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Is It All in Your Head?
Every Biological Aspect of Living With HIV Has a Psychological Response
Table of Contents
- HIV and the Brain
- HIV and Emotions
- Neuropsychiatric Disorders
- Depression
- Substance Use and Abuse
- Psychological Issues
- Goals of Treatment
- References
- Tables
People living with HIV, not surprisingly, commonly experience concerns, and even disorders, that affect their mental health. The same is true for people at high risk of infection.
While anyone who engages in unprotected sex or shares needles is at risk to contract HIV, people with pre-existing psychiatric disorders (including addictive substance use) are at increased risk for behaviors that transmit HIV.
In addition, HIV-positive people are at increased risk for mood, anxiety, substance use, and cognitive disorders.
HIV and the Brain
HIV invades the central nervous system (CNS -- the brain and spine) at the time of initial infection. During the acute period of infection, in addition to symptoms of an acute viral infection throughout the body, a substantial proportion of people experience the impact of HIV in the central nervous system, such as confusion, disorientation, slowness of thinking, and changes in mood.
Most of the time, however, the infection of the CNS goes unnoticed. Whether or not a particular individual develops symptoms of CNS disturbance depends on a variety of factors including, but not limited to: the particular strain of HIV, viral load, immunological response, inflammatory response in the body and brain, and current medical or psychiatric problems.
HIV and Emotions
Aside from the initial impact of HIV in the brain and body, there is an ongoing emotional adjustment to becoming positive. Incorporating an HIV-positive status into one's identity may include managing information about one's health with both health care providers and other relationships, and adjusting to medical care and lifestyle changes to reduce risks to health.
There is a great range of reactions and accommodations to becoming positive and adjusting one's view of the self and of one's relationship to the world. These emotional and psychological reactions may change throughout a changing course of illness.
Emotional support is often very helpful, particularly from experienced therapists or members of HIV-positive support groups who are negotiating this process of integrating the reality of being HIV-positive into their future.
The interaction of HIV on the body, brain, and mind is complex. Symptoms that seem to arise in one area often impact all the others.
Whatever the symptom, a thorough evaluation and assessment must be done to ensure the correct diagnosis and treatment. This is most comprehensively accomplished using a bio-psycho-social-cultural-spiritual model.
For example, a complaint of fatigue or lack of energy may be a symptom of depression, but may also be explained by a disturbance in sleep, endocrine function (such as adrenal insufficiency,1, 2 low thyroid, or low testosterone in both males and females3), anemia due to HIV or medications, or poor pulmonary function due to lack of exercise or some lung infection. Alternatively, low energy or fatigue may be a reaction to an existential crisis around fear of dying, losing relationships, being rejected, or a manifestation of guilt or shame about sexuality, drug use, or other concerns.
To assess a particular symptom or set of symptoms requires medical providers to take time not only to evaluate the physical aspects of having HIV, but the emotional aspects caused by living with a chronic condition that is uncertain, may progress, and cause premature functional impairment.
In other words, every biological aspect of living with HIV is accompanied by a psychological response. People with HIV can use positive coping strategies to diminish the impact of changes in physical or mental well-being. Quality of life, and the maintenance of overall function, should be the focus of treatment for anyone living with HIV. A coordinated, collaborative approach among all providers is essential to maximize the individual's capacity to function at the highest possible level for as long as possible.
While living longer with HIV is now the norm rather than the exception, there are adjustments in function and lifestyle that must be anticipated, and discussed openly between patient and provider.
Neuropsychiatric Disorders
Over the past decade, evidence has mounted that HIV in the central nervous system (CNS) causes variable degrees of inflammation that manifests itself in a variety of ways, including
mood disorders (depression and mania),
sleep disturbances, and
cognitive impairment
See Table I for early and late signs of cognitive deficits.
Surviving longer with HIV, independent of viral load and CD4 count, increases the likelihood of some impairments of cognitive function. People at greatest risk for cognitive changes are those whose CD4 counts dropped to below about 200-300 before responding to HIV meds, and those with the highest viral loads in both the cerebral spinal fluid that bathes the brain and in the blood.
The chances of developing cognitive impairments increase with
advancing age,4
co-infection with hepatitis C,
the use of toxic substances such as methamphetamine,
cognitive changes early in the course of infection, and
Changes in personality are also common in people with mild cognitive impairments, and the inability to function as well as expected can cause significant fear, depression, and anxiety. Advancing cognitive impairment may lead to impulsivity, poor adherence to both medications and protective sexual behaviors, and hopelessness, including suicidal thoughts and attempts.
Cognitive disorders may be due to primary HIV in the brain, or secondary dysfunction due to metabolic, endocrine, infectious, or neoplastic effects on the CNS. Medications, herbal remedies, excessive vitamins, and substances of abuse are also frequently associated with cognitive impairment.6, 7 HIV antiretrovirals (ARVs) may also cause neuropsychological impairment, and head trauma may also contribute to CNS dysfunction.
Classification of primary HIV cognitive impairment is based on criteria having to do with the presence or absence of symptoms and the degree of functional impairment. HIV Associated Neurocognitive Disorder (HAND) (see Table II) classifies impairment under three categories:
- asymptomatic neurocognitive impairment (ANI) with evidence upon neuropsychological testing of cognitive deficits;
mild neurocognitive disorder (MND) with some functional limitations due to the cognitive domains affected; and
the often progressive and disabling HIV-associated dementia (HAD) that always requires significant impairment for diagnosis.8
As ARVs have been more widely prescribed, the incidence of HAD has declined from the number of cases seen before these medications arrived,9 but as HIV-positive people live longer, there are increasing rates of MND and ANI being diagnosed.
In spite of the fact that ARVs may slow the development of illness, and have almost eliminated the appearance of diseases that were so common before ARVs, there is evidence that the impact of HIV in the brain may cause mild to moderate cognitive impairment as people live longer and age with HIV.5 The prevalence rates of primary HIV mild neurocognitive disorder may range from 20-60%.
The most common symptoms include:
short-term memory loss,
problems with attention, concentration, multitasking, and word finding, and
motor slowing.
No single rapid screening tool currently has been validated to diagnose MND, but there are a couple of screening tests that have been shown to correlate with the more advanced form of cognitive impairment, HAD. Providers can ask a few questions of every HIV-positive patient to get a sense of cognitive concerns. (See Table III.) The treatment of cognitive disorders in HIV includes ARVs,10 psychostimulants, and cognitive rehabilitative strategies for compensating for deficits and enhancing mental function. (See Table IV.)
As people live longer with HAD and MND, the range of symptoms may vary more than previously thought.11 There are many co-morbid conditions that can contribute to CNS dysfunction that require a comprehensive medical workup. (See Table V.)
In an aging HIV-positive population, there are also increased risks for other types of non-HIV-related cognitive disorders that may synergistically cause cognitive impairment, such as hypertension, cerebrovascular disease, depression, and diabetes.
Depression is the most common psychiatric problem in the HIV-positive population, affecting as many as 50% of primary care HIV patients. HIV-negative gay men have been reported to have rates of depression 2-3 times that of heterosexual men, and gay men with HIV appear to have higher rates than HIV-negative gay men. Women have higher rates of depression than men in both the general and HIV populations, and untreated depression in HIV is associated with increased risk of dying.
The treatment of depression in HIV-positive people has been shown to be most effective when combining antidepressant medications and psychotherapy. While acute anxiety, shock, fear, and sadness are common initial reactions to discovering HIV-positivity, depression is not a normal reaction to illness, and should be treated aggressively to prevent decreased adherence to medications and protective sexual practices.
Depression must be distinguished from sadness, grief, fear, and existential concerns such as a fear of dying or losing one's health. Since so many people with HIV may have some of the symptoms of depression due to the medical illness, it is important to look at the more emotional and less biological aspects of depression, such as loss of interest in self or others, a sense of hopelessness, and guilt for behaviors or thoughts that are unacceptable to the person.
For example, a mother who is fatigued and cannot muster the energy to play with her children, but wants to, may not be depressed compared to a mother who becomes hopeless and disinterested in doing so.
When diagnosed in a patient with co-existing substance use, depression and the substance use disorder must both be treated in a comprehensive model.
Substance Use and Abuse
There is growing evidence in the research that certain legal substances, as well as drugs of abuse, vary in their toxicity in the CNS. Alcohol, nicotine, and excessive vitamins like B6 are all legal but potentially toxic to brain function.
Episodic binge drinking is likely more toxic to brain function compared to small amounts of alcohol on a daily basis, but any alcohol with certain medications may be detrimental to brain function and may affect blood levels of medications.
Illicit drugs have varying degrees of toxicity. Additionally, the brain is more vulnerable to the effects of such drugs depending on the presence of a co-existing psychiatric disorder or previous delirium. Some illicit drugs, more than others, have direct effects on nerve development in the CNS.
Methamphetamine appears to be the most neurotoxic of all illicit substances, even in small doses, causing loss of actual nerve tissue and function in the brain. Methamphetamine is not only rapidly addictive, but also very resistant to treatment and has very high relapse rates. To date, no medication is clearly beneficial in the treatment of methamphetamine addiction. Behavioral treatments have been shown to help in some situations, but the relapse rates are very high relative to the treatment for other addictive behaviors. The long-term cure for methamphetamine addiction may be as low as 10%.
HIV infection rates are significantly increased in methamphetamine users and secondary transmission is high, as judgment and impulse control are impaired with methamphetamine use.
For an informative summary on methamphetamine effects and treatment, see www.ncjrs.gov/ondcppubs/publications/drugfact/methconf/appen-b3.html.
Other illicit drugs such as marijuana, cocaine, ecstasy, GHB, and ketamine may also have neurotoxic effects, and may disrupt or deplete neurotransmitters that are essential for a well-functioning brain.
Psychological Issues
Mental health issues are best addressed in the context of a professional relationship with a provider who is non-judgmental, open, and able to formulate a psychological understanding of behavior and the resistance to change.
Primary care and mental health providers must stay collaborative and vigilant for changes in mental status, and for interactions between medications, especially in the context of recreational substances. There are phases to the psychological adjustment of becoming HIV-positive, even when there is awareness that one has put oneself at risk for infection. Research shows that sero-conversions most often occur in the context of sexual encounters under the influence of substances. Occasional use, as well as addiction, can reduce the capacity for using condoms. Depression, cognitive impairment, intoxication, and impulsive personality traits can reduce executive function of the frontal lobes that control rational thinking and behavior.
Additionally, there is growing evidence that previous sexual abuse and trauma are highly correlated with risky behaviors. The psychological impact of sexual or emotional trauma can reduce an individual's capacity to insist on condom use, or to refrain from undesired sexual or drug use behaviors.
Couples in which one partner is positive and one negative may experience a variety of emotional responses. Fear of infecting a partner, or being infected, can precipitate a loss of intimacy, a change in sexual function, or an increase in pre-existing psychiatric symptoms.
Psychosocial support has been shown to be very important to sustaining adherence to antiretroviral medications and dealing with side effects.
Attention should also be paid to the impact of bodily changes due to HIV or its treatment. Body image can impact a sense of self-worth, cause one to be stigmatized, and can affect one's sense of sexual attractiveness and desirability.
With the promise of a longer life now possible with good medication adherence, HIV-positive people are often interested in starting or maintaining sexual relationships, and often feel hesitant, or afraid of being rejected. Many HIV-related problems (such as neuropathy, metabolic syndrome, and renal or liver disease) can cause sexual dysfunction in both men and women.
Additionally, many of the medications used for cardiovascular disease or hypertension (beta blockers), as well as many psychiatric meds (antidepressants and antipsychotics) can cause sexual side effects.
Most importantly, providers must create a safe environment in which expressing concerns about sexuality is welcomed.
Goals of Treatment
The most important mental health issues facing people who are HIV-positive today include maintaining excellent adherence to antiretroviral medications, avoiding toxic substances that impair brain function, preventing co-infection with other strains of HIV (to prevent resistance to medications that are suppressing viral replication), being treated for underlying psychiatric symptoms and disorders, and dealing with subtle changes in brain function over time. All of the above factors affect each other. Preserving brain function is at least as important as preserving liver, lung, and cardiac function. Living longer with greater quality of life should be the focus of treatment. Finding purpose and community can provide the impetus for self-care and hope.
Marshall Forstein, M.D., is Director of Training for the Division of Adult Psychiatry at The Cambridge Hospital, and an Associate Professor of Psychiatry at Harvard Medical School. He teaches medical students and is a core faculty member in the Division of Palliative Care at Harvard Medical School. Dr. Forstein has been a principal investigator on an HIV Education and Training Grant through the federal Center for Mental Health Services, and teaches and has published on the neuropsychiatry and psychosocial aspects of HIV/AIDS. He is a Distinguished Fellow of the American Psychiatric Association and is currently serving on the Residency Review Committee for Psychiatry of The Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education.
Mayo J, Callazos J, Martinez E, Ibarra S: Adrenal function in the human immunodeficiency virus-infected patient. Arch Intern Med 2002, 162:1095-1098
Chen F, Day SL, Metcalfe RA, et al.: Characteristics of autoimmune thyroid disease occurring as a late complication of immune reconstitution in patients with advanced human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) disease. Medicine (Baltimore) 2005, 84:98-106.
Mylonakis E, Koutkia P, Grinspoon S: Diagnosis and treatment of androgen deficiency in human immunodeficiency virus-infected men and women. Clin Infect Dis 2001, 33:857-864.
Becker JT et al. Prevalence of cognitive disorders differs as a function of age in HIV virus infection. AIDS 18 (suppl. 1): S11-S18, 2004.
Cherner M et al. Effects of HIV-1 infection and aging on neurobehavioral functioning: preliminary findings. AIDS 18 (suppl. 1): S27-S34, 2004.
Clifford DB, Evans S, Yang Y, et al.: Impact of efavirenz on neuropsychological performance and symptoms in HIV infected individuals. Ann Intern Med 2005, 143:714-721.
Cespedes, M S, Aberg, J A, Neuropsychiatric Complications of Antiretroviral Therapy, Drug Safety; 2006, Vol. 29 Issue 10, p865-874
Antinori A, Arendt G, Becker JT, Brew BJ , et al. Updated research nosology for HIV-associated neurocognitive disorders, Neurology 2007; 69; 1789-1799
Dore GJ, Correll PK, Li Y, Kaldor JM, Cooper DA, Brew BJ. Changes to AIDS dementia complex in the era of highly active antiretroviral therapy. AIDS 1999; 13:1249-1253
Letendre SL, McCutchan JA, Childers ME, Woods SP, Lazzaretto D, Heaton RK, et al. Enhancing antiretroviral therapy for human deficiency virus cognitive disorders. Ann Neurol 2004; 56:416-423.
Brew BJ. Evidence for a change in AIDS dementia complex in the era of highly active antiretroviral therapy and the possibility of new forms of AIDS dementia complex. AIDS 2004; 18 suppl 1:S75-S78.
|Table IV. Treatment of HIV Cognitive Disorders
|Table V. Cognitive Dysfunction in HIV


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Medical Assistant Orthopedics
CareMount currently has a F/T opportunity for a patient-centered Medical Assistant to support and provide the highest quality of care for our Orthopedics patients.
Position Overview: The role of a Certified Medical Assistant is to provide care to patients/significant others via direct and/or telephone contact, following established standards and practices. Assists physician or other provider with clinical procedures.
Typical Physical Demands: Requires full range of body motion including moving and lifting patients, manual and finger dexterity and eye-hand coordination. Requires sitting and/or standing for extended periods of time. Occasionally exerts up to 100 pounds of force, such as assisting patients in arising from the exam table, pushing patients in wheelchairs, or assisting patients into/out of wheelchairs. Requires corrected vision and hearing to normal range. May require occasional lifting and carrying office supplies.
Typical Working Conditions: May require frequent exposure to communicable diseases and body fluids, toxic substances, medicinal preparations, and other substances and conditions common to a medical office environment. Requires working in close proximity to other personnel. Requires use of computer keyboard throughout the work day. May require use of autoclave for instrument sterilization. Requires working under stressful conditions and/or working irregular hours.
MINIMUM QUALIFICATIONS: High school diploma or equivalent. At least one year of clinical experience in a medical office / clinic or hospital setting, or graduate of an accredited medical assistant program. Record of prior stable employment and / or favorable references.
PREFERRED QUALIFICATIONS: Graduate of an accredited medical assistant program with at least one year of recent experience as a medical assistant. Current certification as a medical assistant or eligible for certification. Current CPR / BLS certification.
All qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, ethnicity, color, religion, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, national origin, disability, or protected veteran status. CareMount is an EEO employer – M/F/Veteran/Disability
Caremount Medical - Clinical
Why Work Here?
New York's largest, physician-owned, multi specialty group.
CareMount Medical, P.C. is the largest independent multispecialty medical group in New York State, providing comprehensive medical care of the highest quality to over 640,000 patients in more than 45 locations throughout Westchester, Putnam, Dutchess, Columbia, and Ulster counties and New York City. Founded in 1946 as Mount Kisco Medical Group, CareMount has grown to over 600 physicians and advanced practice professionals representing more than 40 different medical specialties. CareMount is affiliated with world-class organizations including Massachusetts General Hospital, Mount Sinai Health System, and Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. CareMount offers on-site laboratory and radiology services, endoscopy and infusion suites, and operates eight urgent-care centers. Our physicians are frequently recognized as best doctors in respected publications and have been featured in lists including New York Magazine's "Best Doctors," Westchester and Hudson Valley Magazine's "Top Doctors" as well as in Castle Connolly Medical's "Top Doctors." For additional information about CareMount Medical and its specialties, please visit: www.caremountmedical.com. CareMount Medical is a registered service mark of CareMount Medical P.C.
2084 East Main Street Cortlandt Manor, NY 10567 Cortlandt Manor, NY 10567 USA
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Tommy Douglas and His Successors
The New Democratic Party (NDP) was founded in Ottawa in 1961 at a convention uniting the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and affiliated unions of the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) and also New Party clubs. The NDP's founding leader was Tommy Douglas (1961-71), a long time CCF Premier of Saskatchewan and a Baptist minister. Douglas was a champion of social democracy, and is best known as the father of medicare, after introducing Canada's first government funded health insurance in Saskatchewan (see Health Policy). He led the first socialist government elected in Canada and, after serving as premier for 17 years, made history again as the first leader of the NDP. In 2004 Douglas was voted "The Greatest Canadian" in a national CBC Television contest.
After Douglas, the NDP was led by seven other political figures: David Lewis (leader from 1971-75), Ed Broadbent (1975-89), Audrey Mclaughlin (1989-95), Alexa McDonough (1995-2003), Jack Layton (2003-2011), Thomas Mulcair (2012-2017) and Jagmeet Singh (elected leader in October, 2017).
Federal Party
From its founding until 2008, the federal NDP obtained on average 15.6 per cent of the vote in national elections. Such a percentage is sufficient to influence Canadian politics, particularly during minority governments, but is not enough to form either the national government or official opposition. Because of the electoral system, the NDP, like the CCF before it, had consistently received a smaller percentage of the seats in Parliament than its percentage of votes.
In 1988 the party achieved a then-historic high of 43 House of Commons seats, but in the following election of 1993 plummeted to a record low of nine seats. In 2004, Layton, a former Toronto city councillor, led the NDP back to its normal level of voter support, which slowly increased in 2006 (when the NDP won 29 seats) and in 2008 (when the NDP won 37). In the 2011 election, Layton led the NDP to what was described as an "Orange Crush" triumph (named after the NDP's colours) when the party captured an unprecedented 103 seats (and 30.6 per cent of the vote). Layton and his wife, fellow NDP MP Olivia Chow, moved into Stornoway, the residence of the official opposition leader.
Many of the Commons seats captured in 2011 were won in Québec. This was unusual. Traditionally the West has provided the highest number of seats and individual memberships for the party, while the largest number of actual NDP votes traditionally come from Ontario. The NDP was unable to elect an MP from Québec in a general election until 2011, although it had acquired the occasional Québec seat via the defection of an MP from another party (1986) or in a by-election (1987).
Provincial Victories
A number of provincial branches of the NDP have formed governments. In British Columbia the NDP ran the province under the following premiers: Dave Barrett (1972-75); Mike Harcourt (1991-96); Glen Clark (1996-99); Dan Miller (1999-2000); Ujjal Dosanjh (2000-01) and John Horgan (July 2017- ).
In Alberta, an NDP government came to power for the first time in 2015 under Rachel Notley (2015- ).
The NDP has had considerable success in Saskatchewan under the following premiers: Tommy Douglas ( 1944-61); Woodrow Lloyd (1961-64); Allan Blakeney (1971-82); Roy Romanow (1991-2001); Lorne Calvert ( 2001-07).
In Manitoba, the NDP ran the government under the following premiers: Ed Schreyer (1969-77); Howard Pawley (1981-88); Gary Doer (1999-2009) and Greg Selinger (2009-2016).
In Ontario, Bob Rae (1990-95) was NDP premier. In Nova Scotia Darrell Dexter was NDP premier (2009-2013). And in Yukon Tony Penikett (1985-92) and Piers McDonald (1996-2000) ran the territory as NDP premiers.
In domestic affairs, the NDP is committed to a moderate form of socialism and a mixed economy. It favours government planning and public ownership (including Crown Corporations and co-operatives), where necessary, to provide jobs and services. The NDP has always been a vigorous exponent of such social security measures as universal medical care, old-age pensions, workers' compensation and employment insurance as a means to reduce class inequalities. It has called for national dental-care and child-care programs, favoured higher taxes on corporations and the rich and generally favoured greater government expenditures to expand social services.
In recent decades, the federal NDP under Layton and Mulcair targeted the big banks and fees charged to consumers. As the official political voice of labour, the NDP has encouraged trade-union organization. While the CCF advocated strong, federal government, the NDP has been more receptive to provincial rights.
In foreign policy, the NDP has manifested strong pacifist tendencies. While this pacifism lessened somewhat in the 1950s and early 1960s, the party has opposed Canada's involvement in NATO and NORAD and has called for Canada to become a nuclear-free zone. The NDP has also been uneasy about increased military integration with the United States, believing that this will jeopardize Canadian sovereignty. It has warned of the dangers of the weaponization of space and American lobbying to have Canada join the North American anti-ballistic missile system. The NDP has been highly critical of America's unilateralism and propensity for military interventions in world politics, and instead favours more peaceful international efforts through the United Nations.
Throughout its history, the NDP has been critical about the high rate of foreign, particularly American, ownership of Canadian industry. Under NDP pressure, the Liberal minority government of Pierre Trudeau introduced the Foreign Investment Review Agency (FIRA) in the 1970s. When Brian Mulroney's Conservatives campaigned for economic integration with the US under the Free Trade Accord (FTA) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the NDP opposed both agreements.
Rebuilding After 1993
Following its 1993 electoral setback, the federal NDP sought to rebuild organizationally and sponsored policy conferences in an attempt to re-energize itself and its platform. One innovation employed in 1995 was to elect its next leader by means of a two-step process — first involving a direct ballot of party members and affiliated unions and then followed by a national convention. The new leader, Alexa McDonough, led the NDP into the 1997 campaign with the challenge of regaining official parliamentary status for the party. The goal was achieved, but the NDP still remained a distant fourth place in the House of Commons. The 2000 election saw the party slip in both votes and seats, narrowly retaining official party status in Parliament.
After several disappointing elections, party members once more debated the future of social democracy, the party's organizational structure and its relationship to the labour movement. To facilitate the renewal process, McDonough stepped down as leader. In a 2003 nation-wide direct ballot, individual and affiliated union members elected Layton the new federal NDP leader.
Layton's victory signalled that the NDP membership wanted a more visible leader better equipped to tackle urban issues and foster links between the party and new social movements. Leading up to the 2004 campaign, the energetic Layton attracted media attention and the party rose in the polls. Some Ottawa reporters joked in the press that Layton never met a camera he did not like. In the 2004 election, the NDP recorded its best vote count in more than a decade (almost doubling its votes to 15.7 per cent) but the number of seats won increased only to 19, significantly less than the party had anticipated.
Minority Parliaments
Nevertheless, in the minority Parliament of 2004/2005, the NDP was able to play a key role. The NDP's amendment to the Liberal government's budget generated more spending for infrastructure and social programs. The NDP also successfully lobbied the Liberal government of Paul Martin to resist involvement in the US missile defence system and to pass the same-sex marriage legislation. In the 2006 election, the NDP under Layton continued to make gains in votes and seats. Given the diffusion of power in yet another minority Parliament, the NDP's role continued to be substantial.
One of the greatest organizational difficulties for the NDP has been the 2004 election finances legislation, which virtually eliminates trade union financial contributions to the party that labour co-founded. Another challenge emerged during the 2006 election when Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) president Buzz Hargrove called for union members to vote strategically. He urged unionists and others, where necessary, not to vote NDP, but instead to vote Liberal, in order to stop a Conservative Party victory. The debate continues over the place of Canada's labour party and the role of trade union members in political action and party politics.
The party continued to make strides in the areas of peacekeeping overseas, environmental issues and amendments to the Clean Air Act, and in the issue of residential schools, which resulted in an apology from the federal government in June 2008. The federal election that year returned the NDP to Ottawa with a stronger team to take on the larger Liberal opposition party and to exert pressure against the Conservative Party. The NDP pushed the Conservatives on issues that included health care wait times, global warming, jobs and affordability. In May 2010, the House of Commons passed the NDP's Climate Change Accountability Act, which would have made Canada the first to adopt scientific targets to cut climate-changing emissions by 80 per cent before 2050; the bill was voted down in the Senate the following November, but was reintroduced by the NDP in 2011.
Coalition Bid
Following the 2008 election, the Conservative government opened Parliament with an announcement of temporarily suspending federal employees' right to strike and denying monetary subsidies for political parties. The leaders of the other three parties responded by announcing that they could not support such measures. Layton, along with Liberal leader Stéphane Dion and Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe, negotiated terms to form a coalition to replace the Conservatives in the House. In early December 2008, they signed an accord for an agreement on a coalition government. They were expecting Governor General Michaëlle Jean to replace the Conservatives with the coalition government, rather than dissolve Parliament and call another election. Except for inside Québec, popular opinion across the nation was opposed to the coalition. Prime Minister Stephen Harper applied to the governor general to prorogue Parliament until January, when he would introduce the new budget; on 4 December, Jean granted his request.
Dion was replaced as leader of the Liberal party by Michael Ignatieff before the issue of a coalition was resolved. Layton, opposing the Conservative budget, urged the Liberal Party to unseat the Conservatives before the coalition expired, but on 28 January 2009 Ignatieff agreed to support the Conservative budget, thereby ending any possibility of a coalition.
Official Opposition
In the subsequent March, 2011 election, Layton led the NDP to a record number of seats in the House of Commons and the role of official opposition. The party's success came largely as a result of a breakthrough in Québec — having entered the race with only one seat in that province, and then winning 59 of the province's 75 seats.
Layton had announced in February 2010 that he had been diagnosed with prostate cancer. Yet he led the NDP through the 2011 election campaign with the same apparent vigour and enthusiasm he had displayed throughout his career. In July 2011 he announced he would be taking a temporary leave from his duties to fight a second cancer, and said that Nycole Turmel would be interim leader. Layton succumbed to the disease only a month later. Thomas Mulcair, a lawyer and former Québec government Liberal Cabinet minister, was elected the party's new leader in March 2012.
Mulcair and 2015 Election
Mulcair provided steady leadership, proving an effective performer and questioner in the House of Commons as leader of the official opposition. He led the NDP into the 2015 federal election, widely expected to challenge the Conservative hold on power and perhaps form the country's first NDP government. This belief was bolstered by the unprecedented victory earlier in the year, of the provincial wing of the party in Alberta, a Conservative bastion, where the NDP had been elected to power. Did this signal hope for the NDP nationally?
Mulcair and his party ran what they considered a safe campaign, turning away from the NDP's traditionally activist role and instead wooing moderate, centrist-minded voters by promising — like the Conservatives — a strict adherence to balanced budgets. The effort failed. Canadian voters were ready for change after nine years of Conservative rule, but most threw their support instead behind the Liberals led by Justin Trudeau. The NDP came a distant third in the election, and many of its most prominent MPs were defeated. Its dreams of winning power in Ottawa were once again unfulfilled.
In 2016, Mulcair was ousted when 52 per cent of delegates at the party's convention in Edmonton voted against his leadership. Mulcair decided to remain in his post until a new leader could be chosen, no later than the fall of 2017. Along with the leadership turmoil, the Edmonton convention further divided the party over a document put forward for debate called the Leap Manifesto, which called for a transition of Canada's economy away from fossil fuels development, and a ban on new oil and gas pipelines. Although supported by activists both in and outside the party, the Manifesto was deeply unpopular among many Alberta delegates — a newly powerful wing of the party led by Alberta NDP premier Rachel Notley.
Jagmeet Singh
On 1 October, 2017, Jagmeet Singh was elected the NDP's new leader, defeating several sitting party MPs for the position. A lawyer from Windsor, ON and a former NDP member of the Ontario legislature, Singh is the first visible minority (and first Sikh) to lead a major national political party in Canada. In the leadership campaign, Singh denounced the Québec government's controversial Bill 62, which would ban Muslim women from giving or receiving public services while wearing a face covering. He also advocated the decriminalization of all illegal drugs, and the reform of Canada's electoral system.
Soon after becoming leader, Singh raised eyebrows in a CBC television interview for failing to condemn members of the Sikh community who continue to revere and display posters of Talwinder Singh Parmar — a deceased Sikh activist who was the reputed mastermind of the 1985 Air India bombing that killed 329 people, Canada's deadliest terrorist attack.
With no seat in the House of Commons, Singh named another leadership candidate, Québec MP Guy Caron, as the party's leader in Parliament.


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Harry Ransom Center – University of Texas at Austin | April 2008
The Mike Wallace Interview with Henry Kissinger, July 13, 1958
Dr. Henry Kissinger, Associate Director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard University, talks to Wallace about the United States' foreign and military policies, limited nuclear war, the Soviet Union, Algeria, the Middle East, and Republicans, including Richard Nixon.
WALLACE: This is Professor Henry Kissinger, a military and political analyst with a revolutionary concept of nuclear war and a constructive concept for peace. He's a man whose ideas have prompted the highest officials of our government to re-evaluate our defense policies. We'll get his criticisms of our current strategies in war and peace in just a moment.
WALLACE: Good evening, I'm Mike Wallace. Tonight we'll tackle the immediate issue that will decide the fate of our freedom, certainly, and possibly even of our survival. We'll discuss the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, and the chances of war. Our guest, Professor Henry Kissinger, Associate Director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard University, and the man whose recent proposals substantially influenced President Eisenhower's plan for military reorganization.
Dr. Kissinger, last year your attack on our foreign and military policies was apparently found so disturbing that the New York Times carried this front-page story: they said, "For the first time since President Eisenhower took office, officials at the highest government levels are displaying interest in the theory of the 'little', or 'limited', war. The theory of massive retaliation is being re-examined." That was a year ago. What has come of the re-examination?
KISSINGER: I think the theory has been re-examined; the practice has not been.
WALLACE: The theory has been found wanting, then?
KISSINGER: The theory has been found wanting, but I don't think we have made the effort, or spent the money, or made the sacrifices necessary for… to get a capability for limited war.
WALLACE: Well now, in order to better understand your proposal for limited war, perhaps it would be well for you to define what you understand to be our current United States' military policy. What is our military policy?
KISSINGER: Well, our current military policy is based on the doctrine of massive retaliation: that we threaten an all-out attack on the Soviet Union in case the Soviet Union engages in aggression anywhere. This means that, against almost any form of attack, we base our policy on the threat that will involve the destruction of all mankind; and this is too risky, and I think too expensive.
WALLACE: You obviously think it's wrong, dangerous to our security. I wonder if you would expand on that. Just because of, what you say, the risk and just because of the expense, it is not worthwhile?
KISSINGER: No, it is… what it will mean is that in every crisis, an American president will have to make the choice whether a given objective is worth the destruction of American cities. The American president will have to decide whether Beirut, or whatever the issue may be, is worth about 30,000,000 American lives. In practice, I'm afraid the American president will have to decide that it is not worth it, and it will therefore encourage the piecemeal taking-over of the world by Soviet aggression.
WALLACE: Because you believe the Soviets understand our unwillingness or inability, certainly our unwillingness, to wage an all-out war?
KISSINGER: The Soviets will understand our increasing unwillingness to engage in this kind of war, and therefore their task will be to present us with the challenge which doesn't ever seem worth taking the final jump, but which the accumulation of which is going to lead to the destruction of the free world.
WALLACE: In place of that policy, what do you believe our military and political policies should be?
KISSINGER: Well, the first thing I'd like to say is that military policy can't be a substitute for other measures. It can only be the screen behind which other measures are possible. Now with this qualification, I think that we must have a military capability that permits us to react to Soviet threats at the same level of intensity at which they present it, so that we don't always have to choose between the destruction of the United States and the defense of the countries that may be threatened; but rather that we can defend the areas which are threatened at the place where the threat occurs.
WALLACE: How is that actually translated into… if I may, into more simple language? Is this… are you simply talking now about a policy which includes limited war?
KISSINGER: …It's a policy that… yes, that we are ready to engage in limited war, that we have troop transports, air transport that gets… enables us to get into position quickly, and that we have the forces to engage in limited war, which we do not now have.
WALLACE: Can you give me an example of how this might actually work out?
KISSINGER: Well, at the moment we have thirteen divisions. It is clear that with thirteen divisions we are incapable of resisting Soviet attacks when the Soviet Union has 175 divisions. If we had more divisions, and if we had air transport, then in case of a Soviet attack, say on Iraq, we could air-lift a few divisions into the area and, together with local forces, attempt a defense.
WALLACE: Uh-hum. President Eisenhower… You advise limited war, or you suggest the use of limited war, limited nuclear war, indeed. President Eisenhower said about two years ago, he said, "War in our time has become an anachronism. Whatever the case in the past, war in the future," he said, "can serve no useful purpose.
A war which became general, as any limited action might," he said, "could only result in the virtual destruction of mankind." Now that's the rub, it would seem: that any limited nuclear war might boil over into a total war; and so the question we must put to ourselves is, dare we take the chance?
KISSINGER: Well, let me answer this question in two parts. You say I advise a policy of limited nuclear war. I do not advise that we initiate war. The question of war will arise only if the Soviet Union attacks; then, if the Soviet Union attacks, and in fact, we are very much more afraid of total war than they are, they will gradually blackmail the free-world into surrender. Everything that I say is based on the assumption that we are as willing to run risks as the Soviet Union. If this is not the case, we are lost; and I think we ought to face that fact.
WALLACE: Uh-hum. Let's look at some of the measures… let's look at some of the measures which you propose for keeping a limited war limited. You say, for instance, that in the midst of a limited war, each side could be required to list its strategic air bases, which would then he immune from attack. All cities within 500 miles of the battle zone would be immune from nuclear attack if they were declared open and certified so to be.
It could be proposed that no weapon larger than 500 kilotons will be employed unless the enemy uses it first, and so forth. Now, two nations, which up until now have been unable to agree on armament control during peacetime, according to Dr. Kissinger, are expected to engage in fairly complex Marquis of Queensberry rules in the midst of a nuclear war. It… it doesn't sound sensible, sir.
KISSINGER: I know it doesn't sound sensible, and nor does the destructiveness of modern weapons sound very sensible. What is required here is a completely new order of thinking. I hold no particular brief with the specific limitations, which I recommended. What I am saying is this: both sides, if they know one thing, they know that an all-out war will mean the destruction of civilization, of their own as well as of the other.
They also know they will therefore have an interest in keeping any war that does break out to the smallest possible proportions. If they're looking for an excuse to expand it, they will expand it; I am assuming they're looking for an excuse to limit it. What we have to do is to bend our ingenuity into finding… toward finding means to limit any war that might break out, either through accident or through design.
Whether these particular limitations are absolutely the right ones, I wouldn't maintain; but the great difficulty has been the traditional military thinkers, trained with conventional strategy, have simply dismissed all new forms of thought, and have not addressed themselves to what seems to me to be a very real and serious problem.
WALLACE: Then you think American strategy should be re-evaluated to restore war as a usable instrument of policy.
KISSINGER: American strategy has to face the fact that it may be confronted with war, and that if Soviet aggression confronts us with war, and we are unwilling to resist, it will mean the end of our freedom. We will… this is it boils down, then, to a value choice. In these terms, yes, I think war must be made a usable instrument of policy.
WALLACE: Let me throw another argument at you, if I may, Dr. Kissinger. I'd like to quote from a study that has been released just a few hours ago called Foreign Policy in the Free Society, written by Walter Millis and Father John Courtney Murray. In it, analyst Walter Millis writes as follows: he says, "The concept of limited war presents a simple fallacy in logic.
We can resort to limited war," he says, "only when the objective is not vital to either side; in which case, we would be unlikely to resort to war in any event. This happened in Indo-China, Suez, and Hungary." He's obviously talking about the United States when he says 'we.' What about that?
KISSINGER: I… I'm a great admirer of Mr. Millis's; I cannot agree with him there. Every one of these instances were instances where the Western position was eroded. If it is really true that we can never engage in limited war, while the Soviet Union can engage in limited war, I can only repeat that our expulsion, the collapse of the free world, is inevitable. Moreover, to say that limited war is a logical fallacy doesn't mean very much if you look at the period from 1945 to 1958, which has had the Berlin blockade, the Korean war, Indo-China, Suez, Hungary, constant threats of nuclear attacks on other countries. The fact cannot be explained away on simply logical grounds.
WALLACE: Tell me this, sir. Suppose the communists were to march into West Berlin next week, would you, personally, and do you think the majority of the American people would want to take a chance on protecting West Berlin with a limited nuclear war?
KISSINGER: I am not saying that every Soviet attack must be answered with nuclear war. In an attack on West Berlin, I would certainly react in some manner, and in some manner that involves the use of force. Er… If we do not, no one will ever believe in our protection again, or in our word again. Whether the American people would support this or not would depend to some extent on their leadership. If you had taken a public-opinion poll on, say, June 20th, 1950, whether the American people would support the defense of Korea, you might have gotten an entirely different answer than the one you had a week later when the President decided that it was essential to our interests to defend it.
WALLACE: Then I take it what you envision is, if the Government were to follow your point of view, they should announce publicly that from now on the possibility of limited nuclear war should be seriously considered by all Americans and by all of our potential enemies.
KISSINGER: I would announce that our primary purpose is to avoid war; but if we are forced into war through Soviet aggression, we would attempt to keep it to the smallest proportions necessary, that we would not use more force than was absolutely necessary to defend the safety of the free world, but that we would use the amount of force that was necessary to defend the free world.
WALLACE: As long as we're in the realm of speculation here, let's speculate a little further. What do you think the reaction of the Soviet government would be to an announcement of that kind?
KISSINGER: Well, they would be very likely to deny that a war can be limited because atomic blackmail is one of their most effective means of expansion. If they can create the impression that any resistance to Soviet aggression inevitably leads to the destruction of the country concerned, then many countries will prefer surrender to defending themselves. If they were faced with the real situation, however, all past experience indicates that this is not a regime that gambles everything on one throw of the dice.
WALLACE: In the field of foreign policy and military affairs, Dr. Kissinger, you're acknowledged to be one of the most penetrating minds in the country. Last year, as I've mentioned, you published a military analysis, which rocked Washington. Yet, you devoted it almost exclusively to framing a war policy rather than a peace policy. Could this be indicative of what is happening to our thinking here in America? Isn't this indeed what many of our allies criticize us for?
KISSINGER: Well, I… I would reject this description of my book. I did not frame a war policy; I framed a policy which I think is the only one that is going to preserve the peace. I am afraid that weakness is certainly going to lead us into a position where finally we will be forced to engage in very extreme measures to defend ourselves. I would therefore reject the description of my recommendations as a war policy. Our problems abroad are more complicated than this because on the one hand we are accused of an over-emphasis on military factors; on the other hand, the fact of the matter is that we are not strong enough to defend most of our allies. And one of… I would at least suggest that one of the difficulties is that our allies are both worried about our general political posture, and at the same time feel that we are not capable of protecting them if a showdown comes.
WALLACE: Uh-hum. What policies…? Let's move from war policies to positive peace policies. What policies do you believe generally that we should adopt to help keep the peace, and at the same time contain communism?
KISSINGER: Well, I hate again to differ with you but I cannot accept the distinction between war and peace policies. Defense policies are essential to maintain the peace. Er… They are not, however, going to solve the political problems of the world. They are only going to give us a shield behind which we can engage in constructive measures. What is essential right now is that we identify ourselves with the tremendous revolution, which is sweeping across the world, that we have some image for the construction of the free world which is based on other motives than simply defending the world against communism. We must make clear what we are for rather than what we are against. If we were clearer about the kind of world we want to bring about, if we could project this concern to other people, then we wouldn't always seem so intransigently militant, then we would be identified with positive measures rather than with simply military alliances.
WALLACE: Well, let's talk about some specifics. How do you regard our conduct in regard to the Algerian situation of the past few years?
KISSINGER: I think the Algerian situation is an extremely complicated and difficult one. In general, we should stand for the freedom of people. In general, we should oppose colonial regimes. On the other hand, we should come up with ideas which… Independent Algeria cannot survive as a purely independent state. The great paradox of this period is that on the one hand you have a drive toward more and more sovereign states; on the other hand, there is no such thing as a purely independent state any more. The thing that has always attracted me, therefore, would be that we would advocate a North African federation, which would be tied together economically and for other development projects, and that Algeria would find its place as part of that rather than as a purely independent state.
WALLACE: Do you look to the inclusion of Nasser and his peoples in this North African federation?
KISSINGER: Well, initially I would group… I would recommend grouping Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco. There might be another grouping of powers in the Middle East which includes Egypt and some of the states which have had a somewhat different history than the… than Algeria.
WALLACE: Would you say that our posture vis-à-vis Egypt has been a realistic one? Do you not agree that the peoples of Africa would seem to respond to Nasser, and that we seem to support governments in the Middle East which do not always have the support of their actual inhabitants, and that perhaps Nasser has more support than some of the other governments from the people themselves?
KISSINGER: Well, our policy vis-à-vis Nasser has suffered from indecisiveness. We have neither been conciliatory enough when we were conciliatory, nor intransigent enough when we were intransigent. We're not friendly enough to make him a friend, and we were not hostile enough really to bring him down, with the result that we have suffered from the worst of both worlds.
WALLACE: What you're saying is we have no policy.
KISSINGER: That we've been governed by events rather than attempt to shape them. I would think, however, that Ibn Saud does not represent the force with which we should be identified in the Middle East.
WALLACE: Let me come back again to the study called Foreign Policy in the Free Society. In it, philosopher Scott Buchanan says, "Our problem here in the United States is to exist as a capitalist society in, possibly, a completely socialist, revolutionary world." Now it would seem, to a certain extent anyway, that that's the way the world is going. Is it possible that we cannot exist in such a world?
KISSINGER: Well, you know, you could argue that the identification of 'socialist' and 'revolutionary' is not a very good identification. You could well argue that a capitalist society, or, what is more interesting to me, a free society, is a more revolutionary phenomenon than nineteenth-century socialism; and this illustrates precisely one of our problems. I think we should go on the spiritual offensive in the world. We should identify ourselves with the revolution. We should say that freedom, if it is liberated, can achieve many of these things.
WALLACE: Well, what is keeping us from going on the spiritual offensive, as you see it?
KISSINGER: Er… Because we've suddenly been projected into a situation for which very little in our history has prepared us and because, I'm afraid, many of the leadership groups that are engaged in foreign policy have had a set of experience… which make… experiences which make it rather difficult for them to come to grips with a really revolutionary situation.
WALLACE: Well, now, in that regard, earlier this week, you told our reporter that as far as current leaders are concerned, you said, "We have an administration of old men, happy with the life they have led." And you considered this dangerous. Uh… You smile now. What did you mean, and why is it dangerous, and why are you smiling?
KISSINGER: Well, I made this statement. I think that the groups I was referring to are very well meaning, very sincere, very patriotic people. The difficulty they have is that they think that the world in which they grew up is the 'normal' world. Er… Their tendency is, when a crisis arises, to try to smooth it over, and then to wait and then to expect that the 'normal' forces would re-assert themselves. Therefore they conduct policy a little bit like… er… maybe small-town bankers, who think one can always draw interest on a good situation. They conduct very often our policy as if Adenauer would live forever, despite the fact that he's 82 years old. When there's no crisis it's always very difficult to get agreement on a constructive step; conversely, it often requires a crisis to make us engage in any action.
WALLACE: Do you see any political leaders in the United States who, you believe, have a clear grasp of America's current place in history?
KISSINGER: I think one of the very worrisome features of the situation is that I don't find any great moral dynamism on either side.
WALLACE: When you say 'on either side,' you mean either on the democratic or on…
KISSINGER: Er… Either in the Democratic or in the Republican Party.
WALLACE: Well how… how do you account for that, Dr. Kissinger?
KISSINGER: (CLEARS THROAT) I think we've been assuming for too long that all we had to do… First of all, we are a nation of specialists. We tend to think that a problem is either economic or political or military. Many of your questions earlier in the program seem to me to indicate this when you said, "This is a policy of war, and that is a policy of peace."
It is hard for us to understand that we have to be able to do military, political, economic and psychological things all simultaneously. Then, we have been rather satisfied with the situation in our country as it is and with the world in which we have lived. Our response to the world has usually been to an overpowering threat from abroad.
Therefore, even when we have engaged in constructive steps like the Marshall Plan, the Greek-Turkish aid program, which were very great efforts, nevertheless we've always justified them on the basis of a communist threat, very rarely on the basis of things we wanted to do because of our intrinsic dynamism. I believe, for example, that we reacted very wrongly to the riots in Latin America. Rather than saying, "These are communist-inspired, and we must react to… we must keep Latin America from going Communist," we should have said, "This recalls us to our duty; these are things we want to do because of the values we stand for, not because we want to beat the communists."
WALLACE: But the question… the question is, why are we as unaware, why are we as unavailing? Is it because we have been projected into world leadership in too much of a hurry, unprepared for it? Is that one of the reasons?
KISSINGER: It… This is… one of our very basic reasons is that we've been projected too much in a hurry. And it also must be said in fairness that we have done rather well considering all the challenges that have been thrown at us. It is too bad that 'rather well' isn't good enough. Another problem is that the people who emerge in leadership positions in this country usually come from a lifetime of experience, which doesn't prepare them for the conduct of foreign policy; they may come from business or from law, or even from the universities.
WALLACE: We're certainly not in the case of John Foster Dulles. How would you evaluate the overall impact of Mr. Dulles on the world position of the United States?
KISSINGER: I think that Mr. Dulles is a very skillful tactician, that he shows extraordinary ingenuity in escaping from specific crisis situations. Unhappily, the real problem in the world at the moment is to prevent the crises from arising; it is to project an image of American concern and of American purpose. This… he is much less successful in doing. He often gives the impression of being so infatuated with the mechanics of foreign policy and with the negotiation aspect of foreign policy that he has not succeeded in projecting the deeper things we stand for, and often has created great distrust abroad.
WALLACE: Who, if any, are the men in public life whom you admire, you personally admire and look to for leadership for the United States, Dr. Kissinger?
KISSINGER: Well, I must say first of all that I'm here as a non-partisan, that I'm an independent.
WALLACE: Understood.
KISSINGER: I… I don't stand for either party in this. This depends. I've respected Mr. Stevenson in many of his utterances, respected Mr. Acheson in many of his utterances, although I've disagreed with him very much on other things. Er… It's very difficult for a party out of power to prove what it can do.
WALLACE: But there's no… There is no Republican who comes readily to your mind, in whom you have that… that confidence that that man has an understanding, the understanding that we need to lead us at this time?
KISSINGER: I hate to engage in personalities. I think that Mr. Nixon in his public utterances recently has shown awareness of the situation, but… I'd rather not deal in personalities, if you ask me…
WALLACE: Of course… Yes. Of course, we're going to have to. We're going to have to deal in personalities because personalities are leaders, and personalities are the people who eventually have to enunciate the issues. I'm sorry, sir, but our time has run out, and I'm very grateful to you for coming here from Cambridge to spend this half-hour with us, Dr. Kissinger.
Our survival and freedom, a thorny undertaking at best, has become even more difficult to hold onto in the nuclear age. For this reason, we run the danger of seeking easy answers or of despairing that there are any answers at all. Dr. Kissinger has suggested a tough, challenging answer, part of the answer, in limited war. But as he himself has put it, "History will not excuse the inadequacy of our response because of the enormity of the challenge."
Next week is the last program on our scheduled Survival and Freedom series, and on it we shall come to grips with what's been said on this entire series by such guests as Reinhold Niebuhr, Justice Douglas, Aldous Huxley, Adlai Stevenson, Pat Weaver, Cyrus Eaton, and Henry Kissinger. Our guest next week, you see him behind me, will be Dr. Robert Hutchins, a stormy petrel on the American scene, formerly Dean of the Yale Law School and President of the University of Chicago, now President of the Fund for the Republic. That's Robert Hutchins next week. Till then, Mike Wallace. Good night.
|WATCH ALEX JONES' ENDGAME ONLINE NOW in its entirety. View more High quality trailers at www.endgamethemovie.com


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2 Chainz Launches '24 Hours to Live' Documentary Mini-Series [VIDEO]
Rapper 2 Chainz is giving fans an inside peek into his mind as well as his daily grind with his '24 Hours to Live' documentary mini-series.
A new installment will drop every week leading up to the release of his second album, 'B.O.A.T.S. II: Me Time,' which hits stores Sept. 10.
In the first episode, which was filmed in Los Angeles and South Africa, Deuce reflects on his career path and contemplates his next move.
"I enjoy entertaining," he says.
The Atlanta rhymer also gives us flashbacks of past awards shows he attended including the BET Awards and the ASCAP Awards where he received the Songwriter of the Year trophy.
2 Chainz also talks about allegations that he's part of the mysterious Illuminati.
"What I always wanted to know was why Illuminati only catered to rappers," he wonders. "Seems like it came out after Jay-Z became so successful. That s--- don't mean nothing. That means that God has pinpointed you to be successful and to be basically privileged. And for me, I grinded, I worked hard, I prayed for this."
You can find 2 Chainz currently on the America's Most Wanted Festival tour with Lil Wayne, T.I. and French Montana.
To check out the tour dates, click here.


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Business Club
The Munster Rugby Business Club in association with Thomond Asset Management offers an excellent opportunity for progressive and proactive businesses to host customers, impress prospective clients or reward hardworking staff in a unique and unforgettable way.
Membership will be a vehicle to broaden your client base and further develop existing custom. Members of this select club are afforded the opportunity to link their businesses with the iconic Munster Rugby brand while enjoying top quality hospitality in The Munster Suite on the hospitality level in Thomond Park Stadium. This spacious room for members and guests only, is positioned in the heart of the East Stand and has magnificent views of the legendary and hallowed pitch.
On match day it is hard to imagine a more impressive setting to network with like-minded people, to wow your customers or simply to enjoy world class rugby in the heartland of the most passionate supporters in the world.
For more information contact Anthony Morrissey at email@example.com or call 087-6202530


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Law enforcement agencies from across the U.S. have reached out to Jalopnik for help with car identifications since your input was "critical" to solving a hit-and-run earlier this year.
Today, tipster Max writes with with a case from Colorado in which police are seeking "a four-door dark blue sedan with a spoiler [and] may have had five spoke rims."
Seems the driver of said vehicle (a slender man in his 20s, roughly 5'7" with short brown hair and stubble on his face, and wearing "a red cap and red jersey") tried to kidnap a 13-year-old boy on Saturday night. (the boy's mom grabbed a camera and shot a photo of alleged pedo's vehicle.)
This occurred about 15 miles from a town reeling from the murder and dismemberment of 10-year-old Jessica Ridgeway, and a month after a "stranger danger" alert was issued for a guy in a similar vehicle.
Max wrote that, based on the picture above, he disagrees with the Toyota Corolla assessment. Do you? If so, what do you think it is? We'll pass it along to authorities in Colorado.
Update: According to a Sunday morning report, the man has turned himself in. Seems as if the child misunderstood his intentions.


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Feb. 19, 2008
Complete Release in PDF Format
The Schedule
Wednesday, February 20, 7 p.m.
No. 14 UCSB vs. No. 6 UCLA
Robertson Gymnasium
Santa Barbara, Calif.
Radio: KCSB 91.9 FM
Online Broadcast: KCSB.org
Gametracker: UCSBGauchos.com
Saturday, February 23, 2 p.m.
No. 14 UCSB at No. 7 UC Irvine
Bren Center
Irvine, Calif.
Gametracker: UCSBGauchos.com
Against UCLA
Last Meeting: 4/21/07 at UCSB (MPSF Quarterfinal)
Result: UCSB 3, UCLA 1 (30-17, 37-35, 27-30, 30-27)
2008 Series: Have not met
2007 Series: Tied 2-2
All-Time Series Record: UCLA leads 111-28
Last UCLA Win: 2/23/07 at UCLA
Result: UCLA 3, UCSB 1 (30-28, 30-24, 30-32, 30-19)
Current Streak: UCSB one win
Against UC Irvine
Last Meeting: 1/4/08 at UCSB (Elephant Bar tourney)
Result: UCI 3, UCSB 1 (30-21, 30-26, 28-30, 35-33)
2008 Series: UCI leads 1-0
2007 Series: UCI led 2-0
All-Time Series Record: UCSB leads 43-14
Last UCSB Win: 1/6/06 at UCSB
Result: UCSB 3, UCI 2 (30-24, 30-27, 27-30, 28-30, 15-10)
Current Streak: UCI five wins
Several Matches to be Broadcast by KCSB
Starting with the Jan. 25 tilt against Stanford, KCSB will begin live broadcasts of select matches. You can either tune in to 91.9 FM or listen to the online broadcast at KCSB.org. The double-header against Hawai'i Feb. 1-2 will be broadcast live by KCSB with the second match available online only. You can listen online to the Feb. 15 match vs. UC Santa Cruz and the Feb. 20 contest against UCLA will be on the radio as well as online. Other matches may be added in the future.
Track the Matches Online
For the first time ever, UCSB men's volleyball matches can be followed live online with Gametracker. All home matches and select road contests will be included. Just log on to UCSBGauchos.com, go to the men's volleyball schedule, and click on the Gametracker link for the match you're interested in. You can follow each point and even view player bios. Gametracker is free of charge and works on PCs and Macs. You just need to have Flash and Java installed and enabled.
No, They Don't Have to be adidas
The UCSB men's volleyball team and Athletics Department will be hosting a shoe drive on Wednesday, Feb. 20 during the UCLA match at Robertson Gymnasium. All shoes collected will be donated to a non-profit organization called Soles4Souls, which distributes shoes to people and places in need on five different continents. We are asking people to donate "gently used" or better shoes. Bring them to the match on the 20th and drop them in the bin at the entrance to the gym. All 19 UCSB sports teams will be donating shoes of their own. For more information, please visit soles4souls.org.
Gauchos Remain Perfect Against UC Santa Cruz
UCSB swept UC Santa Cruz by scores of 30-28, 30-28, and 30-28 Feb. 15 at Robertson Gymnasium. The Gauchos remained perfect against the Banana Slugs, holding a 14-0 lead in the all-time series. A total of 14 Gauchos played in the match. Outside hitter Phil Mathews led the team with nine kills while hitting .438 (9-2-16). Middle blocker Sam Moisenco and opposite Jake Rosener each contributed seven kills with Moisenco swinging at a .667 clip (7-1-9). He also added an ace, five blocks, and totaled a team high 11 points. Max Klineman started at setter and had 14 assists before being replaced by true freshman Vince DeVany. Devany had 21 helpers and was solid at the net, collecting four blocks. Santa Cruz got a match high 14 kills from Bryan Shires. Brad Sullivan followed with 13. Austin Einhorn and Alex Schwartz each had four blocks, while setter Eric Rowell racked up 39 assists. Neither squad attacked well with UCSB finishing at .222 (45-23-99) and UC Santa Cruz at .184 (44-25-103). The opening game was tied 28-28 before a Banana Slug service error and a hitting error gave the set to Santa Barbara. Game two saw much of the same as the game was tied at 27-27. An attack error and a kill by Mathews put UCSB up 29-27. UCSC shrugged off one game point with a kill by Shires, but another service error allowed the Gauchos to take the game. UCSB played from behind early in game three, but, once again, the game was tied at 28 all. Matt Thobe threw down a kill to put the Gauchos up by one and a block by Thobe, Devany, and Trey Valbuena iced the win for UCSB.
Are You Experienced?
UCSB's starting lineup looks quite a bit different than it did last season. Of the regular starters this year, only senior middle Theo Brunner (101 matches) and junior setter Max Klineman (69 matches) have extensive collegiate playing experience. On the outside, senior Phil Mathews has played in 25 career matches, 13 of those coming this season. Junior Mike Runkle, also on the outside, had played in three matches prior to 2008. Sophomore middle Sam Moisenco played in eight matches as a freshman last season, while middle Scott Slaughter and libero Andy McGuire are both redshirt freshman. Finally, opposite Jeff Menzel is a true freshman.
What a Difference a Month Makes
After starting the season with a 2-6 record in the month of January, UCSB has gone 4-1 thus far in Feburary. The only loss this month was at Stanford on Feb. 8. Much of the improvement is due to hitting, not just UCSB's but opponent's as well. The Gauchos hit just .225 in January and are currently hitting .247 in February. Opponents have gone from .315 all the way down to .244. UCSB has also increased its kills per game average from 13.93 to 16.45 and its digs per game average from 8.71 to 12.45 since January. The Gauchos are 3-0 at Rob Gym in February.
Runk Junk
Junior Mike Runkle has been a factor on the court since moving to outside hitter from setter. He's had 10 or more kills in three of UCSB's last five matches, including a career high 12 against Hawai'i (2/2). He also added a career best 13.5 points in that match. The day before, also vs. the Warriors, he hit a career high .562 (10-1-16). More recently, Runkle recorded double digit dig totals at Stanford (13) and Pacific (11) on Feb. 8 and 9. His 13 scoops vs. the Cardinal established a new career high. He also matched a career high with five blocks. In the Pacific match, Runkle posted a career high three aces and tied a career high with 13.5 points. Prior to this season, Runkle had just five career games to his credit. All five came in 2006 as he did not see any playing time in 2007.
Dandy Andy
Redshirt freshman Andy McGuire has started at libero in every match this season and is averaging 2.52 digs per game. On four occasions he has totaled 10 or more digs, including a career high 20 vs. Hawai'i (2/1). McGuire holds a .966 reception percentage with just 14 errors in 414 attempts.
Redshirt? I Don't Need no Stinking Redshirt!
Freshman setter Vince DeVany made his collegiate debut Jan. 26 against Pacific at Rob Gym. Originally scheduled to redshirt the 2008 season, Devany dressed against the Tigers and recorded his first career kill on his first career attempt. He also added four assists in the win. Devany and opposite Jeff Menzel are the only true freshman that have seen the floor so far for the Gauchos. Ben Douglas, Blaine Nielsen, Jordan Nuni, Jake Scalise, and Alex Williams are still scheduled to redshirt this year.
Preston Will Retire Following the 2008 Season
Ken Preston, easily the winningest coach in UCSB men's volleyball history and one of the winningest active coaches in the nation, will retire following the 2008 season, his 30th as head of the Gaucho program. Preston will remain a member of the UCSB Athletics Department through the end of 2008 and will assist in the search for his successor in the spring. Preston began his UCSB head coaching career in 1979. In his 29 seasons, he has compiled a 506-364 overall record for a winning percentage of .582. He has guided the program to 21 of its 29 seasons of .500 or better, including 19 winning seasons. His teams have qualified for 19 postseason appearances and in 1988, Preston's squad advanced to the NCAA Final Four and then the NCAA Championship match. In 2007, UCSB had one of its most successful seasons in several years with a 20-14 overall record and a 14-8 mark in the MPSF. The Gauchos, who climbed as high as No. 3 in the national rankings, posted a victory over visiting UCLA in the quarterfinals of the MPSF Tournament to cap the campaign. Preston recorded his 500th career win with a victory at IPFW in March. In addition, two players - Theo Brunner and Evan Patak - were named AVCA First Team All-Americans. Prior to coming to UCSB, Preston coached at Cal Poly, Wright State (Dayton, Ohio), and Westmont College in Santa Barbara. In addition to his collegiate experience, Preston has spent extensive time on the international circuit, serving in both head and assistant coach capacities at the Olympics, World Championships, Pan American Games, and the World University Games. A search for Preston's successor will take place in the spring. Preston will be a key member of the committee assigned to select the new coach.
New Mugs on the Coaching Staff
Head coach Ken Preston welcomes a pair new faces to his 2008 coaching staff. Most recently, Lee Nelson joined the Gauchos as associate head coach. Nelson replaced Aaron Mansfield, who left this summer to try out for the U.S. National Team as a libero. Nelson came from Fresno State, where he was the top assistant with the Bulldog women's program. He played at UCSB from 1985-89 and was also an assistant coach under Preston from 1997-99. Lee graduated from UCSB in 1991. He was raised in Santa Barbara and is a 1984 grad of Santa Barbara High School. Ricardo DoMonte was added to the staff during the summer of 2007. A native Brazilian, he coached the UCSB men's volleyball club team to a national championship in 2007. Since 2002, doMonte has served as the Volleyball Director for the Page Youth Center/Santa Barbara Boy's Volleyball Club. He has coached elite level players indoors and on the beach in both Brazil and United States, and has worked at several UCSB volleyball camps.
Gauchos Pick Up Four During Fall Signing Period
UCSB picked up four high school seniors during the 2007 fall signing period. Outside hitters Grant Goswiller, Mark Liebermann, and Matt Townsend, as well as middle blocker/opposite Jake Piva will don the blue and gold for the 2009 season. Goswiller, a 6-foot-3 outside, hails from Coto de Caza, Calif. and Tesoro High School. He has also played club ball for Balboa Bay and OC Riptides. Goswiller was an all-tournament selection at the 2007 Junior Olympics (17 Open) in Atlanta. Outside of volleyball, he was a member of the Lionsheart Community Service Club and the Invisible Children's Club. In the classroom, Goswiller was a three-year Presidential Honor Roll member. Liebermann is from Newport Beach, Calif. and Newport Harbor High School. The 6-foot-5 outside was part of a Balboa Bay Volleyball Club squad that took first place at the 2007 Holiday Classic. Piva, a 6-foot-8 middle/opposite, is from Valencia, Calif. and won a CIF title with Valencia High School, a perennial powerhouse in the Foothill League. With Santa Monica Beach Club, he won a 2007 title in the Open Division and has twice been named all-tourney at Junior Olympics. Townsend is from Granada Hills, Calif. and plays for Chaminade College Prep. A four-year letterwinner, the 6-foot-4 outside has garnered First Team All-Mission League honors. In 2007, he was a member of the Southern California Volleyball Association Regional Team that competed at the Slovenia Global Challenge. Townsend won gold at the 2007 Junior Olympics (17 Open) and silver at the 2006 JOs (16 Open).
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