other places. Though part of this adaptation has been unplanned and undirected, a number of governments have undertaken to foster the process of adaptation by a labour-market policy. One means of applying this policy is the provision of information to job seekers as to vacancies immediately available, and to workers at large as to the prospects and requirements of particular occupations. Labour-market policy also tries to guide entrants toward those occupations for which an expansion of demand is expected. One way of doing this is by promoting the training and retraining of selected persons for selected occupations. The function of retraining may be extended, as in Sweden, to offer all workers opportunities to qualify themselves for better-paid jobs throughout their working lives.
Fixing rates of pay
Wages may be fixed by collective bargaining between unions and management or by individual bargaining between worker and employer or simply by custom. When the status of wage earner became distinguished from other forms of labour, it was marked by the existence of an individual agreement about the rate of pay between wage earner and employer. The law still recognizes the individual contract of service even where the rate of pay has been fixed collectively. In earlier days there was often not even individual bargaining, because customary rates of pay prevailed that might be unchanged for many years at a time. In southern England, for instance, the prevailing rate for building craftsmen remained at sixpence a day for 120 years after 1412; for most of the 500 years after 1412, the building craftsman's rate was half again as great as the labourer's, or nearly so.
After industrialization had set in, custom continued in some measure to regulate rates of pay and to protect workers who entered into individual agreements. But its sway was much less extensive: from time to time rates changed. Although there was at first no reference to the cost of living, when price increases were general and sustained, there must have been informal understandings among the wage earners of a locality that each in making his own agreement would hold out for a higher rate. At times of increased demand for labour, moreover, the employer would have to offer a rate sufficient to attract and retain the wage earners against the competition of other employers. The necessity of holding needed labour is today the governing factor for employers who have workers with whom they do not negotiate either collectively or individually—generally clerical and administrative workers.
Frequently where the safeguards both of custom and of competition for workers have been missing, workers have felt the need to combine in order to bargain collectively. The force of custom declined as industrialization created new jobs and moved workers into new localities. Business fluctuations brought unemployment so that instead of employers competing for labour, workers were often competing for jobs. Thus industrialization has been universally associated with the rise of trade unions. (For a history of trade unionism, see organized labour.)
Trade unions and bargaining areas
A main purpose of the trade union was to maintain a minimum rate of pay for its members, a purpose that led unions to extend or delimit both their membership and the number of employers with whom they bargained. The starting point was typically the club of craftsmen in a certain locality, concerned to ensure that none of its members worked for less than the rate it recognized from time to time as a minimum and to raise that rate when opportunity offered. By bringing all who worked in the same craft and district into membership, the club could reduce the risk of their bidding against each other; and if it could also limit the number entering the craft—by controlling the number of apprentices—it would be more likely to be able to raise the rates. However, since it was still likely to be subject to the competition of members of the same craft coming in from other places, and some of its own members might move in search of work, it had an interest in extending its coverage over all members of the craft throughout the labour market.
If the labour market was not coextensive with the product market, however, the union might still find itself exposed to the competition of workers at a distance if these worked at lower rates and so enabled their products to be sold at lower prices. Thus there was reason to extend the coverage of the union up to the boundary of the market for the product, though it was not practicable to organize workers in other countries. However, the union would see no advantage in bringing workers of other occupations into membership; on the contrary, it was felt that one could expect employers to concede a raise more readily if it would have to be paid to only a restricted membership. What has been said here of the craft union applies to all unions insofar as their aim is to maintain and raise the pay of members of a given occupation: the pursuit of that aim will lead them to embrace all the members of the occupation throughout the market for their product and to establish a basic rate throughout this bargaining area.
The reactions of employers both reinforce and modify this tendency. The ability of any one employer to pay a given rate depends largely on what rates are being paid by other employers who compete in the product market. When competition is close and labour costs are a substantial proportion of total costs, all employers selling in a given product market have a strong inducement to negotiate only through an employers' association that embraces them all. Most employers' associations are in fact industrywide, though some are limited to particular regions or sectors of an industry. Employers also know that what is conceded to employees in one occupation will commonly be demanded by those in others, unless they are divided by such a gulf as used to separate the manual from the clerical workers. Employers therefore commonly prefer to reach an agreement with all their workers in common and may make this a condition of negotiation. They thereby put pressure on occupational unions either to extend, amalgamate, and divide up until they form industrial unions each embracing all the manual workers in a given industry, as the Swedish unions have done, or to enter into confederations that provide all the unions having members in a given industry with a common front for the purpose of bargaining—the course followed by British unions.
Many semiskilled and unskilled workers are unable to seek bargaining advantage by restricting the membership of their unions to one defined occupation: they have to seek it rather through the accumulation of funds and the force of numbers—for them, "unity is strength." Some unions have therefore adopted the principle of industrial unionism from the outset, in accordance with the tendency noted above toward establishing industrywide bargaining areas. Others, the general unions, have set out to recruit workers from every occupation and industry; but for bargaining purposes they have commonly had to act on behalf of their members in each industry separately. In any clash between the forces delimiting the bargaining area and those delimiting the trade union, the former generally prove the stronger.
Effects of collective bargaining
Collective bargaining developed with the growth of trade unionism, especially from 1890 onward. It impinged upon labour markets in which the trend of money wages was upward: in years of good business, money wages generally rose, and though in the years of falling or low activity they were often cut, the cuts were generally smaller than the preceding rises had been.
Leveling of pay rates
A first effect of the extension of collective bargaining was to reduce pay differences, which had been large, between the wages a given grade of labour received at any one time in different regions and in different firms in the same region, and even between one worker and another under the same employer. The unions at first had to accept the prevailing regional differences, but their pressure to bring up the lower-paid regions has reinforced the effect of improved communications and information in reducing these differences greatly, especially since World War II. Assurance of "the rate for the job" raised the wages of particular groups or individuals who lacked access to alternative employers, either spatially or because of their lack of information and mobility. In general, the extension of collective bargaining brought about greater uniformity in the rates of pay received by workers of a given grade, and it did so by raising the lower rates.
Collective bargaining has also affected the forms in which improvements in pay are realized. It has borne particularly on those parts of the terms and conditions of employment that of their nature require to be regulated collectively. Chief among these are the hours of work. The extension of such fringe benefits as insurance and pensions paid for by the employer has also reflected trade union pressure.
Raising the level
Studies of differences between the movements of wages in unionized and nonunionized sectors of employment, especially in the United States, have brought out three other effects of the extension of collective bargaining. One is an impact and once-for-all effect: the introduction of collective bargaining has raised the wages of the workers concerned, relative to the general level prevailing around them, by some 10–15 percent. A second effect has been in the timing of changes: when wage rises were the order of the day, unionized workers achieved them earlier than nonunionized; and when the market was moving the other way, cuts of unionized workers were put off longer. When the cost of living has risen rapidly, as in wartime, the unionists' ability to secure compensatory rises in money wages more promptly promoted the extension of unionism, especially among white-collar workers who had previously stood aloof from it. The third effect has been in the ability not only to defer wage cuts in depression but also to reduce their amount. In the United States, for example, the differential between wages in the unionized and nonunionized sectors was at its highest in the 1932 depression trough. A major effect on the general level of pay in terms of purchasing power and on its share in the product of industry seems to have stemmed from the resistance to pay cuts in the world economic depression of 1921: though pay was cut severely, often after protracted struggles, it could not be brought down as far as product prices had fallen, and in more than one country the distribution of the product of industry between pay and profit seems to have been permanently shifted.
By raising the pay of particular workers and by modifying fluctuations in the workers' favour, over a period of time collective bargaining has made the total of pay higher than it would have been otherwise in the same conditions of the market. But the effect has been limited. Before World War II the movements of the general level of pay continued to depend mainly on market conditions, and the points at which the effects of collective bargaining can be distinguished clearly are fewer than might be expected. Collective bargaining provided the arena in which market forces took their effect, rather than a shelter from or alternative to them.
After World War II, however, the bearing of market forces on collective bargaining changed. One important influence was full employment (at least until the 1970s), but others were the increased importance of governments as employers, an apparent diminution of the significance of labour cost in product market competition, and, from the 1970s, the floating of national exchange rates. Employers gained the expectation that if they agreed to rises in pay that would exceed the rise in productivity, and so raise unit costs, they would still be able to preserve profit margins by raising the prices of their products—and do this without losing business, provided only that the initial rise in pay was not greater than that which was being conceded at the time by other employers. Some countries, such as Sweden and Germany, had employer organizations that were sufficiently united to resist these pressures. Other countries with little employer solidarity and highly fragmented bargaining, such as Britain and Italy, suffered persistently high cost inflation. Thus, the impact of trade unions cannot be assessed in isolation from that of employers.
A second limitation is that, even where collective bargaining has affected the movement of money wages, it has had only transient effect on the division of the national income between pay and profits. Whatever the course from time to time of rates of pay in money, the pay per person in real terms (i.e., in terms of purchasing power) has risen with remarkable regularity in much the same proportion as output per person, save for the one major exception of the displacement in favour of pay in the early 1920s. It appears that firms take advantage of opportunities to restore profit margins either by maintaining their selling prices while productivity rises or by raising those prices. A rise in real pay initially conferred by any one rise in money pay, therefore, will be reduced as the cost of living rises.
Theory of bargaining
Limitations on the scope of bargaining are also suggested by theory. Collective bargaining can be seen as the reduction of two risks to which the worker is exposed through individual bargaining. There is first the risk that the worker will be merely one of a number of applicants for a single vacancy and that competition between them will force the pay down. Even as the sole applicant for the vacancy, there remains the second risk that the job will be offered only on terms that are unacceptable; in the event of failure to agree, going without the job will inflict more hardship on the worker than not filling the vacancy will on the firm. Bargaining through a trade union removes the first risk by ensuring that whichever applicant the firm engages it must pay not less than the union rate: in this sense the union exercises monopoly power. Membership in a trade union reduces the second risk by increasing the workers' relative power to change proffered terms by withholding consent: in this sense the union confers bargaining power.
Constraints of supply and demand
The scope of the monopoly power that the union exercises by maintaining the rate for the job may be seen by supposing that this rate is simply announced by the union, which leaves firms to hire as many or as few people as they choose at that rate. In deciding how high it can set the rate, the union must have regard for the consequences for employment. Firms may be able to alter the design of the product and the method of production so as to use less labour. To the extent that they cannot economize in the use of labour and that the pay of this labour enters into the total cost of production, a higher cost arises that firms may be obliged to pass on to their customers through higher product prices. The customers are then likely to buy less from them, especially if there is international competition in the markets for the product, and again employment will suffer. Thus a union that dictates its own terms is still subject to the constraint of the demand curve for the labour concerned. Equally, if the employers dictate the rate of pay, they could not set it so low as to make it impossible to attract and retain the required labour force: they would be subject to the constraint of the supply curve of the labour concerned.
The costs of work stoppages
When neither side dictates the terms and an agreement must be negotiated, failure to agree results in a stoppage that causes losses to both parties. Attempts have been made to develop the pluses and minuses of these losses into a theory of bargaining. If, for example, it is assumed simply that the continuance of a stoppage progressively increases the wish of the parties to end it, and so causes firms to raise and the union to lower the rate at which each is prepared to settle, then the stoppage will end on the day when the two rates have been brought into equality. Further, if the parties agree in their forecasts of how the wish to settle will be affected by the continuance of the strike, they will find it in their interests to reach agreement on what would be the terms of the ultimate settlement without resorting to coercion by stoppage. A more elaborate theory has been developed in which each party is seen as weighing the cost to itself of a stoppage of given length, the benefit to it of a given concession by the other party, and its estimate of the effect of a given extension of the stoppage on the willingness of the other party to make a concession.
In practice much more is involved—internal political pressures, for instance, personal prestige, or the tactic of involving the government and public opinion. Many of the costs of a stoppage, moreover, are hard to express in terms of money. The above three variables must always figure prominently in the parties' consideration. A stoppage is unlikely when on a consideration of these variables it appears that there will be no net gain; this situation exists when bargaining power is evenly balanced or when negotiation has already brought the parties' positions close together. One party is likely to see a clear advantage in a stoppage only when market forces are working in its favour, and these will have told already in the course of negotiation. In particular the cost of a stoppage will be high to employers when they are busiest, whereas in a recession a stoppage may be a positive benefit to them. Insofar as bargaining power is thus conferred by market forces, it injects no distinct factor into the determination of rates of pay. Bargaining power may also be conferred by determination, loyalty, and leadership on either side. It has also been conferred on trade unions by the expectation, engendered among employers by the experience of sustained full employment, that rises in pay can be covered by higher prices so as to maintain profit margins without loss of business.
Methods of payment
The productivity of a work force depends to a substantial extent upon the successful management of its payment system. Employees generally judge the "fairness" of their pay not by its absolute level but by its level relative to that of other employees, and in particular those with whom they are in close proximity. Their criteria for fairness are generally very conservative; the fair pay differential is the one to which they have become accustomed. A disturbed differential can be a source of discontent and lack of motivation. The technique usually used for managing the internal pay structure, as the relative pay of occupations within an organization is called, is job evaluation.
Job evaluation
This term covers a range of procedures used to develop and maintain a consistent internal pay structure that is acceptable to the work force. Ranking methods use surveys of the work force's preconceptions of fairness to arrive at a comprehensive pay structure. Analytic methods score the requirements of different jobs according to distinct criteria such as physical effort, mental skills, responsibility, and working conditions and then use weighted averages of these scores to establish the final pay structure. Job evaluation is typically participative, methodical, and ponderous. It offers a means to legitimate a pay structure and a procedure whereby changes in that structure can be negotiated and implemented. As such, it is a defense against the effect of disturbed pay differentials on employee motivation.
Pay incentives
By contrast, there are a great variety of devices that use pay as a positive motivator. The most common method of payment is according to the duration of time worked—by hour, week, month, or year. But additional merit payments may be added on at the discretion of management as rewards for good performance. The hazard here is that, if employees feel the criteria on which these are based are inconsistent, the effect may be negative.
Salary structures are more formal devices that offer a range of pay levels for different job grades. The employee's position within the range may depend upon managerial discretion, or it may be formalized into automatic annual increments. Promotion between job grades depends upon criteria over which managerial discretion has stronger incentive effects.
Payment by results most commonly relates money payment to physical output for a part of the wage. This may be done for an individual as piecework or for a group of workers. In order that the incentive effect be seen as fair for employees engaged on different tasks, it is necessary to develop common standards to provide the same rewards to comparable increases in effort. The work study techniques devised for this use a combination of accurate timing and the observer's judgment of the effort being applied over many repetitions of the job to arrive at a standard time, which is then directly comparable with the standard times for other jobs. This provides a basis for incentive payment, with the same bonus being earned by workers who complete their different tasks in the same percentage briefer than their standard time. In practice, there is ample opportunity for dispute and for the emergence of contentious anomalies, particularly as a result of minor changes in production technology. The incentive effect usually fades with time, and most payment-by-results systems have a limited life.
Payment related to corporate performance has become increasingly popular since the 1970s. Rather than linking employees' bonuses to their own performance, it is tied to profits or some other indicator of the state of the company. The main advantage of this is didactic; it is believed to increase loyalty and to educate the work force about the commercial circumstances within which the company operates. For similar reasons many governments have encouraged employee share ownership schemes.
Single-employer bargaining
In the United States, Japan, Great Britain, and a growing number of other countries, the scope of pay bargaining is often no greater than a single employer or even a single plant. This has the advantage that the wage structure and incentive system can be closely tailored to a broader package that includes training, motivation, and career development. It requires the employer to sever links with the multiemployer industrywide agreements that have often prevailed previously. It also implies that the trade union unit of organization is focused on the single firm as well—as a "local" in the United States, as an "enterprise union" in Japan, or as a "joint shop stewards' committee" in Britain. Such organizations enjoy considerable or complete autonomy from the wider union movement, making them in some respects weaker and more pliable.
Single-employer bargaining is a strategy that offers a firm greater freedom to manipulate the productivity of its work force by isolating its trade union (if any) and developing organization-oriented attitudes and company-specific training and job descriptions. It does not, however, provide the employer with any influence over the generally prevailing level of pay settlements. This is offered by the alternative multiemployer strategy, which also permits a more market-oriented approach to labour with industrywide wage and training agreements. Multiemployer strategies do not imply complete uniformity of payment across all firms: in practice they tend to have discretion to vary the agreement somewhat at plant level. In some countries this is a fairly disciplined two-tier arrangement; in others, local bargaining pressures cause the plant-level element to dominate in what becomes known as wage drift.
Public regulation of rates of pay
Minimum-wage laws
Governments have intervened in three ways to enforce minimum rates for workers who lacked both the protection of trade unions and competition between employers for their services and whose wages in consequence were regarded as needlessly low. One way has been to provide by law that "recognized terms and conditions of employment," such as those reached by collective bargaining for workers of a particular description, shall be applied to all others engaged in the same kind of work. A second way, followed by the United Kingdom since 1909 and by a number of state legislatures in the United States, has been to set up boards of representatives of the workers concerned and their employers, together with independent members, charged with determining rates of pay and hours of work that are legally binding as minimal on all employers within the scope of the board. The board discusses and negotiates wage claims in much the same way as in collective bargaining, albeit if the parties cannot reach agreement, the independent members have a deciding vote.
These two forms of intervention are calculated to raise the pay of particular groups of unorganized workers only to the extent that it would be raised by the extension of collective bargaining to cover them. A third way, followed notably by the United States in its Fair Labor Standards Act since 1938, has been to specify by statute the actual minimum wage applicable to wide categories of employment—the amount set being such that only a relatively small number of workers, namely the lowest paid, are immediately affected. When such measures were first proposed, critics argued that they would only result in the workers they were intended to protect losing their jobs. In some cases this has happened, as when the United States minimum wage was applied to the needleworkers of Puerto Rico. More often, however, the workers concerned were receiving lower pay than a competitive market would have afforded them—that is, if they had had more access to alternative employers. Minimum-wage measures tend to discourage labour-intensive methods of production, so that while they may cost jobs in the short term, they tend to force employers into more advanced production technologies, which create greater long-term growth and employment potential.
Another way of regulating rates of pay is a by-product of arbitration systems set up originally as a means of avoiding strikes and lockouts. In Australia it has become the practice, accepted by both employers and trade unions, to have the main proportions of the wage structure and the movements of the general level of wages determined by the awards of arbitrators to whom these issues are submitted in the form of disputes. In setting rates for particular occupations or industries relatively to others, arbitrators must in practice have regard to what is acceptable to the parties; for even where arbitration is compulsory, its awards would cease to be observed if either party had cause to believe that the terms of the awards were persistently less favourable than it could obtain by its own bargaining power. In regulating the movement of the general level of pay, the arbitrators have more discretion; but the government, and the employers insofar as they meet international competition at home and abroad, will make them aware of the effects of the awards on the level of domestic costs and prices and on the balance of payments.
National incomes policy
Under full employment the rise in effective rates of pay has generally been inflationary in that it has exceeded the rise of productivity. The consequent rise in costs and prices has at times been disturbing domestically and has been particularly embarrassing to governments that face difficulties in balancing their external payments. Governments in general have been unwilling to check the rise of inflation by applying fiscal and monetary restraints to the degree that unemployment would be substantially raised. In the belief that at least part of the rise is due not to excess purchasing power but to the pushing up of costs and prices, governments have appealed to those who make decisions affecting labour costs and product prices to moderate the rise in pay and profits. Some governments have formulated norms that would, in theory, keep the general level of prices constant and would keep the general level of pay rising only at the rate of the expected rise in productivity—allowing, of course, for specific exceptions. Agencies have been set up to apply these principles, but usually only by way of investigation, assessment, and advice. Governments have preferred to rely on the acceptance of the policy in principle by employers and trade unions, and on their efforts to secure its observance by their affiliates. Even where statutory powers of control exist, they have usually been kept in reserve. During times of recession, governments have generally suspended their efforts to enforce a national incomes policy.
Learn More in these related Britannica articles:
economics: LabourLike monetary and international economics, labour economics is an old economic speciality. Its raison d'être comes from the peculiarities of labour as a commodity. Unlike land or machinery, labour itself is not bought and sold; rather, its services are hired and rented out. But…
economic stabilizer: Involuntary unemployment…of the product attributable to labour or if business firms insisted on trying to "exploit" labour by refusing to pay a wage corresponding to the value of labour's product. With the term "involuntary unemployment," Keynes wanted to emphasize that a thoroughly intractable unemployment situation could develop for which neither party…
capital and interest: The classical theory of capital…in facilitating the division of labour economics and in increasing the productivity of labour in general. He recognized clearly that accumulation proceeds from an excess of production over consumption. He distinguished between productive labour, which creates objects of capital, and unproductive labour (services), the fruits of which are enjoyed immediately.…
farm management: Land, livestock, and labourSome kinds of farm work are directly productive, some are indirectly productive, and some are not productive at all. Work such as plowing, planting, cultivating, harvesting, feeding, and milking is directly productive. Maintenance of fences, buildings, and machinery, though often necessary, is not directly productive. Such work as trimming…
distribution theory: Personal distribution…income, while the share of labour has gradually increased. For some time, economists believed that the share of labour was more or less constant, but investigations show that economic development is accompanied by an increasing share of labour. Though the statistics are complicated by technical problems, it is safe to…
More About Labour economics7 references found in Britannica articles
Assorted References
- major reference
- agriculture
- capital and wage relationship
- comparable worth
- distribution economics
- Keynesian involuntary employment
- price of labour


text:
Invited Screenings
Full Conference Access Computer Animation Festival Pass
The newly expanded Computer Animation Festival adds a slate of curated screenings to the juried content: something new, something old, everything exceptional.
Studios: Eye Candy
Tuesday, 12 August, 4 - 5 pm
Wednesday, 13 August, 4:30 - 5:30 pm
Thursday and Friday, 14-15 August, 2:30 - 3:30 pm
Nokia Theatre
A sampler from Disney, Pixar, Industrial Light & Magic, Digital Domain, the Orphanage, and others, including a sneak peek into the animated feature film, "The Fourth Magi," from a brand-new animation company: Lightstream Animation Studios.
Schools in Retrospect
Wednesday, 13 August, 1:30 - 2:30 pm
Nokia Theatre
An hour-long compilation of retrospectives from some of the world's finest animation schools.
Games: The War Zone
Wednesday, 13 August, 2:45 - 3:45 pm
Nokia Theatre
Real-time content has progressed remarkably. This hour overwhelms, entertains, surprises (with a premiere), and inspires.
Friday, 15 August, 1:30 - 2:30 pm
Nokia Theatre
From the classroom to the desktop, from the gallery to the television, Flash makes animation accessible and entertaining. Here is a full hour of some of the best Flash work in the world.
Tuesday, 12 August, 1:10 - 1:30 pm
Wednesday, 13 August, 4 - 4:20 pm
Nokia Theatre
These stunningly mind-altering images originate as very tiny files. Operating in an underground subculture, thse artists are able to take advantage of vintage processors and cutting-edge graphics cards. The result: an entirely novel perspective on the world around you.
Polygon Pictures: A Studio Retrospective
Thursday, 14 August, 1:30 - 2:15 pm
Nokia Theatre
Polygon Pictures celebrates its 25th anniversary this year. Here is a look back at a much-loved studio, and some beautiful work.
Japan Media Arts Festival
Tuesday, 12 August, 12:30 - 1 pm
Nokia Theatre
Curated selections from this year's festival.


text:
For Patients and Families
Monroe Carell Jr. Children's Hospital at Vanderbilt is again named one of the nation's best children's hospitals by U.S. News & World Report. Children's Hospital is the only pediatric hospital in Tennessee receiving national rankings for 10 out of 10 of its pediatric specialty programs in the magazine's 2018-2019 Best Children's Hospitals rankings.
The U.S. News Best Children's Hospitals rankings recognize top performers among the nation's 187 designated children's hospitals. Our hospital has ranked every year since U.S. News & World Report launched the publication.
Read our full news release or visit the U.S. News & World Report website.
Children's Hospital continues to be a national leader in Urology with a ranking of number seven in the nation. Our pediatric urologists care for more than 16,000 children each year without forgetting that each child's care is unique.
We helped pioneer neonatal intensive care, and our team continues to be world leaders in the care of critically ill newborns and premature infants. Breakthrough research and top-notch facilities help us provide specialized services unavailable elsewhere in our region.
From broken bones to the most complex orthopaedic conditions, our team provides the region's most advanced care in a family-friendly environment. Families from across the region come to us for care and management of complex fractures, sports injuries, spine deformities and the treatment of scoliosis, congenital bone deformities, hip and foot deformities and osteomyelitis.
Our Pulmonary specialists manage a wide range of pediatric pulmonary diseases, including asthma, bronchopulmonary dysplasia, interstitial lung disease, pulmonary vascular disease, and restrictive lung disease requiring mechanical ventilation.
Pediatric Allergy, Immunology, and Pulmonary Medicine
The Vanderbilt Childhood Cancer Program provides the most promising therapies and is committed to advancing research in all types of childhood cancers. We have several specialized programs including a dedicated Cancer Survivorship program.
Vanderbilt Childhood Cancer Program
Cardiology and Heart Surgery
Our team of cardiac surgeons, anesthesiologists, cardiologists, and cardiac intensivists have years of additional training to specialize in the treatment of children and young adults. We are a Center of Excellence for the treatment and research of children with congenital heart defects and care for the most complicated cases.
Gastroenterology & GI Surgery
Our Division of Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology and Nutrition treats children with problems of the digestive system, including the stomach, intestines, liver, or nutritional disorders. Our team is a leader in treating complex gastrointestinal issues.
Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology, and Nutrition
Nephrology and Hypertension
Our nephrology team specializes in treating children with diseases of the kidney and all types of hypertension. Whether your child is coming to us for an early evaluation or a condition requiring a kidney transplant, we understand the unique challenges facing children living with kidney disease. We work in partnership with families to provide a healing and supportive environment.
Diabetes and Endocrinology
Our pediatric endocrinologists treat hormone-related disorders in children to help them have a lifetime of wellness. Approximately half of our patients are referred to us for care of both Type1 and Type 2 diabetes. We are also training future leaders in endocrinology research and patient care.
Neurology and Neurosurgery
Our neurologists combine a family based approach to care with leading-edge technology, diagnostic tools, and treatments when caring for children with issues involving the nervous system. Our neurosurgeons are leaders in fetal surgery for repair of spina bifida and other complex procedures.
2200 Children's Way | Nashville, Tenn. 37232 | 615.936.1000
Vanderbilt®, Vanderbilt University Medical Center®, V Oak Leaf Design®,
Monroe Carell Jr. Children's Hospital at Vanderbilt®, and Vanderbilt Health®
are all trademarks of The Vanderbilt University.
© 2019 Vanderbilt University Medical Center. All rights reserved.


text:
... where you read it first
Media Archives
Submit Release
Web Directory
Privacy Policy
Terms of Use
About Us
Contact Us
XML Feeds
Relevant Sites
Technology Reviews
Routine Testing After Aneurysm Coiling Carries Low Risk
CINCINNATI-A very low risk of complication is associated with a routine test that determines whether a brain aneurysm treated with endovascular coiling has started to recur, a study led by the University of Cincinnati Neuroscience Institute has shown.
(Media-Newswire.com) - CINCINNATIA very low risk of complication is associated with a routine test that determines whether a brain aneurysm treated with endovascular coiling has started to recur, a study led by the University of Cincinnati Neuroscience Institute has shown.
The multi-site, retrospective study, published in the November issue of Neurosurgery, found a complication rate of 0.43 percent in 2,243 patients who had undergone cerebral angiography three months or more following endovascular treatment of a brain aneurysm. Of the 12 complications that occurred, only one was both major and permanent.
Our study shows that the use of routine testing with angiography following endovascular treatment of brain aneurysms carries a very low risk of complication, says Andrew Ringer, MD, the studys lead investigator and director of endovascular neurosurgery at UC. Because the risk is small, routine angiography should not be viewed as a deterrent to endovascular treatment of aneurysms.
A brain aneurysm is a balloon-like bulge or weakening of an arterial wall. If the walls of an aneurysm become too thin, it can rupture, often causing brain damage or death. Approximately 27,000 individuals suffer a ruptured brain aneurysm in the United States each year, according to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke. Primary risk factors include smoking, hypertension and alcohol and drug abuse.
Specialists treat brain aneurysms in different ways. Some aneurysms are treated surgically through an opening in the skull or eyebrow. Neurosurgeons can place a clip on the aneurysm at its base, thereby blocking the blood flow into the aneurysm and preventing it from bleeding
If the aneurysm is not surgically accessible, endovascular specialists can reach it by threading a flexible catheter, which is capable of being steered, from the large femoral artery near the groin up to one of four arteries in the neck that lead to the brain. Using this technique, specialists can advance platinum coils through small tubing into the aneurysm, once again blocking the blood flow and preventing the aneurysm from bleeding.
Endovascular coiling was originally approved by the Food and Drug Administration as a treatment for aneurysms that could not be surgically treated, but it has emerged as a first-line option for surgically accessible aneurysms as well.
The downside to coiling, Ringer says, is that while the risk is very low, it carries a higher rate of aneurysm recurrence than clipping. As a result, maintaining a watchful eye on the coiled aneurysm, through diagnostic angiography, is imperative.
Angiography is a minimally invasive test that allows specialists to look closely at arteries in the brain. It involves injecting a contrast dye into arteries, via a catheter, in order to make them visible.
Ringer, a neurosurgeon with the Mayfield Clinic, and colleagues reviewed data from patients who had undergone angiography surveillance of coiled aneurysms between January 2002 and December 2006. The UC-led study was the first ever to explore angiography risk solely among patients who had undergone coiling.
Previous studies of angiography have found complication risks among all patient groups ranging from 0.17 to 2.63 percent, the researchers reported. These studies included patients who were older and more likely to suffer complications, often because the test was being performed as a result of known or suspected cerebral blockage. The risk of stroke is among the most serious risks of angiography.
As a subset of this overall group, patients undergoing angiography after endovascular coiling may be younger and healthier than patients in other angiogram risk studies, Ringer says. The finding that their risk from surveillance angiography is lower than what has been found in studies of all patient groups confirms what we have seen in our medical practices.
In addition to Ringer, study co-investigators included specialists from the University of Illinois at Peoria, Thomas Jefferson University ( Philadelphia ), University of Puerto Rico, Vanderbilt University, State University of New York at Buffalo and Rush University ( Chicago ).
The UC Neuroscience Institute, a regional center of excellence at UC and University Hospital, is dedicated to patient care, research, education and the development of new treatments for stroke, brain and spinal tumors, epilepsy, traumatic brain and spinal injury, Alzheimers disease, Parkinsons disease, disorders of the senses ( swallowing, voice, hearing, pain, taste and smell ) and psychiatric conditions ( bipolar disorder, schizophrenia and depression ).
Related Content
Release Date
This story was released on 2008-11-19. Please make sure to visit the official company or organization web site to learn more about the original release date. See our
for additional information.
(c) Media-Newswire.com - All Rights Reserved


text: Add to your goat packing library. Chapters cover the conformation needed for goats that will pack (including photos of good working breeds), herd health and management, training from choosing a likely prospect to advanced, gear, trail concerns, hunting with goats, toxic and poisonous plants, and field first aid. The appendices cover resources and an update on CAE. Line drawings and black and white photos. Paperback, spiral bound.


text:
Accessibility tools
Service tools
Language selector
Navigation path
Left navigation
Additional tools
Other available languages: none
European Commission
Brussels, 28 June 2013
Employment and social inclusion: Commission, welcomes agreement on new programme for Employment and Social Innovation (EaSI)
The European Commission welcomes the political agreement reached with the European Parliament and the Council on the EU programme for Employment and Social Innovation (EaSI) with a proposed budget of €815 million for the 2014-20 period.
EaSI integrates and extends the coverage of three existing programmes: Progress (Programme for Employment and Social Solidarity), EURES (European Employment Services) and the European Progress Microfinance Facility, which will be allocated respectively 61%, 18% and 21% of the budget. EaSI will enable the Commission to increase policy coherence and impact of its instruments, which have common objectives, thus contributing to the Europe 2020 Strategy for Jobs and Growth.
László Andor, European Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion commented "With EaSI the Commission will have a tool to directly support employment and social policies across the EU and thus contribute to the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy. I welcome the fact that agreement was reached in time for us to prepare for a roll out of the programme as of January 2014."
EaSI will support Member States efforts in the design and implementation of employment and social reforms at European, national as well as regional and local levels by means of policy coordination, the identification, analysis and sharing of best practices. It will notably benefit national, regional and local authorities as well as social partners and civil society organisations.
Concrete projects and activities will help to test reforms on the ground before the possible scaling up of the most successful, including via the ESF. In this context, EaSI will devote around €100 million to launch such experiments in the most critical policy areas such as youth employment or inclusion of disadvantaged groups.
By integrating EURES within EaSI, the Commission will pursue the successful Your First EURES Job and launch dedicated mobility schemes to facilitate job search and promote job matching at EU level. Labour mobility can be a powerful adjustment mechanism to address the imbalances European labour markets are facing – in particular labour and skills shortages co-existing with high unemployment.
Finally, the microfinance instrument and the new financial instrument for social enterprise support will offer a platform for experimentation and can be scaled up by Member States, including with support from the ESF.
Together with the ESF, the Fund for the European Aid for the most Deprived and the European Globalisation adjustment Fund, EaSI forms the fourth pillar of the EU Initiative for Employment and Social Inclusion 2014-2020.
The political agreement will follow the ordinary procedure and should be endorsed by the European Parliament and Council before the end of 2013 to allow the launching of EaSI in January 2014.
Programme for Employment and Social Solidarity ('Progress')
'Progress' supports and disseminates comparative analytical information in the field of employment, facilitates information sharing and dialogue, provides policy makers and implementers with financial support, to test social and labour market policy reforms. It also supports the implementation of EU legislation in the field of employment, social policy and working conditions.
For the period 2014-2020, the 'Progress' element of EaSI will continue its current activities (analysis, mutual learning and grants) and will have a specific budget for social innovation and social policy experimentation, i.e. testing of innovative policies on a small scale, with the aim that the most successful ones can be up-scaled, including with ESF support.
The total proposed budget for 'Progress' is around €500 million for the period 2014-2020.
What is new for EURES?
EURES provides information and advice to job seekers wishing to work in another EU country. In June 2013, the EURES portal hosted around 1 350 000 job vacancies, over 1 100 000 CVs and around 31 000 registered employers. During the last 12 months 21 million different visitors used its services. Around 100 000 jobseekers per year get a job or a job offer via the EURES Portal.
With the new proposal, the overall EURES system will be strengthened beyond 2013:
The overall EURES budget is expected to remain the same, at around €20 million per year, with around one third of the budget for modernising the EURES Portal and one third for the development of the targeted mobility schemes.
What is new for the Microfinance facility and Social Entrepreneurship?
The current European Progress Microfinance Facility was launched in 2010 to help people who face difficulties in securing a traditional bank loan, get better access to microcredit and become self-employed or set up their own business. It finances loans of less than €25,000 for unemployed people, people at a risk of losing their jobs or people from disadvantaged groups, for instance young or older people or migrants. The Microfinance facility does not provide direct financing to micro-entrepreneurs or individuals, but it works through microcredit providers at national, regional or local level. So far, transactions have been signed with 26 microcredit providers, in 15 Member States: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, France, Cyprus, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia and the UK.
The new programme will:
The total proposed budget for the microfinance and social entrepreneurship axis is around €171.15 million for the period 2014-2020. Access to microfinance would receive €77.75 million, that could result in €400 to 450 million of microloans. Institutional capacity building would receive almost €8 million and €85 million would be dedicated to support social entrepreneurship.
Side Bar


text:
The Shifting Tides of "Terrorism"
Popular writers have raised the same issues. Todd Alan Kreamer's essay "Sons of Liberty: Patriots or Terrorists?" appeared on EarlyAmerica.com back in the fall of 1996. Ten years later, a student in Pepperell wrote a short essay in Teen Ink concluding that the Sons of Liberty were terrorists and "unacceptable."
I always want to add that the Sons of Liberty were not murderers. They destroyed property. They inflicted corporal punishment, sometimes brutally. They intimidated and frightened their opponents. But I can't think of any Crown official, employee, or political supporter in New England who died as a result of political violence until the North Bridge on 19 Apr 1775. (By writing "in New England," I'm sidestepping the possible example of Royal Navy lieutenant Henry Panton, killed at sea by sailor Michael Corbet while resisting impressment in 1769.) It might have been sheer luck that none of the Sons of Liberty's victims died, but that's how it worked out.
Back in the fall of 2001, when terrorism was on everybody's minds, I took part in discussions on H-Net, a network of email lists for historians, about whether recent events had useful parallels in the Sons of Liberty or the Barbary States. [That was so far back I was still using a Compuserve email address.] H-Net organized a resource page for teachers that mentioned my comments, among others.
I was skeptical of those parallels, partly because people were stretching the evidence or working with incomplete information to construct them, and partly because of that lack of killing. I thought it was more useful to consider how terrorism had changed over time. On 15 Oct 2001 I wrote:
The word "terrorism" was coined in 1795. Originally it referred to Revolutionary France's Reign of Terror: an angry urban populace and an ideologically fervent government using their control of the streets and the courts to punish many enemies, real and perceived. We can draw a parallel between that behavior and the Sons of Liberty, especially after the Revolutionary War began, though the Americans didn't use their gallows to the same extent. Certainly historians of the Loyalist community like James Stark drew that parallel.Stark's The Loyalists of Massachusetts (1910) uses the phrase "reign of terror" three times, suggesting that the Sons of Liberty's behavior presaged the worst of the French Revolution. Loyalists themselves had used similar language. Gov. Francis Bernard wrote of "the terror which the troops of the faction have occasioned" in Boston (19 July 1768) and "the terror of the mobs" (6 Aug 1768).
Though Bernard called his political opponents "the faction," he acknowledged that their power came from their numbers ("the troops of the faction," "the mobs"). Eighteenth-century terrorism usually consisted of violence performed by crowds and supported by the majority of the populace. The Boston Tea Party fits that pattern, but because it was so tightly controlled and targeted, it was actually exceptional. When experts speak about the Sons of Liberty's terrorism, they usually point to riots, the tarring and feathering of Customs employees like John Malcolm (as shown above), and the destruction of upper-class officials' houses.
COMING UP: What changed terrorism since the Revolution?
BUT FIRST: Answers to the Deck Calendar Challenge!