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Historia (Santiago)
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Historia (Santiago) v.4 n.se Santiago 2008
The truth is in the facts: tension between objectivity and opposition. Radio cooperativa during the dictatorship
Carla A. Rivera Aravena
Phd candidate in History, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2008. Thanks to Javier Osorio, Steve Stern, Alfredo Riquelme y Patricio Bernedo for their comments, criticism and revisions. Their suggestions were of great use to complete this investigation. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
Translated by Cristina Labarca Cortés
Translation from Historia (Santiago), Santiago, v.41, n.1, p. 79-98, enero-junio. 2008.
The following article analyzes the different journalist strategies followed by Radio Cooperativa that allowed its positioning as an opposition media within the communication industry during the dictatorship. The construction of its identity was built upon a discourse of objectivity promoted during the military regime. The radio's success was due to its strategy of informing about facts that were silenced in a context of repression and censorship. This transformed information into a political theme that was not influenced by political parties. To accomplish this, several archival sources were revised including the Vicaría de la Solidaridad Archives, Cooperativa Radio archival materials as well as Colegio de Periodistas records.
Key words: Radio Cooperativa, journalist strategies, journalistic objectivity, radio identity.
En el siguiente artículo se analizan las distintas estrategias periodísticas de la radio Cooperativa que permitieron su instalación en la industria comunicativa como un medio de oposición. La construcción de la identidad de la emisora se sustentó a partir de un discurso de "objetividad" que promueve durante el régimen militar. Se postula, por una parte, que el consagrado éxito se debió al contexto de represión y censura a que se vieron expuestos los medios de comunicación, transformando a la información en un tema político que no pasaba por las posiciones partidistas o ideológicas definidas, sino por el solo hecho de informar los acontecimientos que eran silenciados. Para este cometido se revisaron los Archivos de la Vicaría de la Solidaridad, los Archivos de la emisora en cuestión y los Archivos del Colegio de Periodistas, entre otras fuentes bibliográficas.
Palabras clave: Radio Cooperativa, estrategias periodísticas, objetividad periodística, identidad radial.
"Every observer of contemporary human events is also a participant of them,
and is therefore morally involved in them "
On May 13th 1983 the news programs of Radio Cooperativa Vitalicia in Santiago, Temuco and Valparaíso were indefinitely suspended through Supreme Decree 593 signed by the Home Secretary, Sergio Onofre Jarpa. The Division of Social Communication (División de Comunicación Social, DINACOS)1 pointed out to the media that this measure was taken because of the misrepresentation of information in the agitation campaign the radio station had allegedly broadcasted on May 11th . This had been done through interviews, comments, news and transmissions of all kinds, with the clear political intent to create an artificial climate of agitation and public unrest. That same day in which the news signal of Cooperativa went off the dial, public support was felt from different areas of society. The Journalist Association, Human Rights Commission, students of the Universidad de Chile, trade unions, and even the Catholic Church joined in the cause to regain the voice of one of the radios with most listeners throughout Chile2.
The demands for the reopening of the sender were expressed in acts of solidarity with all the media that, more than once, had had their news programs suppressed or restricted because they entailed a defense of democracy and an opposition to the military regime3. Also, through these acts, civil society claimed and demanded a space that in some way would give them back the sense of belonging to a community that had been disintegrated by the dictatorship.
In fact, Cooperativa had positioned itself in the collective imaginary as the radio of all Chileans. All members of the radio shuddered with the three thousand signatures and messages they received until the lifting of the suspension. They could not believe the social impact the radio had caused because it renounced to defend an own opinion in comments or editorials and to adhere to the political parties of the opposition; its sole purpose was to present all facts from the point of view of the actors, no matter what political group they belonged to4 .
In fact, Cooperativa designed its communicative strategies5 based on the discourse of journalistic objectivity6, an important characteristic of the modern liberal press, and positioned itself in the market of information as a "neutral" media that aimed to inform the population, independently of the political group. However, in a regime of restrictions, the discourse of objectivity stems from a position of opposition, for not only any criticism but also uncontrolled information was considered to be a threat by the authorities, and by the readers it was seen as a form of resistance7.
In this way the radio news of Cooperativa produced effects that were not mechanically linked with the empirical principles that constituted their references; that is to say, the representations produced by the radio that did not look to encourage the masses nor generate a space of explicit confrontation as was thought allowed society to learn for itself from a certain construction of meaning, in which grammars of production and recognition among the listeners played a role. In this manner and just like other dissident media, Cooperativa helped to reconstitute a collective memory - different from the one of "fatherland saviors" coined by the military to legitimize their presence redefining and revalidating the sense of belonging of different individuals to a community of many groups, national and collective, that had been mutilated and divided by the military regime8.
In this construction of collective values and beliefs, the media play a relevant role. They make it possible to structure and organize the presence of the past in all areas of contemporary life. For one part, they are the deposit where memories are saved, as they are able to register and reproduce the events of a period. For another, these registers of memory are constructions in the dialectic between remembering-forgetting, in which the interests of the producers come together in a dynamic way (both from the media and the journalists) and the public. In this way, memory is not only the recount of past events, but also the construction in the present of that which is possible to know and must be remembered, that is to say, that which we consider worth to remember. In this context we must ask ourselves what was the responsibility of the media in the authoritarian regime. Or, put another way, how do these constructions of reality work before and after the 1973 coup?
Some authors, like Steve Stern, highlight the role the media played against the dictatorship, as social actors and in the construction of a memory. A different one dissident to the official one that made it possible to regain an image of community9. However, the tendency to standardize the unofficial media, where some media of the cultural industry, local and clandestine media come together, prevent seeing nuances in this process. Not all media acted nor defined themselves in the same way faced with the military regime. Each one of them, from their respective platforms of production, designed their own political and commercial strategies that made it possible for them to take a certain position in the political field. For the dissident media, it clearly consisted in denouncing and confronting the policies of the military dictatorship. However, the media did not maintain themselves only with denunciations; there was also the issue of surviving the political crisis of that period.
Before the coup, the structure of media communication was pretty heterogeneous. Every media had its own characteristics. Different from the written press, which was linked to politics from the beginning, the radio always had a plainly commercial character; that is to say, it was conceived mainly as a means of entertainment, fundamental characteristic of the mass culture10. In this context, the programs were adapted to the interests of the listeners and the different historical and economic contingencies. So, the news programs soon took up an established space in radial programming, just like those of entertainment11.
Since the 1960s there had been a progressive tendency towards the democratization of the media, and by 1973 there was a plural communications system, open to all opinion groups12. This made it possible to incorporate the population in the informative debate, considerably diminishing the exclusion there was in this field13 . In this process, radio became the political tribune by excellence, a typical element of political culture. All political parties and groups participated - in a direct or indirect manner - in the radio world: the Communist Party (Radio Magallanes), Socialist Party (Radio Corporación), the adherents to Allende's government (Radio Portales), MAPU (Radio Candelaria), Central Única de Trabajadores (Radio Luis Emilio Recabarren) and MIR (Radio Nacional). In this manner, from the new ways of doing politics in a scene for the masses, radio claimed its social place as an effective means to create public opinion14 . In fact, this was not exclusive of the media that possessed a certain party logic; the communicational field as a whole was in some manner involved in this process of political activity in the public sphere.
Radio Cooperativa, known as one of the radio stations with the largest tradition and with subsidiaries almost in the whole country, was sold in the beginning of the 1970s to Sociedad Publicitaria y Propaganda Ltda that belonged to the Christian Democratic Party. At the moment this party only had one public opinion media (La Prensa newspaper that had a strong political edge), and opted for the acquisition of the radio station because of the importance and massive reach of that form of communication. The directive board was integrated by Carlos Figueroa, Edmundo Pérez Yoma and Alberto Pulido, who actively participated in the political debates of the time.
The radio did not present itself as a political media (the president of the party, Eduardo Frei Montalva refused to do this), however the social tensions of the moment made it possible for some opinion programs of the radio to construct a space of denunciation against Unidad Popular. The program that caused the most stir in that sense was "At this hour women improvise too", directed by Raquel Correa, Patricia Guzmán, María Eugenia Oyarzún and Silvia Pinto15.
With the military coup this democratic system of communication that had characterized the country for more than 50 years broke down. The media were affected by a combination of measures like confiscations, legal restrictions and the physical repression of journalists and communicators: censorship regulations aimed at demobilizing and depoliticizing the population16.The restriction to media continued in a drastic manner until the 1980s, when they were not only controlled by the government, but also by the evolution and dynamics of the systems of mass communication.
FROM THE COUP TO THE 1980s
After the military coup, all mass media were intervened and suffered multiple repressions, censorships and informative restrictions17. The radio stations that were not closed down (like Cooperativa) took on different roles in the social context of the time. For example, radios Balmaceda and Chilena took on a predominantly political role, as a platform of denunciation of the abuses committed by the regime18. Instead, radio Cooperativa continued the logic of entertainment, which can be seen for example in the incorporation of personalities that represented the mass culture, like Antonio Vodanovic, Julio Martínez, Sergio Livingston, Juan la Rivera, César Antonio Santis, Javier Miranda and Gabriela Velasco, among others. With this, the radio signed up for a strategy that would eventually provide larger incomes, that would get it out of the economic crisis it towed with since the 1970s, and at the same time, protect it from possible repressions19. However, the social violence in the country and the closing down of Radio Balmaceda and consequent relegation of Belisario Velasco in Putre made the radio station reconsider its main objective. In this way, it reopened the news program "El Diario de Cooperativa" on November 18th 1976, which had been closed after the coup.
In this new period of that program, the director was the journalist Delia Vergara, ex director of the women's magazine Paula, one of the most progressive media linked to the insertion of women in Chilean society towards the 1960s. The program had a team of well known journalists and commentators like Patricio Bañados (editorial), Alejandro Magnet (international), Jaime Hales (legal), René Cortázar (labor situations), Mariano Silva (cinema), José Luis Rosasco (books), Juan Grau (ecology) y Patricia Politzer (politics and economy).
The objective was to "establish a news program with a strong political edge that supplied the task of Balmaceda"20. One could think that this editorial turnabout responded to a purely political or partisan purpose, but the media's main aim was to have all ethical principles of informative journalism prevail, that is to say: have the facts be known in an "objective" and pluralist manner. But at that moment the "facts" revolved around abuses and violence by the authorities, so the news programs fell into the most critical subject of the national agenda: human rights21 and the new economic policies22 .
The radio programs had the advantage of recounting the facts with immediacy, and with comments through the weeks, depending on the impact the subject caused; that is to say, repeating particular information and the succession of comments about it was aimed at "creating" a topic of public opinion. This news format, that was descriptive, hinted at points of view and opinions, both personal and corporative, about events. In this way, comments like those of Patricia Politzer exposed and condemned the lack of humanity in the modus operandi of the military regime:
" For the renowned public men that signed this declaration, mainly about the cases of Lonquén and Letelier, these monstrous crimes can not have been committed without a profound moral degradation of the executioners, and according to the antecedents at hand, the signatories presume these acts are responsibility of the political levels the actors depend on. Today, the words of general Fernando Matthei about a dirty war constitutes, up to a certain point, the acceptance that human rights have been violated in Chile and that there are several acts that need to be considered"23.
For his part, Jaime Hales (commenter on legal affairs) denounced and questioned the acts of the Chilean justice system during the dictatorship, like the policies of impunity in favor of the Armed Forces and of Order in the country:
"Good morning. News was impressive last Friday. Minister Bañados declared himself incompetent. Adolfo Bañados, minister of the Court of Appeals of Santiago, conducted an investigation about the finding of cadavers in the abandoned mine of Lonquén. ( ) As he advanced in the investigation, the minister was able to establish the identities of the dead with a high degree of certainty. They were farmers of the area that were detained in 1973 by Carabineros and disappeared since then. They were people reported disappeared by their relatives, part of the lists once and again denounced by Vicaría de la Solidaridad. People detained by Carabineros nobody knew from again. And now they show up buried in a group, clearly with the intention to be hidden in an abandoned lime mine. They are dead and their murderer does not show up. And even if he does, there will be no punishment because there is a Law of Amnesty for everyone who committed homicides between 1973 and 1978, in March. But the country should at least know the names of the guilty; of the murderers, even if only for a moral sanction, as well as the obligation of the homicide to compensate the families of the victims, a responsibility that does not disappear with the law of amnesty. What is the fundament of Minister Bañados's incompetence? That active members of the Forces of Order, that is to say Carabineros are directly involved"24.
Coverage of the most emblematic cases of the time25 and the confrontational character of the comments made relations with the authorities as well as those inside the radio station tense. Inside the radio, there was a clash between the personalities of the mass media and the journalists, who insisted on denouncing the abuses committed in the country. The former did not approve that the radio station take a "partisan" position about events, as they got an "image of opposition" that was not convenient, if we consider that many of them also worked in other media (like television) that were completely intervened. Calling for an ultimatum, the director of the sender, Carlos Figueroa, together with the directory of the Christian Democratic Party, decided in favor of the journalists and caused the exit of diverse entertainment personalities to other media. With this, it was proven that the editorial posture taken on by "Diario de Cooperativa" was not tolerated by some of the radio's collaborators.
On the other hand, the discontent of the authorities with the news program led to permanent pressures and threats by the Dirección Nacional de Comunicación Social (National Directive of Social Communication, DINACOS). The members of the radio had to concur to the building of Diego Portales in several occasions to appear before this institution because of comments and news they had broadcasted. The regime took it as a fact that there was a large political machinery of opposition behind Cooperativa,, that put the new order at risk. However, the repression suffered by the media and society at large prevented the constitution of effective networks with a direct access to the sources of information, especially for a media that functioned inside the logic of the market, like Cooperativa. For this reason, it was "very difficult to get to the directives for a simple reason: they were in the catacombs. When one of them came out, you went to interview him"26. On top of this there were devices of self censorship, intended to protect the radio station as a victim-witness of dictatorship: this was part of the responsibility the media had, as a mediator between facts and the public. In sum, the imaginary of conspiracies of the regime defined Cooperativa as "the other media", symbolically linking it to the political groups of opposition. This led to the closing down of the subsidiaries of the radio station outside Santiago in 1978.
On March 15th 1977 Law Decree Nº 1.762 was enacted to create the Undersecretary's Office of Telecommunications27. This institution was in charge of the tuition and technical direction of radio and television stations, and of establishing guidelines for the media industry inside the official framework. Since the years of Unidad Popular, Cooperativa was requesting a renovation of its concessions, an issue that remained unresolved. There are different versions about this subject. Some blame the government of Unidad Popular for denying them the concessions as a mechanism of repression against the Christian Democratic Party. On the other hand, others point out that the military regime lost the corresponding documents, alluding to the fact that these had been burned during the coup because they were in La Moneda28.. For the case, it is relevant that in some way or another Cooperativa suffered the repressions of the regime for its nerve "to speak the unspeakable". Ten of its regional radio stations were closed down, only those in Santiago, Valparaíso and Temuco were allowed to continue functioning. As a result, advertisers withdrew and the radio went practically bankrupt with the liquidation of its assets29. But, on the other hand, this action showed the fear the government had of a media capable of reproducing the "errors" of the democratic communication system that had functioned in Chile until 1973:
"The only thing the dictatorship was not willing to accept at that time was the freedom of expression for a very simple reason: the military thought that one of the most important factors of the fall of Allende was the complete freedom of the media. In the time of the UP, I as representative of the ARCHI discussed the closing of radio Agricultura with General Pinochet, who was the chief of the area of Santiago. He was trusted by Allende and it was for a reason that the President promoted him to Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces"30.
Although the dictatorship thought that these mechanisms of intervention would lead to the natural death of the radio, this did not happen. On the contrary, with the change of directors and the new communicational strategies implemented by the radio station, it managed to consolidate itself as the most believable media of the 1980s.
The unfavorable conditions after the closing of the radio's subsidiaries, the lack of advisers and low rating made the directors reconsider their editorial objectives so as to ensure permanence in the media market31. The first change that made it possible to redefine the criteria of the radio station was made inside the board of directors. Genaro Arraigada took on the presidency and Luis Ajenjo became in charge of management32. They focused on generating the conditions to attract a massive public; that is to say, they created a new media product, to question all the needs of civil society, with the aim to attract a larger amount of listeners. For the board, the radio was above the political situation of the time. They considered it had attained autonomy from early on in the history of communications in Chile. For that reason, it had to be a professional media, plural, independent and objective, not a platform for political struggle like other media. Genaro Arraigada, director of the radio points out:
"The radio must never take risks. What is this about taking risks everyone plays a role here in Chilean society. There were some that played it properly, Vicaría de la Solidaridad, professional associations. But risks are never taken to all or nothing. That does not exist in life. The important thing is that there is a professional, plural, independent and objective work. Here the truth is before everything, whomever this may hurt."33.
In this manner, stating his discourse from the rhetoric of journalism, the radio station could consolidate its autonomy from partisan positions in the public space. This was key to establish an image of credibility among the listeners.
On the other hand, this autonomy gave the radio some freedom concerning state regulations. In this way it could remain in the space of political opposition as an unofficial media.
With this objective in mind, there was a search for new forms and styles to differentiate the radio station from other media, mainly from those that were considered propagandistic34 . The confrontational style was eliminated, previously sustained through editorial and informative comments and that had been characteristic of the radio in the last four years of the 1970s. New programming was ordered to Ernesto Molina, director of the publicity agency TEMPORA, who restructured the radio with the idea to see results in the first five years of the 80s.
The system employed was one of continuity, also known as "modular", in which the programming was composed of small "modules" or repetitive elements that succeed one another in the diffusion of daily news, for instant: informative curtain, music, time slot, etc. The main body was the informative block of "El Diario de Cooperativa", aimed at informing the facts that took place at the moment. In this way, politics became hidden in the facts.
News programs became more frequent. Besides the three informative blocks that started at 6 AM, there were news flashes all through the day interrupting other programs. There was also the morning mobile, a technological progress that changed the way of informing in the media industry. It consisted of a direct transmission from the place of events, that is to say, the information was given by the reporter himself, who identified himself, telling his name to the listeners. This gave the news a more "human" edge and a touch of immediacy that brought it closer to the public. On the other hand, the support of commentators was key. They were the official and authorized voice, those that inscribed the tone and rhythm of the radio station in collective memory. The voices of Gema Bravo, Manola Robles and Sergio Campos stood out in the middle of a curtain of drums that announced that something was going on there, at that minute, something that spoken in the voice of the hosts, became "truth". To this were added emblematic phrases that summarized the style of the media and that became the signature of the news programs. These elements show the type of journalism the radio decided on, where the "facts" of all sectors found a tribune. So, slogans like: "You have the right to know the truth and the truth is in the facts", "Everything can be said if you know how to say it", If Cooperativa does not broadcast it, it is not news", created an image of credibility of the informative product, that was concordant with the ideological space the organization of news intended to span: as a strategy towards democracy and as commercial support.
To achieve a higher level of verisimilitude in journalism based on "facts", Cooperativa included the recounts of victims and victimizers, thus revealing what happened among those who suffered persecution and also among those who designed the policies. For this, precise bureaucratic-like instructions were established, that made it possible to construct networks and information circuits. In this manner, journalists could access information and have the facts be known inside established frameworks, with no risks for the informants or the radio station.
"For us as a radio it was a problem to receive a woman who, crying and anguished, told us her husband had been abducted by the CNI. Those were real pleas. That kind of situation was almost an unsolvable problem for us. For one part we did not have the means to investigate what had happened, and for the other, that woman could have been sent by the secret service with the intent of having the radio broadcast false information. That is to say a trap"35 .
On the other hand, because of its task Cooperativa had to assume the attacks and severities of a media of the opposition. The authorities applied diverse exclusion policies, like denial of permits to assist to news conferences of the government where Pinochet or the authority in question gave his version of the facts or to delegations that accompanied official tours. However, the biggest problem was represented by their colleagues who supported the regime. Most of them considered their survival to be dependent on the dictatorship, working for both spaces at the same time: for the media and for the government. It was not hard to find a journalist from some newspaper working as an advisor for the Home Secretary, or some media as a branch of the Ministerio de Secretaría General de Gobierno36 . It was they, the colleagues, who made sure to guard and restrict information from radio Cooperativa.
As a precautionary measure, authorities designed the guidelines of questions beforehand, in such a way that they only focus on the works and projects of the regime. This meant designing communicational strategies from codes that broke down the informative fence, and in which the news came directly out of the authority's mouth. These strategies consisted in formulating questions as open as possible, without giving specific data.
"Journalist: Minister, has the government taken measures to avoid disorder on the day of the protest?
Minister: Well, tomorrow there will be a large police deployment in the streets.
Press report: The Minister informed that tomorrow there will be a large police deployment, faced with the calls for national protest"37 .
In this way, the radio station gave the necessary information, but made it possible to have a different interpretation, from which the listeners could deduce the places of meeting for the protest, as well as warnings for the organizers and participants in the protests. In this manner, the discourses that constituted the informative dialectic of neutrality generated a political identity of opposition inside the discourse of the radio station.
In 1985 market studies showed that Radio Cooperativa was the radio station with the most listeners in the country, more than Radio Portales38 . This rotund success, which started since 1983, was not only because of what was said, but also how it was done: forms and concepts that added up a journalistic package in which voice, professionalism, presentation of the information, etc, played a role. All the essentials to make the radio station attractive, different and "believable".
Between 1981 and 1982 one of the biggest crises of the military regime began, driven by economic and political factors that made it possible to change and diversify the forms of opposition. This, because of the reorganization of the public space, the moral monopoly the opposition started to manifest concerning the issue of human rights and the recovery of political activity in some cultural institutions like institutes and educational spaces. In this context, the media of the opposition performed a mainly political function.
Information was ordered according to the position the "politics of words" were expressed in, so as to construct identities and feed competitive strategies in the field of the opposition39. Denunciations acquired an important role again, especially regarding human rights, and became more public, with a larger impact. However, this political act of the media lacked a center of reunion and clear planning; they were more of "tactics", that is to say "marginal interventions inside circuits that depend on basic a prior conditions to operate, like autonomy and the organization of central institutions that affect each circuit"40. This was the case of Cooperativa.
With the change of formats and styles, the radio station consolidated itself as a believable media and secured a position of autonomy of political parties. In this way the radio took responsibility for itself and its news programs. Although the news revolved around social tensions and the politics of the 80s, Cooperativa showed an ambiguous position towards the authorities, which made it possible for it to remain in the media market. In other words, it adopted in accordance to the circumstances two positions: the "nautical" one and the one of consensus. The first referred to the mechanisms of self censorship applied by the directors of the radio when they saw that the coverage of certain events could put the radio at risk. This implied to silence certain facts and adopt a more ambiguous stand once they saw the results of some news programs. A memorable case was the coverage of the plebiscite of the constitution of 1980. For another part, the politics of consensus implied to negotiate with the authorities beforehand on how to transmit certain news programs to protect the continuity of the media.
The Constitution of 1980: from opposition to the "nautical" tactic
On August 11th 1980 the media announced the call to plebiscite to approve the Constitution written by collaborators of the military regime. From that minute on, the statements, comments and declarations from different social groups did not stop. More than informing about that news, Cooperativa constructed a campaign of rejection, implicitly calling out to vote NO in the plebiscite. The campaign was presided by the then director of the radio, Genaro Arriagada, and several members of the Christian Democratic Party, the directors, and all other members (journalists, clerks, collaborators, etc) participated41.. So, the news programs were inclined to emit opinions and news contrary to the enactment of the constitution, which did not mean that the news about the government disappeared. In this manner, through news programs, the radio validated all social actors of the moment.
"I consider the announcement by general Pinochet, to submit the constitution to plebiscite, to be an insult and provocation to all Chileans. A sham and fraud is intended (declaration by Andrés Zaldívar. Emission of August 12th 1980). The Agrupación Cultural Universitaria (Cultural University Association, ACU) called out to all university students of the country to discuss and elaborate a unified position towards the plebiscite of September 11th (Emission of August 18th 1980). The group of 10 publicly called out to all sectors, for the constitution of a command for the restitution of democracy" (Emission of August 19th ).
"The Farmers and Natives Federation of Agricultural Trade Unions of the province of Santiago stated that the calling to the plebiscite by general Pinochet is a violation of the Chilean people (Emission of August 20th 1980). The Democratic Student Councils of Universidad Católica pointed out that the plebiscite was a political and moral indignity (Emission of August 21st 1980). The rector of Universidad de Chile suspended a forum about the plebiscite and the constitution programmed by the Student Council of Sciences that was to be held in Campus Macul (Emission of August 22nd 1980). The auxiliary bishop of Santiago, Monsignor Jorge Houston, pointed out that the thesis exposed by professors of Law from Universidad Católica that to support the government plebiscite is contrary to the teachings of the Church. (Emisión of September 4th 1980). 54 persons were detained for participating in manifestations against the plebiscite in the center of Santiago. At this moment the number of detainees by police amounts to 54; 45 men, one minor and 8 women. Many people supported the protesters, clapping and calling in out one voice NO-NO-NO" (Emission of September 9th 1980)"42.
All sectors of the opposition were covered by news transmissions, through their own comments, arguments, denunciations of intimidations, detentions for calling out to vote NO, street comments, etc, which implied the position of the radio station. The discourse of political objectivity adopted as principle by Cooperativa was left behind. However, after the approval of the constitution, the radio station submerged immediately into silence, angering the collaborators of the radio, who thought it was time to go on with the campaign of political opposition. They argued that otherwise this campaign would just have been an ephemeral act of heroism that moved the country for a week. Genaro Arraigada intervened in this conflict, ordering to put down the periscope,
"You are the journalists, but I am the political conductor of this, and consequently my instruction was to put down the periscope". ( ) "In fact, we submerged ourselves, and during the week of the discussion Andrés Zaldívar, president of the Christian Democratic Party, was expelled from the country. Well, the journalists came and acknowledged their mistake of political diagnosis and we considered the subject to be closed"43 .
Between protests and closures: the tactics of consensus
The economic crisis of 1983, a consequence of the neoliberal policies, and the resulting impoverishment of several social sectors put the new order implemented in 1977 and ratified with the constitution of 1980 - in check. Social unrest was felt in all social sectors, not only in the poor ones. There were several consecutive waves of protests that ended up arousing violence and repression by the authorities. One of the most affected sectors was, again, the media, that were closed and intervened for longer periods of time. They were accused of being responsible for encouraging the masses and lay the foundations for the fall of the government44 .
The crisis in the new order of the regime helped the media take advantage of the fissures and throw all their discursive artillery towards the public sphere:
"The media became daring and we, who came from a delicate period, joined In economic terms everyone gets into the fight. The government was in a very weak position. That is why the protests of 1983 began. The country confirmed that there were serious problems in the conduction. A Secretary of Treasury that flushed the toilet on the private banks. Here we forget that even the superintendent of banks was detained, etc., etc. In this situation one dared to do anything. So there we became bolder"45 .
So, the role of mediator turned the radio and other media into social actors except for television and newspapers as the informative discourses they emitted showed the suffering of a mutilated and repressed community. In this manner, the media made a dissident memory visible, which activated the idea of "the defeated", a memory that many did not want to see and that had been silenced by the authorities.
On May 11th 1983, Luis Ajenjo, general manager of the radio station, encountered, on his way to work, a manifestation on Flemming Street, in Las Condes. He immediately started a live transmission, with the help of the protesters themselves. The other journalists went to other points of the city where other demonstrations were triggered. It was then, Ajenjo remembers, that Sergio Campos was established as the voice of Cooperativa. That first transmission increased the audience significantly. Telephones did not stop ringing, establishing a direct relationship with the listeners, that supplied the lack of personnel at the radio. Four days later came the first closure, under the order of the
Minister of the General Secretary of Government, Ramón Suárez46 .
According to the members of Cooperativa, the demonstrations in the higher middle class neighborhoods of the city (like Las Condes, La Reina, Ñuñoa and Lo Barnechea) were key in the denouement of the other demonstrations. In our opinion, this shows the national discontent among all members of society, but it can be very risky to place all responsibility of the protests on only one social sector and deny the role that - since the coup - popular sectors, political associations and trade unions fulfilled. However, this vision of Cooperativa can also be interpreted as a way to call out to the potential audience among the masses. About the first protest, Genaro Arriagada points out: "Although Seguel summoned them, we saw the movement in the upper class neighborhood. In the second manifestation, the poor sectors joined. The official sectors warned that that could cause the fall of the regime. Almost all the media had gone to the first protests, but after this warning they quickly took off"47 .
The news coverage of the manifestations cost the radio station a high prize: the closure of 1983 had a double significance. From a commercial point of view the advertisers that in their majority were renegotiating the debts caused by the recession did not want to invest in a media that did not offer guarantees because of the rejection by the authorities. On the other hand, the transmissions of the protests made the radio the most believable media for the listeners. The increment of audience was notorious, and surpassed that of Radio Portales. Letters, phone calls, insertions in written media showed the national support to the work of the radio journalists. Cooperativa had become "the official radio of the protests", even though they deny that title up to this day.
"Dear Director: In Chile of today nothing can surprise us, but it can outrage us. I know it will be of no or little use to demonstrate, as one of many housewives, my absolute solidarity and complete support to the selfless workers of Radio Cooperativa that was silenced just hours before the celebration of the DAY OF SOCIAL COMMUNICATIONS. What sarcasm! Many of us desire peace, tranquility and above all true justice for Chile and no more arbitrariness and absurd repressions, as is happening at the moment"48 .
The letters of support consolidates the national support to the radio station's work. They show that the radio settled in the memory of people, with the formats and styles of communication and journalistic information, reaffirming and reconstructing the notion of community among the listeners. Cooperativa intervened directly in daily life, becoming part of their lives.
"Dear Director:
"( ) Since then I listen to that radio, in the morning from 7 AM until it ends,
then in my house or car, so it is the radio my sons, daughters in law, etc, listen to.
I do not change it for another; because of its music, the voice of its newsreaders,
the news that is up to the minute and from the place itself,
the completeness of Diario de Cooperativa, the objectivity of its information, etc."49 .
When it was closed, the radio station received about three thousand letters and messages of support. This corroborates that the purpose set up since the eighties when styles and formats were changed under direction of Genaro Arriagada had had positive effects for the station. Cooperativa had become the radio of "all Chileans". The National Congress of Communications of 1985, in Viña del Mar, reinforced this situation. In the conferences with participation of diverse activists, communicators, politicians of all opposition parties and students new policies of social communication were discussed and both in group works and quantitative analyses it was understood that Cooperativa was the only radio station all participants identified with, the only radio "that says truth in an objective manner", "that shed light on everything that goes on"50 .
The decrees of closure of the media emitted by the regime were faced both with juridical strategy and acts of denunciation through the media themselves. There were committees of defense of the radio, integrated by professional and artistic celebrities. Legal measures made it possible to counteract the censorships, and sometimes dialogues between the government and the high directives of the media led to provisional agreements about lifting the closures before the ruling, or consensus about the information that they could emit from then on. These mechanisms were justified by the fact that "to them (the military) it was not advisable to have a ruling of the tribunals declare that they did not have the faculty to close down the radio station; much less in the case of a preventive closure"51.
Carlos Figueroa recalls: "One of the cases I remember was with Márquez de la Plata. We talked about the closure; it would last until Saturday, for instance. You he said desist of the appeal on Monday. Of course, that is how we negotiated"52 . This way of relating was a result of the networks that existed before the coup, added to the own dynamics of relationships with the members of the government.
Part of the consensus policies initiated between the media and the regime to avoid the risks of being definitely closed down was the reduction of the news programs, as they were considered to be a vehicle that encouraged the masses to go on fighting for their rights. After all, as Márquez de la Plata said: "A manifestation without a radio was no manifestation"53 .
Inside the radio station these decisions caused tensions among the members. The journalists considered that the station had to fight directly with the regime and not make pacts with it; however the decisions of the directors showed that the purpose of the radio was a different one. For the latter, every closure was seen as a defeat, because while they knew the rules of the game and all the arbitrariness, they risked the sender and stigmatized it as a political radio. In turn, the political parties of the opposition also confronted the radio station. The parties of the left considered that the precautionary measures of the radio meant that Cooperativa was not responding to its fundamental ethical (and political) function: to inform.
" they called us cowards, simply because when the manifestations did not have a big effect anymore we informed the way they were. An anecdote. One time in a reunion of the Socialist Party the criticism about us abounded. There, I know because Ángel Flisflisch was there, the idea of some leaders prevailed that we at the radio had the right to judge the work of the radio from our houses. That was the argument"54 .
In 1986 the radio did a survey to get to know the feeling of the public opinion about the state of siege and the protests. The results surprised the members of the radio station and the groups of the opposition: "people are tired of the protests "55 . The poll showed that people had enough of all the repression, the raids at sunrise in poor areas, and the violence that left victims in all sectors. Faced with these results, and following the central postulate of its programming to inform Cooperativa communicated this news and received all artillery of the leaders of the political left. When it made this national weariness of violence known, the radio broke up the strategies of the political parties to counteract the government of Pinochet, and showed the incongruence between these practices of resistance and public opinion.
"Of course. Protesting in the upper class neighborhood was more comfortable, though still dangerous. But after all no one got you out naked at five in the morning to form you on a square out in the open. I believe that was a sign of independence of the station from the political structures. It was also our commitment to the public, Ajenjo points out"56 .
In this way, Cooperativa established its place as an autonomous media inside the opposition; insofar it did not compromise itself organically with the social movement articulated by political groups in the eighties. However, this autonomy does not mean that the radio was only located in the space of "entertainment", since they manifested a clear (though not organic) compromise with the political directives that lead the process of re-democratization, and above all with the imperative of their position as mediators between the facts and public opinion: it is the task of the radio to inform.
During the dictatorship, Radio Cooperativa and other media of the opposition created an image of Other Nation from the memories dissident to the dictatorship. In them the masses recognized their demands, experiences and ways of expression; with this a shared cultural identity, different from that of the military regime, was consolidated. This was largely possible because the radio station had a discourse that was autonomous from partisan politics, exposing events in such a way that they caused an effect of reality shared by al members of Chilean society that identified with the radio's discourse. For this, it had certain technological advantages that made it possible to surpass the socio cultural prejudices of certain groups, and was able to establish itself as the most believable and massive media of the time. The news discourse of Cooperativa was consolidated as a national discourse that, though it was not aimed at "all Chileans", was accepted at least by a large part of the community, even by those who did not necessarily identify with it.
The informative discourse of the radio was mediated by several factors, typical of the hegemonic game of that moment; the relationship of the radio station with the political party, internal relationships between directors and subordinates, the relationship with the market and authorities were the elements that set and determined the road to follow. In this manner, it is complex to try to establish the responsibility of the media during the dictatorship, since - as exposed in this work - the representations of Cooperativa always depended on basic and prior conditions that affected the circulation of information. Besides, the reception of the messages emitted by the radio always ultimately depended on the interpretation that the listeners made of what the radio intended to communicate.
Date of reception: May 2007
Date of acceptance: December 2007
1 Dirección Nacional de Comunicación Social del Gobierno (DINACOS) was a body dependent on the General Secretary of Government created by the millitary junta. One of its functions was to advise the ministry in the formulation of communications policies and the "supervision of funding, edition and publication, circulation, distribution and commercialization in any way of new newspapers, magazines, periodicals and anything published". In practice, this meant that DINACOS - besides supervising the contents that were published - was also in charge of allowing or denying the corresponding permits for the existence of media.
2 Archive of Vicaría de la Solidaridad (Vicariate of Solidarity). Resumen de Prensa 1983. "Suspensión de los informativos de la Radio Cooperativa", 28-30. For effects of abbreviation, the archive will be called AVSCH.
3 In December 1982, Apsi magazine was closed down for nine months. Besides economic costs, this meant a restriction to inform only about international matters. It was prohibited to emit any information about the national context in printed articles. Ana María Foxley, "Seguiremos profundizando la misma línea", Revista Hoy, Santiago, 10 to 16 de March 1983, no page.
4 In press conferences Luis Ajenjo (general manager of the radio at the time) points out: "We are impressed by all the solidarity. This is a radio that even renounced to a voice of its own, like in comments or editorials, to give room to all facts and points of view of the main characters of these facts". Ignacio González Camus, "Radio Cooperativa. Silencio noticioso". Hoy, Santiago, 25 to 31 May 1983, 14-15.
5 By journalistic strategy we understand the "conjunct of political, journalistic and entrepreneur objectives and definitions that combined give the media a profile of its own". That is to say, they are definitions and practical actions that locate a media in the socio cultural context, give it an identity, a function in the scene of communications and a situation in the market of information. Cf. Eduardo Santa Cruz, Modelos y estrategias de la prensa escrita en procesos de modernización: Chile siglo XX, Documentos de trabajo, Santiago, Centro de Investigaciones Sociales, Universidad Arcis, 1996, 4.
6 For journalism, objectivity becomes a relevant factor in the conformation of its discourse from the 19th century onwards, especially since the massification process of audiences. The discourse of objectivity, a concept coined by positivism, makes it possible to bring together different types of readers that give journalism legitimacy through the development of forms and styles that are translated in a recount of events that are valid for all, and not only for a few subjects. In this manner, objectivity operates as a rhetorical and commercial strategy at the same time. For this reason, journalistic objectivity is not presented as the result of an epistemological reflection, but, on the contrary, is the result of the new commercial strategy that arose in the 20th century, and that is quickly accepted as a journalistic value. That is to say, it becomes an ethical concept. The "doctrine" of objectivity can be understood from three levels: deontology, as an ethical commitment; the level of journalistic investigation, as it demands a conjunct of norms of legal procedure; and the level of rhetoric, as it entails a conjunct of rules of stylistic nature. Cf. Mario Mesquita, El cuarto equívoco. El poder de los media en la sociedad contemporánea, Madrid, Editorial Fragua, 2007. Michel Schudson, Discovering the news. A social history of American Newspaper, New York, Basic Books, 1979. Gaye Tuchman, La producción de noticias, Barcelona, GG Mass Media, 1983.
7 Juan Pablo Arancibia, Comunicación Política. Fragmentos para una genealogía de la mediatización en Chile, Santiago, Editorial ARCIS, 2006, 136-137.
8 Rosalinda Bresnahan, "Radio and the movement in Chile 1973-1990. Independent and grass roots voices during the Pinochet dictatorship", Journal of radio studies, Vol 9, N º 1, United States, 2002.
9 Steve Stern J., Battling for hearts and minds. Memory struggles in Pinochet's Chile, 19731988, Book two of the trilogy: The Memory box of Pinochet's Chile, United State of America, Duke University Press & London, 2006.
10 Cfr. Martín-Barbero, Jesús. De los medios a las mediaciones, Bogotá, Convenio Andrés Bello, 2003.
11 Radio Cooperativa started broadcasting news programs two years after its foundation. Panorama was the first program of this kind, in charge of Juan Campbell and Emilio Filippi; Reportajes, in charge of Hernán Millas and Rafael Otero; and finally in 1952 El Diario de Cooperativa, the first news program in Chile that resembled a newspaper. Archivo de la Radio Cooperativa Vitalicia. Historia General de la radio de divulgación pública, 2000. For the remainder of this article, the archive will be called ARCV.
12 Alfredo Riquelme, "El debate ideológico acerca de las Comunicaciones de Masas en Chile: 1953-1973", CÉNECA, Santiago, Agosto, 1984.
13 Eugenio Tironi and Guillermo Sunkel, "The Modernization of Comunications: The Media in the Transition to Democracy in Chile", in Democracy and the Media. A comparative Perspectiva. Editad by Richard Gunther and Anthony Mughan, Communication, Society and Politics, Cambridge University Press, 2000, 165-193.
14 Carlos Catalán et al. "Transformaciones del sistema cultural chileno entre 1920 y 1973", CÉNECA, Santiago, 1987, 34 onwards.
16 Stern J., op. cit., and Eugenio Tironi, op. cit., 165-193.
17 During the dictatorship forty communicators were killed or disappeared, 300 were sent into exile and more than 1000 received prohibition to exert their profession. Hernán Uribe, "Prensa y periodismo político en los años 60/70", in E. Carmona (ed.) Morir es la noticia, Santiago, J&C Productores Gráficos Ltda., 1988.
18 Rosalinda Bresnahan, op. cit., 163-164.
19 ARCV. Op. cit.
20 Interview with Genaro Arriagada. In Cristian Arismendi, Factores que incidieron en el aumento de sintonía de Radio Cooperativa entre los años 1980 y 1990, Tesis para obtener el grado del Licenciado en Comunicación, Santiago, Universidad de Chile, 1992, 15.
21 Even though human rights abuses were evident, not all media informed about them, clearly their diffusion had to do with an editorial posture, since facts are also a discursive construction with certain mechanisms of selection. In other words, the "facts" are constructed by the interest of who formulates the information: of who decides what must or must not be considered news. Cfr. Teun van Dijk, La noticia como discurso. Comprensión, estructura y producción de la información, Barcelona, Paidós Comunicación, 1990.
22 Patricia Politzer, in charge of economic news, points out that this space became the great news front to criticize the military regime. She points out: "In this terrain there were differences inside the dictatorship itself and it was therefore an area in which we could express opinions and judge the measures that were taken". Carolina Espinoza and Carlos Alzadora, Carlos. La verdad está en los hechos. 70 años de Radio Cooperativa, Santiago, Ediciones de Interés Público, 2007.
23 ARCV. Programa El Diario, Comment on National Current Affairs by Patricia Politzer, March 21st 1979, Program of 7 AM. Itallics are not from the original text.
24 ARCV. El Diario program, Legal comment by Jaime Hales, April 9th 1979, Program of 7AM. Itallics are not from the original text.
25 Among them were demands for extradition by Contreras and Espinoza for the homicide of Orlando Letelier, interview with Gustavo Leigh until the discovery of the bodies in Lonquén. ARCV, Historia General de la radio de divulgación pública, 2000. AVSCH, Anuarios de Prensa y Causas Judiciales.
26 Arismendi, op. cit., 10.
27 Published in Diario Oficial of April 30th 1977.
28 There is discordance between the version of the current radio, and the testimonies of the actors of that time recompiled by Cristian Arismendi. That is why both points of view were enclosed. See ARCV (no page) and Arismendi, op. cit., 12.
29 Lasagni, María Cristina et al. La Radio en Chile, Santiago, CÉNECA, 1988.
30 Ibidem, 13.
31 The listeners rating for 1980 was 0.8 points, considerable lower than in 1977, when the radio had a rating of 6.9 points. Stern, op. cit., 302.
32 ARCV, Historia General de la radio de divulgación pública, 2000.
33 Arismendi, op. cit., 16.
34 By propagandistic media we mean all the communication systems that have a strong ideological connotation, with circulation generally in a specific community.
35 Arismendi,op.cit.,27.
36 Ibidem,30.
37 Interview with Guillermo Muñoz, press editor of the radio. In Arismendi, op. cit., 46.
38 Stern, op. cit., 303.
39 José Joaquín Brunner, Un espejo trizado. Ensayos sobre cultura y políticas culturales, Santiago, FLACSO, 1988, 127-128.
40 Ibidem, 129.
41 "I was chief of that minuscule campaign. Many radio executives and directors actively participated against the Constitution approved by Pinochet, After the triumph of the government, I told the press editor and manager to lay down the periscope and submerge ". Ibidem, 45.
42 All emissions about the constitution of 1980 are in the press registers of Vicaría de la Solidaridad. AVSCH, Anuario de Prensa, 1980. "Sobre el plebiscito: 9 de agosto al 23 de Octubre".
43 Ibidem, 45.
44 Between 1983 and 1984 several media were closed, both written media and radio stations. Among the most relevant cases was the closure of Apsi magazine (December 1982), Análisis magazine (September 1983), that included a prison sentence for its director, Juan Cárdenas, and of the radios Cooperativa (May 1983 and September 1984) and Chilena (September 1984). There were also closures of regional and neighborhood radio stations. Stern, op. cit., 298-308.
45 Ibidem, 49.
46 The coverage of the protests of 1983 turned Cooperativa into the leader of ratings. Besides, it had more credibility than newspapers and magazines, located in the 41% of the most believable media of the moment. Stern, op. cit., 303.
47 Ibidem. 49.
48 L.G.C. "Adhesión a Cooperativa", Hoy, Santiago, Cartas al Lector, June 8 to 14 1983, 70.
49 María Gallardo R. "Radio Cooperativa", Hoy Magazine, Santiago, Cartas al Lector, May 25 to 31 1983, 65.
50 Comunicación Hoy y Futuro. Actas del III Seminario Nacional de Comunicaciones. Organizan: Colegio de Periodistas de Chile, TIAC, ICECOOP, CENECA, CED, CEDAL, ECO, ILET, IPS, INPRODE, Centros de Alumnos de la Escuela de Periodismo de la Universidad de Chile y la Pontificia Universidad Católica. August-November 1985.
51 Arismendi, op. cit., 50.
52 Ibidem, 52
53 Ibidem, 52
54 bidem, 53.
55 bidem, 53.
56 Ibid.


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Chicken Soup. You know how they say it's good for the soul….I think it is. Of course with how busy we are in life, keeping boxes of organic chicken broth or stock in our cupboards is the way most of us go, it's easy and convenient to have it on hand. I admit to having a few cartons on hand year round, but if you get the chance to make chicken stock from scratch it is well worth it I assure you!
Now that the monkey's live up in Brooklyn, I have much more free time to cook. Of course I have fewer people to cook for which makes me a bit sad, but I will consider it a good time to practice new and old recipes alike so that when I am with them again, I can fill their bellies with all kinds of yumminess. Bone Broth is one of those things that once you make, you can freeze and enjoy in many ways throughout the season.
There are many different recipes and techniques to making a solid bone broth. You have options of beef, chicken or even fish, but because chicken broth is the most versatile and popular for non-vegetarians I will be using that as an example. That and because I was planning to roast a chicken anyway, therefore making it very convenient. Some recipes call for using one or more roaster chickens in the raw to make this delicious stock. I have never done that simply because I can't afford to waste an expensive roaster chicken without the benefit of enjoying the chicken first.
Let's talk Roast Chicken first.
Everyone has their own preferred method or way of roasting a chicken, including myself although on this particular instance I had to make some adjustments due to my lack of fresh herbs available in my house and I was unable to get to the grocery store so I used what was on hand and made the best of it. Here is my general method for you:
1. As I was planning to make bone broth afterwards I bought an organic, all natural roaster chicken from Fresh Market to start. (In hindsight I should have bought the herbs, but I thought we still had some in mom's porch herb garden). In all honesty as we don't do a whole roast very often, I like to splurge on the highest quality when we do.
2. When preparing to roast I like to bring the chicken to more of a room temperature, I remove it from the refrigerator,rinse the inside and out well, pat to dry and let sit on the roasting rack for a bit to get rid of the chill.
3. Normally I stuff the cavity with a bundle of fresh herbs, but as we know I didn't have any. Instead I seasoned the inside with Borsari Season Salt, pepper, dried thyme and Herbs de Provence. I then add a small onion peeled and quartered, a few cloves of peeled and smashed garlic and a quartered lemon.
4. At this point many people tuck the wings and tie the legs together. I actually turn the chicken breast side down, the legs and wings stay tucked under the bird this way. I also think that the juices that naturally baste the chicken flow down through the breast and make for a moister chicken. No scientific evidence in this, but it works for me.
5. I then separate the skin from the bird and put truffle butter in there, massaging it until it's spread out all over the bird back/thighs. I then season the outside with the same herbs and actually sort of "crust it" with sea salt, the un-ground kind. I finish by drizzling some olive oil over it.
6. I put it in the oven, lower rack, at 450° for 75 – 90 minutes depending on the weight of the bird. I don't bother basting the chicken at all and the end result looks like:
I know it looks a little funny upside down, and the skin on the breast side is not as crispy, but the meat is so juicy and tender it's unbelievable! After letting it rest for about 30 minutes I carved it (remember it is upside down so your normal carving method will not work unless you flip it right side up) and served with steamed asparagus and some homemade french fries.
I made these with Organic Russian Banana Potatoes cut in strips, dried (most important step to crispy potatoes is getting them very dry first), seasoned and then tossed in a bit of olive oil and some of the drippings from the chicken, back in the 450 oven for about 30 minutes, flipping halfway through!
So So SO good! Afterwards I removed all the yummy meat to make a chicken salad the next day, and I saved the entire carcass for the bone broth.
Ok, now on to the bone broth.
Chicken Bones
1/2 Cup Raw Apple Cider Vinegar
4 quarts filtered water
Organic Celery and Carrots, washed and halved
3 small to medium onions peeled and quartered
Handful of fresh Italian Parsley
Sea Salt to taste
In a large pot add the water, apple cider vinegar and bones. Let sit for about half an hour so that the ACV can help leach the nutrients from the bones. Meanwhile chop your veggies.
Add the veggies to the large pot, bring to a boil and then skim the scum off the top. This is the one step you need to be careful with, if you walk away and it boils for a bit, the scum that comes to the top boils back in, so you want to stand there while it starts boiling to skim it off the top.
When this part was finished, I poured the entire contents into the slow cooker, put the lid on, put it on low and let it simmer for 2 days. You can do it for 24 – 72 hours depending on your schedule.
The last 10 minutes or so I added a large bunch of fresh italian parsley. Then turned the slow cooker off.
Finally, strain the broth, add Sea Salt to taste, let cool and package up for the freezer.
I make sure to label the lid with the date so it doesn't end up in the freezer abyss. I think the color is due to roasting the chicken first but I am not sure, all I know is that it is rich, tasty, chock full of nutrients and ready to be used as a base in soups this winter!
Check out the nutritional value of Bone Broth:
Top Reasons to Eat Bone Broth according to Dr. Mercola of mercola.com
There are many reasons for incorporating good-old-fashioned bone broth into your diet. The following health benefits attest to its status as "good medicine."
Helps heal and seal your gut, and promotes healthy digestion: The gelatin found in bone broth is a hydrophilic colloid. It attracts and holds liquids, including digestive juices, thereby supporting proper digestion Inhibits infection caused by cold and flu viruses, etc.: A study published over a decade ago found that chicken soup indeed has medicinal qualities, significantly mitigating infection.
Reduces joint pain and inflammation, courtesy of chondroitin sulphates, glucosamine, and other compounds extracted from the boiled down cartilage Fights inflammation: Amino acids such as glycine, proline, and arginine all have anti-inflammatory effects.
Arginine, for example, has been found to be particularly beneficial for the treatment of sepsis (whole-body inflammation). Glycine also has calming effects, which may help you sleep better.
Promotes strong, healthy bones: Bone broth contains high amounts of calcium, magnesium, and other nutrients that play an important role in healthy bone formation Promotes healthy hair and nail growth, thanks to the gelatin in the broth.
Nothing but good for you! I hope you enjoy!
Nom Nom
Check out Zia's Kitchen on Facebook to learn what I used for the chicken salad that got rave reviews at a luncheon I "Catered" for my mom in the following days!


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15th November 2018
As part of our #6x19 trend series, Klara Banaszewska unveils the emerging need for marketers to incorporate sound as a central focus in communication strategies…
We've come a long way since the senseless days of Siri. From voice activation and branded playlists, to original soundtracks and podcasts, the technology is finally here which enables marketers to create hands-free audio universes of their own, to connect with consumers and become part of the fabric of everyday life.
Remember back when we crowned video king of the content world? 2019 will confidently declare sound the new screen and voice the new remote control, as these invisible agents infiltrate the user journey and brands scramble to truly be heard.
Sound was long predicted to change our every interaction, but the technology itself has only recently evolved to provide services far beyond a 'Siri, call mom' command (that, let's be honest, may or may not have resulted in an actual phone call in the end). Instead, the entire dynamic of the consumer, at home or on the go, is bracing a huge shift in behaviour.
We've just seen the beginning of this technology, with the Amazon Alexa and Google Home looking to become commonplace features in people's homes as the industry is predicted to be worth $3.5bn next year.
Use your voice
Beyond being presented with the opportunity to speak to consumers in an entirely new space, brands will be facing risk if they do not work quickly to adopt a more sound strategy (pun intended). By 2020, 50% of all computer interactions will be conducted via voice-mediated AI. This will see every aspect of the user journey shifting to an entirely new medium. Searching for your favourite clothing brands? Researching your next holiday? Listen up - - 50% of all search is expected to come from voice in two years. Take Baileys – using voice purchasing as a means for people to order samples of a new variant. Voice purchases aren't just the future, they're already here.
Some unlikely contenders are already playing around in this space, creating genuinely 'useful skills' for Alexa, which is full of tips on garment care, and how to remove stains of different types. So there may be no need to call mom anymore, Siri…
Some brands are being a bit more inventive, take Chompers, an initiative from podcasting company Gimlet Media, which encourages kids to brush their teeth twice a day, for two minutes each time by telling two minute stories, sharing fun games and trivia.
No need to be intimidated by the step forward into sound, if such a traditional institution as the Church of England can incorporate Alexa into their sermons, it's time to make the move.
Audio Universe
Music and podcasts are nothing new but brands are encroaching on this space like never before. Using music to create emotional connections with your brand is nothing new, but the plethora of applications now available has opened up a wealth of opportunities for brands to do this in ever more interesting and engaging ways.
The average customer spends about 25 hours a month streaming music on Spotify. No wonder Bacardi has created a series of curated playlists on Spotify under the banner, The Sound of Rum.
In 2018, 95% of the most watched videos on YouTube were music videos. So Wendy's in their own inimitable style, have created their own 'mixtape' on YouTube, which of courses disses McDonald's and Burger King.
It is true, music has a way of getting through to people in all sorts of ways. In many parts of the world, journalism is heavily censored. But music streaming services are not. So Reporters Without Borders took journalists reporting from five repressed regimes and turned them into music artists, transforming their otherwise censored articles into lyrics.
Podcasts are huge and that's not looking to change anytime soon. In 2017, podcast advertising revenues in the US reached $341m, and are predicted to reach $659 by 2020. But ads are annoying, right? Right. Brands now are beginning to find much more interesting ways of capitalising on this phenomenon, even crafting their own podcasts.
Take Underground: Tales for London, a work of fiction told by London-loving authors, all set on and around the Underground, where so many people's lives intersect each day. The piece is curated by the Evening Standard newspaper, and each story is the ideal length for a commute on the tube.
Brands must embrace the sound and meet their consumers in spaces in which they are most likely to be audibly engaged in order to realize a truly integrated communications. Those who fall deaf to these spaces risk being left only with the sound of silence…
Keep an eye out for more blogs on our 6x19 series here, and follow along on Twitter using #6x19. And if you'd like to book a bespoke presentation of the trends in full, or a TrendStorm Workshop, please email email@example.com.
Grayling Team
15th November 2016
Will Kunkel, Executive Vice President for Creative and Content in Grayling New York, on the final of our #7for17 trends, Live and Uncut'Timing is everything' has been a favorite line to many but...Read More
8th November 2016
Danica Ross, Grayling San Francisco US Executive Vice President, on how brands can guide themselves through the 'the new space race' – part of our #7for17 trends series.In an era where brands...Read More
3rd November 2016
Russell Patten, Chair of Grayling's European Public Affairs practice, looks at one of the major political trends as part of our #7for17 series. It's been a turbulent year in politics, with the...Read More


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Actress Halle Berry has been ordered to pay her ex-boyfriend Gabriel Aubry $16,000 a month in child support to help care for their daughter, Nahla.
The former couple agreed to share custody of the 6 year old in 2012 after a bitter court battle, and now a Los Angeles judge has awarded French Canadian model Aubry financial aid.
The Oscar winner must also hand over $115,000 in retroactive support and a further $300,000 in attorney's fees, according to court documents filed following a May 30 hearing.
The monthly payments will remain in place until Nahla turns 19 or graduates from high school, whichever comes first.
News of the child support ruling emerges just over 18 months after Aubry clashed with Berry's then-fiance Olivier Martinez over custody of Nahla at Thanksgiving in 2012.
Berry has since become a mother of two – she gave birth to son Maceo in October. She wed Martinez last summer.


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NORTH DARTMOUTH, Mass. – The University of Massachusetts Dartmouth utilized a balanced scoring attack to defeat non-conference opponent Salem State, 10-7, this evening at Cressy Field.
The Corsairs put a halt to a seven game skid and improved to 2-7 on the season, while the Lady Vikings dropped to 1-5-1.
Freshman Catrina Longo (Billerica, Mass.) netted three goals for three points to lead the UMass Dartmouth offensive attack, while senior Michele Winchell (Wilmington, Mass.), sophomore Colleen Kane (Arlington, Mass.) and freshman Kelly Kryzak (Jeffersonville, V.T.) each added a pair of tallies in the goal column. Kane, who is six goals away from the 100 career goal milestone, added a helper and retrieved five ground balls in the win.
For the visitors, Erin Riley and Kelsey Russell recorded three goals apiece, while defenseman Katie Hart chipped in a mark of her own. Russell dished out a pair of assists and Casey More led the Lady Vikings with four ground balls.
Salem State cracked the scoring column at the 07:08 mark when Riley registered her sixth score of the year. The Corsairs fired back with three goals from freshman Sarah Mealy (Plainville, Mass.), Longo, and Kane to obtain a 3-1 lead. Russell cut the two goal deficit in half at 17:53, but 30 seconds later Winchell scored her first goal of the season to once again increase the lead. Kane added to the advantage when she capitalized on an open net free position attempt after Lady Viking's goalie Chyenne Jackson was whistled for a foul. UMass Dartmouth recorded two scores in the final three minutes of the first to take a 6-4 advantage into intermission.
The Corsairs opened the second period with three unanswered goals. Kryzak beat the goalie for her ninth and tenth goals of the season and Longo chipped in with her third and final score of the contest at the 09:14 mark.
With 16:15 left on the game clock and UMass Dartmouth clinging to a 9-4 lead, Russell reached double figures in goals scored on the season. Salem State managed to outscore the home team 2-1 in the final 15 minutes of play, but the Corsairs did a good job at running out the clock to preserve the victory.
UMass Dartmouth held a commanding lead in draw controls (12-6) with Kane leading the way with five wins. In net, freshman Leah Wilkinson (Northford, Conn.) stopped five shots in route to her first career college victory for the Corsairs and Jackson turned away eight attempts in 60 minutes of play for the Lady Vikings.
UMass Dartmouth returns to action on Saturday, April 5, when the Corsairs travel to Plymouth State for a 3:30 p.m. conference matchup. Salem State will host Framingham State on Saturday at 6 p.m.


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Mayweather's move proves 'Money' talks
His nickname is "Money," so it was no surprise this past week when Floyd Mayweather Jr. signed a six-fight, 30-month deal with a premium cable network.
What wasn't expected was his decision to go with Showtime/CBS and not rival HBO, his longtime television home.
Details have not been disclosed, but some are reporting the deal topped the $200 million mark.
"I got a divorce," he said of leaving HBO. "I'm married again."
At the same time, Mayweather also announced his opponent for his return to the ring May 4 — a year since his last fight. The sport's pound-for-pound king will defend his WBC welterweight crown against interim titlist Robert Guerrero at the MGM Grand in Las Vegas.
While perhaps not a pushover, at least on paper, Guerrero certainly is not a high-profile opponent.
So the focus will be on the Showtime deal and not the fight.
All part of the Mayweather plan, a diversionary tactic?
Probably so.
Mayweather, who turned 36 today, is a master at making a splash while figuring out a way to avoid getting wet. He seeks to take the least risk for the most reward.
But make no mistake, his jump to Showtime is significant. How much so remains to be seen.
It was a move many say will alter the landscape of boxing.
HBO long has been viewed as the big brother when it comes to the sport, dominating its rivalry with Showtime for decades.
Showtime apparently simply outbid HBO for Mayweather's services. "Money" also likely was won over by the promotional reach of CBS, which owns Showtime.
HBO's parent company, Time Warner, doesn't own a free network and can't match the exposure CBS can offer.
Mayweather's fight with Guerrero will receive heavy promotion on various CBS outlets, including during the NCAA basketball tournament and Final Four.
In the end, the deal with Showtime simply came down to the bottom line.
"HBO made a great offer, but the Showtime offer was substantially greater in every facet," Leonard Ellerbe, one of Mayweather's top advisers, told espn.com.
In other words, HBO simply got outgunned.
But not everyone is convinced Showtime has become top dog in the boxing business.
Lester Bedford, "Jesse" James Leija's former manager and the state's top regional promoter out of Fort Worth, said HBO still can claim the likes of Manny Pacquiao — although his stock has fallen of late — Julio Cesar Chavez Jr., Nonito Donaire and Sergio Martinez.
In addition to Mayweather, Showtime's A-list of fighters also includes Mexican sensation Canelo Alvarez.
"I think HBO is still the better brand for boxing," Bedford said.
Many feel that Mayweather inking a six-fight, 30-month deal means that we'll finally get to see him take on some of sport's elite.
Bedford scoffs at that notion and also the suggestion that Mayweather will fight six times during the length of his contract. He's only fought three times in the past 31/2 years.
"He'll never get to six fights," Bedford said.
Chavez to return?: Bedford, who serves as site coordinator for promoter Top Rank Inc., said Chavez likely will fight again in San Antonio sometime in mid-June.
Chavez already has fought three times in the Alamo City as a pro, all at the Alamodome.


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David Crowther, owner of CFS Roofing services, heard about John Bunch's leaking roof from former Lee County Commissioner Tami Hall.
"Tami introduced me to John Bunch," Crowther said. "I looked into his organization, Operation Open Arms of Southwest Florida, and was impressed with the work he was doing. Several months later he called me about a leaking roof and I offered to make the repairs free of charge as a thank you for the work that John does."
Operation Open Arms of Southwest Florida is dedicated to the care and treatment of post rheumatic stress disorder. On April 19, 2005, Operation Open Arms was founded. Since this date OOA has provided free one-week R&R vacations for 2,848 U.S. servicemen and women returning from Afghanistan and Iraq plus other foreign duty stations such as South Korea; Guantanamo, Cuba; and Kuwait. Besides providing free R&R's, OOA and a network of 245 businesses/Individuals have provided 99 free weddings for E-5's and below. OOA's 100th and last wedding is scheduled for the fall of 2014.
Article Photos
Workers from CFS Roofing repairing the leaky roof in St. James City headquarters of Operation Open Arms.
Operation Open Arms is a 501c3 public charity.


text: Every person has certain civil rights, granted to the by the U.S. Constitution, Bill of Rights, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and other federal, state and local laws. Civil rights laws deal with a variety of topics, including human rights, women's rights, disabled rights and gay rights. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which bans employment discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, sex or national origin, is one of the best-known civil rights laws in recent history. If your civil rights have been violated, a civil rights attorney can help you take legal action.


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The Ravens have lost three of their last four games and stand at 3-4 heading into their bye week, a state of affairs that is not being met with a shrug of the shoulders by linebacker Terrell Suggs.
Suggs deemed himself "very concerned" with the team's play over the last few weeks and called the bye week "time for all of us to take a good look at ourselves." Suggs wouldn't get into specifics beyond making it clear that every phase of the game needs work for Baltimore to get back on the winning side.
"That's definitely something in-house," Suggs said, via Clifton Brown of CSNBaltimore.com "I'm not going to give something out for my opponents to say, 'Let's see if they correct it.' We know what we gotta fix — special teams, offense, defense. We're at a state of emergency now."
Sunday's game was the fourth straight Ravens game decided by a field goal or less and many of the reasons the Ravens have lost three of those games were on display against Pittsburgh. The offense couldn't make plays to keep drives alive, leading to punts or field goals instead of touchdowns. The defense didn't give up touchdowns, but they weren't able to stop the run or get off the field on third downs.
Those aren't traits that lead to good things, which is why Suggs is sounding an alarm in Baltimore.


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So if you want moisturised, healthy hair this winter, follow these hair care tips by Najeeb Ur Rehman, National Technical Head, Schwarzkopf Professional India.
Avoid over-washing your hair: During winters, wash your hair periodically. Always use a dry hair protective shampoo and conditioner.
Treat your hair to a cure: At least once a week, pamper your hair with a treatment that will provide them with a lot of moisture and seal the hair surface with conditioning oils.
Stay away from hot irons: Hair straighteners and curlers and the hot air from hair dryers are hard on hair and rid it of all its moisture. Never heat-style your hair, without the benefit of hair protection (a serum). In winters, air-dry your hair as often as possible.
Get regular scalp massages: Scalp massages improve the blood flow to the scalp and stimulate the sebum secretion.
Don't wash your hair with hot water: Washing hair with excessively hot water strips it of all its natural substances. Set the water temperature between tepid and moderately warm. As a finishing touch, rinse the longer part of your hair with cool water. This will make your hair smooth and shiny.
Avoid alcohol-containing products: Try not to style your hair with hair sprays, foam setting products, gels and other products that contain alcohol, as they have a tendency to dry out your hair.
Take good care of your hair accessories: Inspect your hair care tools regularly. Haphazardly manufactured combs and brushes will damage the scalp and further disturb the natural smooth surface of hair.


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A wholly satisfying greatest-hits collection of nonfiction.
Just as Dave Eggers and other McSweeneyans get anthologies of their own, Ira Glass—host of NPR's show of gloriously meaningful weirdness, This American Life—now has a bully pulpit from which to proclaim his view of what nonfiction writing should be. From his bashful introduction, Glass defines the wide spectrum of collected items thusly: "There's a cheerful embracing of life in this kind of journalism, and a curiosity about the world." It's as good a description as any to introduce this fine anthology from the likes of Chuck Klosterman, Malcolm Gladwell, Susan Orlean, David Foster Wallace and many more. Subscribers to The Atlantic and the New Yorker may have read many of these stories before, but that's no reason not to take them in again. There's Klosterman's hilarious essay on the unexpected weirdness of Val Kilmer ("He's a Christian Scientist, and he owns an inordinate number of reference books") and Dan Savage's seminal take on infiltrating the GOP as a gay delegate ("I know there are gay Republicans in Seattle—I've beat up enough of them"). But what makes Glass' book better than expected is the editor's diligence in digging into the archives for some great oldies. There's Lawrence Weschler's classic "Shapinsky's Karma," a mid-1980s tale of obsession and the fickleness of the modern (art) world. The most rewarding selection is Lee Sandlin's "Losing the War," a 1997 long-form think-piece from The Chicago Reader in which he forces readers to acknowledge all over again what most World War II books and films try to make us forget: what an absolutely miserable, pointless, blundering, screaming bloody hell it was. Lastly, any book that includes even a bit from Bill Buford's magnificent piece of football hooligan reportage, "Among the Thugs," is one that deserves attention.
A journalistic mixtape for the ages.


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Beth C, New York
- 6/30/2017
About Me
My name is Beth C. and I love Disney. Since I can remember Disney has been a part of my life including my first movie in the theater – "The Aristocats." I am originally from Pennsylvania, but now call Long Island, NY, my home. I graduated from Temple University, worked for a homeless agency and entered early retirement for 10 years to stay at home with my two daughters. The airline industry brought me out of retirement and I spend my days coordinating logistics for crewmembers to attend training in our corporate university. I love to bake, but cooking is a challenge. I would read 24/7 if I could.
About My Family
I have been married for 22 years to my husband, Jim, whom I met at Temple. It is his inability to sit for seven days on a beach that necessitates my trips to Walt Disney World. We honeymooned there and whenever we need to get away to a sunny spot, Disney seems to be the best option. Our two daughters have visited more than 20 times including four trips in one year. The Disney Vacation Club makes it too easy to visit! My oldest daughter, Jessica, has inherited my love for reading and my younger daughter, Nicole, had the opportunity to dance at the Magic Kingdom. We have been on the Disney Cruise, Disneyland and Aulani. If you ask anyone in the family where they want to go on vacation, it is always Disney!
About My Disney Experience
Owning two Disney Vacation Club (DVC) properties, the Boardwalk and Saratoga Springs, allows my family the ability to stay at the Walt Disney World Resorts every year. This would not be an option without DVC. We have even used our points to travel twice on the Disney Cruise Line and once to DVC's newest resort, Aulani in Hawaii and Disneyland the original Happiest Place on Earth. Since joining in 1999, we have shared the magic of Disney with our extended family. Having visited the Walt Disney World Resort with parties of different sizes and people of all ages, planning a trip is easier now. I have been there with diapers and strollers, as well as without. However, the one thing I have learned is that if I know what keeps my traveling companions happy, everyone has a better time.


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Oklahoma and Texas cattle producers could be facing lower prices for their calves in 2007.
With corn prices increasing from the $2 to $2.50 per bushel range to upwards of $4 during 2006, Steve Swigert, an agricultural economist with The Samuel Roberts Noble Foundation in Ardmore, Okla., is advising cattle producers to prepare for decreased profits.
"For every 25 cents per bushel increase in the price of corn, calves are worth about $6 less per hundredweight," Swigert said. "That means a 500-pound calf would be worth $30 less."
Estimates worsen when based on the more than $1 per bushel increase in the price of corn during fall 2006 alone. Based on that rate of increase, a 500-pound calf would be worth $120 less per head.
"Corn prices could be in the $3 to $4 range, so we could expect the price of 500-pound calves — with a fed cattle market in the mid-$80 range — would be about $90 per hundredweight to $115 per hundredweight," Swigert said. "Prior to the price of corn going up, 500-pound calves were worth $120 to $130."
The reason for the increase in corn prices has been widely credited to the anticipated additional usage of corn by ethanol plants in 2007. Currently 107 ethanol plants are in production with 46 more plants expected to come online during the upcoming year.
"From the tax credit the ethanol plants receive, they can justify paying $4.74 for a bushel of corn if oil is at $70 per barrel. They have a significant incentive to continue expansion," Swigert said. "Also, we have a large volume of fund trading in the corn market, causing a lot of volatility in corn futures. Unless we have a 12 billion bushel corn crop in 2007, it doesn't appear things are going to get any better if you are a cattle producer."
Swigert suggested cattle producers begin planning to run their operations with less income than in previous years. He also said producers should maintain ownership of small grain or other high-quality pastures if they have it.
"Stocker operators and backgrounders must be careful to make their projections realistic," he said. "There is potential for some significant fluctuations in the market over the next few years. They must begin taking steps now to help counteract any impact of the increase in corn prices."


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Maritime News
St. Louis Regional Freightway: Prepare now for Lock Closures
Lock Closures Starting on the Illinois Waterway This Summer May Result in More Freight Flowing Through St. Louis Region.Businesses that move or handle commodities on the Illinois Waterway system are being encouraged to start making alternative plans due the scheduled closure of locks on that inland waterway system. With a two-week closure planned by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers beginning as early as August 2019 and closures of 90 to 120 days expected in the summers of 2020 and 2023
U.S. Unsure About Details of Tanker Towed to Iran
U.S. officials say they are unsure whether an oil tanker towed into Iranian waters was seized by Iran or rescued after facing mechanical faults as Tehran asserts, creating a mystery at sea at a time of high tension in the Gulf.The MT Riah disappeared from ship tracking maps when its transponder was switched off in the Strait of Hormuz on July 14. Its last position was off the coast of the Iranian island of Qeshm in the strait.Iran says it towed a vessel into its waters from the strait after the ship issued a distress call. Although Tehran did not name the vessel, the Riah is the only ship whose recorded movements appear likely to match that description.A U.S.
IMO2020: The Rise of Bulk Liquid Hydrogen in Norway
Imagine a power distribution network where excess renewable energy from hydropower, wind, solar, and nuclear energy is converted to hydrogen and used as transportation fuel in the maritime industry. With the allure of a zero emissions fuel, a number of ship owners are starting to seriously consider hydrogen for newly built vessels. As a bold first step, the country of Norway has provided a number of grants to leading maritime companies to conduct feasibility studies into various aspects of this emerging technology sector. Central to this discussion is "how" hydrogen will be transported from its source to end-users.
BHP to Order LNG-Fueled Bulker
International mining company BHP BHP floated a bulk carrier tender for LNG-fueled transport for up to 27 million tonnes of its iron ore.The Melbourne-based resource company said in a release that this is the world's first bulk carrier tender for LNG-fueled iron ore vessel.The mining giant is considering LNG as a way to eliminate nitrogen oxide and sulfur oxide emissions by launching the world's first tender for the ships.Rashpal Bhatti, Vice President, Maritime and Supply Chain Excellence said emissions resulting from the transportation and distribution of BHP's products represent a material source of its value chain emissions (Scope 3).
US Gulf Production Restarting After Barry
U.S. oil companies on Monday began restoring some of the more than nearly 74% production shut at U.S. Gulf of Mexico platforms ahead of Hurricane Barry, the U.S. offshore drilling regulator said.There was 1.3 million barrels per day (bpd) of oil production off line in the U.S.-regulated areas of the Gulf of Mexico on Monday, about 80,000 barrels less than on Sunday, according to the U.S. Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE).Workers also were returning to the more than 280 production platforms that had been evacuated. It can take several days for full production to be resumed after a storm leaves the Gulf of Mexico.


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Gluten free restaurant in Mainz
5.0 / 5
based on 1 customer reviews
100 % recommendations
About Salute
At Salute, the guest is king: people with coeliac disease can indulge themselves and try delicious dishes. At Salute, safety in the preparation of gluten-free dishes is paramount. The staff is specially trained. People with gluten intolerance can relax in the friendly atmosphere at Salute:an establishment that takes the needs of guests with coeliac disease to heart.


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Leonisa Shapewear
Leonisa is a family-run business that has been in the intimate apparel industry since 1956 making quality women's lingerie. Based out of Colombia, Leonisa shapewear has been popular in the US among the Latin community for years. Now women everywhere are falling in love with Leonisa shapewear (Fajas Leonisa) and Leonisa bras! Leonisa shapers are perfect for both smoothing and tightening and toning. Many styles of women's underwear are also available from Leonisa, including: panties, thongs, boyshorts, and even a pair of butt-lifting panties!
Check out these fabulous styles from Leonisa lingerie:
When you shop Leonisa USA at Freshpair, you'll receive Free Shipping on all U.S. orders, and money-saving Flat Rate Shipping on all International orders!
Compre fajas Leonisa y fajas Colombianas en Freshpair y reciba envio gratis en los Estados Unidos.