text:
It's become something of a cliché in the discourse of the progressive wing of so-called British politics to refer to a supposed association between English nationalism and the racist far right. The key illustration of this link that is usually brought forward nowadays is the English Defence League: the protest organisation set up to resist the alleged spread of Shariah Law, and the 'Islamification' of England and the UK as a whole.
The EDL itself refutes the charge of racism; and as a general point, the question of the connection between 'anti-Islamism' / Islamophobia and racism is an interesting and complex one, which I'll discuss quite a bit during the course of this post. While it's true that hostility or wariness towards Islam, or some of its manifestations, by no means intrinsically involve racism, they are often a cover for it. This is certainly the case with the British National Party (BNP), which uses opposition to 'Islamism' (radical, political, militant Islam) as a displaced channel for racial hatred and phobia – the Muslims in question being invariably Pakistanis, Turks, North Africans, Arabs and other ethnic communities the BNP would like to expel from Britain.
Russian girl leads a recent EDL protest march in Dudley, bearing the Russian flag (from the EDL website)
And herein lies a problem: it's the British-nationalist parties such as the BNP and UKIP that tend to exploit Islamophobia more systematically in pursuit of anti-immigration and racist political agendas, not 'English-nationalist' movements such as the EDL or the English Democrats. (And for the avoidance of doubt, I'm not suggesting there is an intrinsic link between racism and opposition to mass immigration – any more than I'm arguing there's an intrinsic association between Islamophobia and racism – but the two do often go hand in hand: racist sentiment is exploited in pursuit of anti-immigration policies, while anti-immigration politics often serve as a displaced, legitimised channel for racism.)
In addition, it's questionable to what extent the EDL really qualifies as an English-nationalist movement as such, i.e. one that believes that England is a sovereign nation that is entitled to determine for itself how it should be governed, whether as an independent state or as part of a continuing United Kingdom of some sort. On its website, the EDL talks just as much about defending Britain, the United Kingdom and 'our country' (the usual term for avoiding being explicit about whether you are referring to England or Britain) as it talks about England. If anything, the EDL appeals to what you could call the British nationalism of English patriots: that traditional English pride in Great Britain that sees no fundamental contradiction or difference between Britain and England, and sees defending the English way of life and the sovereign British state as one and the same thing.
It's a mark perhaps of the extent to which all things England have been marginalised and repudiated by the liberal British establishment that this English pride in Great Britain now expresses itself primarily in terms of English-national symbols as opposed to British ones, even as the traditional ambiguities regarding the distinction between England and Britain persist: the British symbols have become so tainted with both racism of the BNP variety and the anglophobic bias of the British government that the only way that non-racist English pride in Britain can be asserted is through the symbols of England that traditionally were not viewed as contrary to an inclusive British patriotism.
And let's not forget the catalyst that sparked the creation of the EDL: the insults that were directed at British troops returning from Iraq by a handful of Muslim hotheads in Luton, in March 2009. The said troops are of course part of the British Army, sent out to that Muslim country for the alleged purpose of defending Britain and British interests, not England as such. The EDL are in a sense, and perhaps even see themselves, rather like a latter-day Home Guard, set up to defend the 'home front' (England) in support of our boys on the eastern front in Iraq and Afghanistan. And let's not forget that the theme tune for the TV sitcom Dads' Army proclaimed, 'Who do you think you are kidding, Mr Hitler, If you think old England's done!', even as the arrows representing the retreating western front on the map of Britain and France displayed the Union Flag: the defence of Britain and the defence of England seen as one and the same thing.
The difference now is that the enemy is not Nazi Germany but 'Islamism', which, despite its radically different philosophical basis and political agenda, is viewed by its opponents in a similar light to Nazism. Note the pejorative impact of adding an 'ism' to the end of a word: Nazism, Islamism, racism, nationalism indeed; the word 'Nazi' itself being a shortened form for 'national socialism' – the effect of the 'ism' being to imply the existence of doctrinaire extremism, thereby foreclosing a more open and enquiring discussion about the phenomena at issue, whether Islam or nationalism.
Indeed, it's in their opposition to 'Islamism' that the EDL and the British government find common cause: the avowed purpose of the EDL being to resist the influence of Islamists at home, while the mission of the British Armed Forces was often presented as that of destroying Islamist terror movements in their home base in Iraq and Afghanistan. I say 'was', as the rhetoric around the concept of Islamism, on the part of the British government at least, seems to have died down a bit since the demise of President Bush and Prime Minister Blair. And indeed, it's perhaps mainly in reaction to the perception that the British government's determination to vanquish Jihadist Islam was slacking (troops returning from Iraq, with the police allowing Muslims to jeer at them; the soldiers in Afghanistan not being adequately equipped for the task; etc.) that the EDL was formed. So the EDL is not in fact primarily an English-nationalist movement at all, but an English movement for the defence of Britain whose motivations are remarkably similar to those of the British government itself during the last decade: a reaction to Islamist 'Terror' and the fear of Islam.
Picture and caption from the BNP website
By contrast, the overtly racist BNP rejects what it terms Britain's illegal wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It seems to me that this is partly, ironically, because the BNP does not wish to be seen to be condoning violence against Muslims, which – whatever justificatory gloss you put on it – Britain's military adventures in those countries have undoubtedly involved. But this position on the part of the BNP also allows it to whip up hysteria against 'the enemy within' (Islamism) in pursuit of its racism-fuelled anti-immigration agenda: "Mass immigration has created a large pool of Muslims in Britain from which the Islamists — who have been waging war against the infidel khufars of Europe for over 1,300 years — can actively recruit. Britain's biased foreign policy has given these Islamists, who are already not short of hatred for all things Western, a gift horse with which they can justify attacks inside Britain" (quote from the BNP website).
So to summarise the discussion so far: the EDL, which sees itself as anti-Islamist but not racist, defends Britain's military campaigns in Muslim countries; whereas the BNP, which also sees itself as anti-Islamist and anti-immigration, and is racist whether it accepts the accusation or not, rejects the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the better to refocus attention on the 'war' against Islamism within Britain, which it hopes will eventually result in the mass expulsion of Asian Muslims from the UK. Neither of these movements, however, can accurately be described as English-nationalist.
The main political force that is avowedly English-nationalist, the English Democrats Party (EDP), seems at first sight to be altogether unconcerned by the supposed Islamist threat: I could not find a single reference on the party's website to either 'Islamism' / 'Islamist' (or indeed 'Islam'), 'Shariah' or 'Muslim'. The one mention of 'burka' was a link to a Daily Telegraph article reporting the words of that doyen of secular-liberal, anti-religious respectability, Richard Dawkins, comparing the burka to a "full bin-liner thing" – thereby perhaps making a comical, unconscious association between 'bin liner' and 'Bin Laden'. Dawkins did go on to clarify that, "as a liberal", he did not support a ban on women wearing the burka in public – although his words were reportedly condemned as Islamophobic by a representative of the Muslim Association of Britain.
By contrast, a ban on the burka is one of the pet causes of the UK Independence Party, whose website mentions the word on no fewer than 179 occasions (according to my Yahoo! search restricted to the UKIP site). UKIP would reject the charge that its proposed ban on the burka is an expression of Islamophobia. Such justification that is brought forward for it centres around security concerns and an opposition to divisive forms of multiculturalism. However, UKIP's advocacy of bans on face and head coverings (including the niqab, or full veil, but not, I assume, the Islamic head scarf, or hijab) is expressed in terms that link legitimate security concerns to the more irrational element of fear that is the very essence of Islamophobia: "one of the 21/7 bombers escaped wearing the burka; the hidden face can also hide a terrorist. When we talk of terrorism, we usually refer to a problem coming from within Islam. Of all the religions, Islam is the only one whose leaders do not wish their followers to integrate into our society, and Sharia, which can alas [also?] be described as gender apartheid, holds growing sway in too many parts of our country. So the burka is a symbol of separation, discrimination and fear".
These words from the pen of UKIP's leader Lord Pearson could easily have slipped from the mouth of BNP chief Nick Griffin, and illustrate how wariness towards Islam, or certain aspects of it, that could be seen as based on legitimate, indeed liberal, concerns around security, women's rights and cultural integration is often also informed by more irrational motivations such as pure fear, and cultural, racial and (anti-)religious prejudice: the real threat of terrorism sliding over into the spectre of the Islamist Terror, and the burka being not so much an objective symbol of fear but the object of the viewer's fear.
The same concerns inform but do not exhaustively explain UKIP's anti-immigration policy: "A significant proportion of immigrants and their descendents are neither assimilating nor integrating into British society. This problem is encouraged by the official promotion of multiculturalism which threatens social cohesion". Many ordinary conservative- and indeed liberal-minded English folk [deliberate small 'c' and 'l'] would agree with this proposition. In fact, I myself would agree with it, to the extent that I believe that multiculturalism has been used to promote a new form of multi-ethnic Britishness that is opposed to the supposedly mono-ethnic culture at the heart of traditional Britishness, which I would call the English culture: multiculturalism and anglophobia united in an unholy alliance to create a new Britain in which 'the English' (viewed by the liberals as an ethnic term, i.e. the white English) are just one ethnic group among many, and no longer the core culture.
This is a more nuanced position on multiculturalism and the role of Islam, which argues that it is not so much the existence of a multiplicity of cultures, races and religious practices in England that is marginalising the English culture and identity in its own country, although there have to be limits on the number of people from whatever cultural background that come into England, which is arguably already overcrowded. The problem, rather, is the way that cultural diversity has become another 'ism' (multiculturalism): a key plank of a progressive 'British' political agenda that styles itself as anti-(English) nationalist by virtue of being anti the very concept of the / an English nation.
Having defended the English Democrats against the charge of Islamophobia, I have to admit, however, that the English Democrats' policies on immigration and multiculturalism are expressed in terms remarkably similar to those of UKIP and the BNP, except the primary reference for the 'nation' allegedly threatened by mass immigration is England, not Britain, and there is no explicit singling out of Muslims: "Many English cities are being colonised by immigrant communities who do not want to be part of English society, who want their own language and laws and reject English 'Western' values. Which begs the question: why did they come here in the first place? And leads to the second question: why not go back to wherever they feel they actually belong and give us back our cities? . . . Mass immigration must be ended. We would deport illegal immigrants and all those immigrants who are extremists, terrorists and criminals. We would regain control of our immigration systems by leaving the European Union".
There's no explicit reference to Islam here, but it's clear what is mainly meant by "immigrant communities who do not want to be part of English society, who want their own language and laws and reject English 'Western' values" and by "immigrants who are extremists, terrorists and criminals": it's the same suspicion and fear of the Islamist Terror – the fear of radical Islam because it symbolises the radically Other – exacerbated, in the case of English nationalists, by the genuine onslaught against English identity that has been carried out by the British establishment in tandem with the ideology of multiculturalism.
So how can we unpick this tangled web of complex cross-overs between racism, anti-Islamism / Islamophobia, opposition to mass immigration, nationalism and British-establishment liberalism (by which I mean the British political and cultural establishment, and its broad liberal consensus around fundamental values, under New Labour and now the ConDem coalition)? One way to try to make sense of it all is to set out the different positions of the movements and ideologies I've discussed in relation to these issues in a table, as follows:
|Party / Ideology
|Is racist and, if so, towards which groups?
|Is anti-Islamist / Islamophobic?
|Viewpoint on mass immigration
|Backs the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan?
|Sees itself as defending which (concept of) the nation?
|Strongly denies it
|England and Britain without distinction
|Yes: towards any 'non-white-British' groups
|Britain (with England seen as an integral but subordinate part of Britain)
|Not overtly
|Yes, but in a qualified way
|Britain / the UK
|Not overtly
|Yes, but implicitly
|Yes, but in a qualified way
|British-establishment liberalism
|Yes: towards the 'white-English'
|Yes, but implicitly
|Has encouraged it
|Britain / the UK
All of these movements and ideologies could be described as nationalisms of one sort or another; and they're mostly in fact variants of British nationalism, even the EDL, as I argued above. The only properly English-nationalist movement here is the EDP. And what in fact all of these nationalisms share in common is Islamophobia to varying degrees of intensity and explicitness.
Some readers will no doubt reject my characterisation of British-establishment liberalism as a form of nationalism, along with the charge that it is marked by Islamophobia. But as I've tried to bring out in the argument and quotations above, there is really only a sliding scale separating more liberal justifications for suspiciousness towards Islam, and for war in Muslim countries, and more irrational fears about the intentions of Muslims and the effects of (mainly Muslim) mass immigration on the culture, identity and even survival of the 'nation'.
In addition, the British government under New Labour, and now, it seems, under the ConDems, have indeed ruthlessly pursued what can adequately be described only as a nationalist agenda to articulate, maintain and impose the idea of an integral British nation over and against the internal and external threats to its existence, both real and imagined: (English) nationalism, mass immigration and multiculturalism and the hostility towards them, Islamism, and terrorism. Furthermore, this has involved the most aggressive foreign policy that Britain has seen in decades – arguably, not since the botched Suez War – involving an apparent readiness to sanction dubiously legal pre-emptive military action against Muslim countries, supposedly in the national interest.
In all of these forms of nationalism, I'm arguing that there's a more or less narrow scale leading from anti-Islamism via Islamophobia to racism. In the case of UKIP and the EDP, the specific racial make-up of the Muslims / Islamists that are the object of anti-immigration resentment and general suspicion is not usually referred to explicitly. We need to read the pronouncements of the BNP and, to a lesser extent, the EDL to get explicit references to what is only implied by UKIP and the EDP: these are 'Asians', used in a more or less restrictive sense – sometimes mainly meaning the Pakistani community, sometimes covering pretty much the whole extended Islamic community and faith seen as the expression of an alien (Asian) culture that is radically different from our European and Christian civilisation. The word 'culture' is, after all, so often used as a politically correct euphemism for 'ethnicity' or 'race'; so that, by extension, the much despised multiculturalism also implies multi-racialism, and the immigrants who are viewed as wishing only to retain their own culture and law are Muslims of another race who are perceived as preferring to keep up a sort of apartheid separating them from the (white) English than integrate with the English community at large.
In addition, British-establishment liberalism, rather than being merely anti-Islamist and anti-Asian-racist to a greater or lesser degree, is anti-Islamist-racist and anti-English-racist: both Islamophobic and anglophobic. How does that compute? This is a case of denied and inverted racism: the English as such are the 'acceptable' object of liberal-establishment racism, in part because they are the projection of the anti-Muslim racism the establishment won't admit to but which it expresses violently outside of Britain, in its wars in Muslim lands. In other words, the establishment denies the Islamophobic racism at its heart by projecting it outwards: physically outside of Britain, by taking it out on Muslim countries; and symbolically, by ascribing it to the English, thereby evincing inverted racism – the English becoming the symbol of the British establishment's own racism, in its very heart, which it used to be proud to call 'England'. In this way, the supposedly racist 'English nationalists' represent Britain's 'alibi': the group it can point to in order to exonerate itself of racial crimes abroad by saying, 'no, that's where the racism was at the time of the alleged incident: at home in England, whereas I was just out doing my work and my duty defending Britain in Iraq and Afghanistan!'
My view that the establishment is both anti-Muslim-racist (and by implication, anti-Asian-racist) and racist towards the English is based on how I view Islamophobia and anti-Islamism. Let me clear about this: I'm not saying that some of the forces of militant Islam don't pose a threat to the security of Western countries. The events of 9/11 and 7/7 provided ample proof of that. But where concerns about this threat cross over into frankly hysterical fears about the imminent imposition of Shariah and the Islamification of England and Britain, this is where Islamophobia (the irrational fear and loathing of Islam) is at work; and Islamophobia, in my view, always involves a racial element, which some people (e.g. the BNP) try to exploit for their own political purposes.
With regard to the Islamophobia at play within establishment liberalism, you could say of it what used to be said of anti-Catholicism: that anti-Catholicism [replace with 'anti-Islamism'] is the anti-semitism of the liberal. Anti-Islamism is indeed in many respects the new anti-semitism: like the Jews before the war (the Second World War, that is) and in Nazi Germany, today's Muslims are a combined racial-religious minority, some of whom insist – how dare they? – on continuing to adhere to their religious Law and in not mixing, socially and racially, with the surrounding population, call them Gentiles or kuffar.
In the liberal context, the suspicion and anxiety provoked by this racial-religious minority that appears to reject Western liberal values articulates itself in relation to typical liberal concerns around women's rights (e.g. the burka issue), the desired goal of racial-cultural integration, and the supposedly irrational and archaic nature of the Muslim faith and religious practices. The words of Richard Dawkins, in the article referred to above where he's reported as describing the burka as a 'bin liner', are perhaps instructive here: "I do feel visceral revulsion at the burka because for me it is a symbol of the oppression of women. . . . As a liberal I would hesitate to propose a blanket ban [unfortunate choice of words] on any style of dress because of the implications for individual liberty and freedom of choice".
Picture from the Daily Telegraph article
The phrase 'visceral revulsion' conveys a highly emotional reaction – suggesting that Dawkins is almost sick to his gut at the sight of burka-wearing women – and responses to seeing the burka and niqab are often expressed in such emotive terms, as if an instinctive abhorrence or fear is more natural and spontaneous, and therefore not dependent on cultural (and racial) assumptions and prejudices. But these are what Dawkins then immediately adduces to justify his reaction: the burka being, for him, a symbol of the oppression of women; and no doubt, his Western liberal-secular and atheistic beliefs also make him recoil at such an apparently 'primitive', religiously motivated, 'irrational' and distasteful cultural practice, so alien to those of the 'civilised' West.
At least, Dawkins does have the rather English decency not to advocate banning the burka, as is urged by some of the British nationalists I've discussed plus their associates in far-right parties on the European continent. But not only by the far right, as legislators in both France and Belgium have voted to ban people from wearing the burka and all face coverings. And they've done so precisely out of the same 'liberal' considerations that motivate both Dawkins' gut reaction and his reluctance to propose a burka prohibition: to eliminate a supposed means to oppress women and to oblige Muslims to integrate more with the mainstream culture.
But did the legislators in question bother to ask the women themselves whether they wore the burka out of allegedly religiously justified but 'in fact' cultural oppression by their North African, Turkish and Arab menfolk? Perhaps they could have tried to take those women aside and use the services of trained counsellors to try and elicit whether emotional and physical abuse was going on, in much the same manner as they would deal with presumed victims of domestic violence and rape – but not by insisting, as Jack Straw infamously did, that the women strip off their veils so the emotions written on their naked faces could be read.
According to some of the reports I've read, the number of women wearing the burka in France is absolutely minimal: around 200 or so. You'd think the lawmakers could find a better use of their time and of taxpayers' resources rather than bothering themselves with such a minor social issue! Except, of course, the issue isn't important primarily by virtue of its physical impact on actual women's lives but as a symbolic matter: it's a question of banning the burka as a 'symbol' of women's oppression or, as Lord Pearson similarly put it, a "symbol of discrimination, separation and fear" – never mind how much real oppression, fear, and forced gender and racial apartheid are involved. Ultimately, then, laws proscribing Islamic face coverings are about symbolically and bullyingly asserting the primacy of Western values, laws and culture over the values, laws and culture of the Muslim ethnic minorities living in our midst. But the effect of such proscriptive legislation is not to achieve greater integration and acceptance of Western values on the part of the Muslim communities targeted in this way, but to drive further divisions between them and mainstream society, and in fact to ghettoise those communities still further, so they can express their culture and religious practices safely on their own territory without fear of persecution backed by the might of the law.
But, as I say, in England and Britain, we've stopped short of banning the burka. But that doesn't make Britain any less Islamophobic than mainland Europe: whereas their expression of Islamophobia is to ban the hijab from schools (in France), and now ban face coverings in public buildings and transport, the British expression of it has been our military forays in Iraq and Afghanistan; and whereas some in the British establishment might lament the intolerance they see in the French and Belgian laws, politicians in those nations have vehemently criticised what they portray as Britain's 'brutal', indeed unlawful, actions in those Muslim countries, in stooge-like support of our American allies.
We might say that, whereas continental Europeans have directed their anti-Islamist fears inwards, against their own Muslim populations, we've directed it outwards against the Muslim populations of other lands. In this sense, the actions of the French secular-liberal state could be compared with BNP policy: focusing the aggression on the enemy within rather than without. I guess the urge to commit acts of violence against Muslims, whether 'symbolic' or physical, in revenge for the violence we have suffered at the hands of self-styled Jihadists, has to go somewhere; so it goes where it can. And joining the US anti-Islamist / anti-'Terror' bandwagon was the perfect opportunity for Britain to direct this violence outwards, rather than inwards towards its own substantial Muslim minorities, which could have dangerously exacerbated racial tensions in England and would have gone against the hallowed doctrine of multiculturalism.
Ultimately, what I'm implying about the British military campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan is that they could not have been justified by the establishment if the countries in question had not been Muslim and non-European (racially and culturally), and if the establishment had not drawn on, shall we call it, the popular or populist Islamophobia at work in the nationalist movements I've discussed, and also in the liberal and conservative English and British population at large. It's this Islamophobia that made the propaganda around WMD credible to so many in the run up to the Iraq War; and it's the same Terror of Islam that has been used to argue that Britain's presence in Afghanistan is about wiping out Islamist-terrorist infrastructure. Whereas, in fact, there were no WMD in Iraq, and Al Qaeda disappeared like a puff of smoke in Afghanistan, leaving our brave troops – for whom I have nothing but admiration – shadow-boxing against the hardline-Muslim Taliban in a sterile conflict they cannot win, and without any evidence this has helped reduce the real terrorist threat – if anything, the contrary.
But at least, sending our boys out to bash the Muslims provided an outlet for anti-Islam sentiment. However, as these military escapades have been unsuccessful at realising their declared aims (and how could they have been successful, as those aims were themselves phantasms conjured up by fear?), this has created more of a potential for the Islamophobia to seek expression domestically, through organisations such as the EDL, whose formation, as I discussed above, was in part a reaction to a frustration of the desire to see fanatical Muslims defeated abroad and the terror threat – both real and imagined – lifted.
As the example of the EDL suggests, the relationship between British-establishment Islamophobia and that of nationalist groups is to an extent organic: the military forays in Muslim lands represent in part an attempt to channel anti-Islam sentiment outside of Britain, away from its potential to generate inter-community and inter-racial violence, such as that which has indeed been seen in the past in places such as Oldham. But the very act of doing so partakes of the very same Islamophobia, which is present in a more subtle form in liberal repugnance at, and preconceptions about, Islam, including that religion's treatment of women, which is of course also one of the retrospective justifications brought forward for Britain's involvement in Afghanistan.
It is this channelling of anti-Muslim aggression into an overtly more reasonable and liberal outlet that enables the establishment to dissociate itself from populist Islamophobia by claiming that this domestic anti-Islamism is a characterstic of English nationalism rather than of the British nationalism that it itself represents. But, as we've seen, there's only really a sliding scale between liberal Islamophobia and the more overtly racist expressions of it; and both of these are far more typically associated with the symbols and discourse of the 'British nation' than with those of England.
England is therefore, as I've said, Britain's alibi. But ascribing racism to English nationalism also provides a convenient extra weapon in the armoury of the British establishment's assault on any idea or expression of English nationhood – a powerful tool to fallaciously persuade the great liberal and conservative English majority that any assertion of English nationhood will inevitably stir up the mythical demons of an allegedly racist English past.
I say the liberals and conservatives (small 'l' and 'c') because the progressives don't need convincing: they're already sold on the myth that English nationalism is inherently tied up with the assertion of white-racial supremacy, and that only 'Britain' can serve as a vessel for multiculturalism and multi-racialism. And it is this hooking of the 'Britain' brand to the ideals of multiculturalism that creates such an imperative for the British establishment to disown the Islamophobia at the very heart of its own liberalism, given that racially underpinned prejudice towards one of the many cultures that are meant to be accommodated within the multicultural framework is apparently so radically at odds with that multiculturalism itself.
Hence, it is so convenient to point the finger of blame for racist Islamophobia on the English nationalists, and to ascribe it to those – mostly British nationalists, but also some English nationalists – who would rather have a mono-racial, mono-cultural England and Britain, rather than to English and British society at large and a more all-pervading suspiciousness towards Islam.
But is multiculturalism really a counter-racist, inclusive ideal? On the contrary, it seems to me, the so-called British model of multiculturalism is quite profoundly racist in a rather subtle way, which in turn reveals what British anglophobia and British Islamophobia have in common. This is because British multiculturalism involves the idea that the different cultures in Britain should remain different, multiple and separate; and the state and the public sector provides support for the different communities to preserve and express their distinct cultures. But it's this that reinforces cultural and racial apartheid: each ethnic group in their separate compartments, not overlapping, intermingling and being transformed in the mutual exchange of values, customs and shared humanity. It's the apartheid of the ethnic-racial tick box, as per the profoundly racist Census of England and Wales: 'British-Pakistani' and 'White-English' in radically separate categories because the whole population has been broken up into a thousand and one distinct racial-cultural ethnic groups, the 'English' being just one, and a white-only one to boot.
The deeply racist reaction of the British establishment in the face of the fracturing of (the idea of) a monolithic British nation through the combined impact of nationalisms (including, and perhaps primarily (if the truth be told), the Scottish and Welsh variety) and mass immigration has been to redefine the unity and integrity of Britain in terms of its very diversity and multiplicity, and to celebrate and reinforce that rather than truly trying to integrate it within the core culture and tradition of the realm. And that's because the core culture and identity are those of England, not Britain as such.
The British establishment has carried on a sort of racial divide and rule: divide the population into apparently irreconcilable units, racially and culturally, the better to promulgate the idea of Britain and the authority of the British state as the only things that can hold it all together. By contrast, the only way true cultural cohesion could be fostered in England would be by celebrating England itself as the nation into which immigrants have come to make their home, and Englishness as the culture they should aspire to embrace – rather than a multicultural Britishness that exempts them and the English from coming together. For it has to be a mutual process: the English sharing of their culture in a spirit of welcome and generosity, and migrants sharing the riches of their cultures in a way that is respectful of but not subservient to the host culture – and both being transformed in the process.
This is the only way forward for English nationalists and for Muslims that seek genuine dialogue and integration within English society, without having to give up the aspects of their culture and faith they hold most dear. The 'enemy' for the English is not the Muslims, nor should we English allow ourselves to become enemies to the Muslims. The true enemy is the racism in all our hearts, which the British establishment would rather we directed against each other instead of transcending it to create a new England, freed from the prejudices and divisions that are Britain's stock in trade and only hope.


text:
Artists, musicians share talents
The blisters and calluses covering Grant Charpentier's palms and fingers were in sharp contrast to the sparkling glass roses, bowls, and plates he offered for sale Sunday at Marion's Art and Music Stroll.
Charpentier, a glass blower from Emporia, displayed his art in front of Flint Hills Gold at Third and Main streets and visited with those who stopped to admire his work.
"I would die without this," Charpentier said. "It is definitely not a hobby for me. It's a passion."
Charpentier said he enjoyed the danger of his medium, melting blocks of glass into interesting shapes after removing them from a furnace that reaches 1,000 degrees.
A large blue glass bowl with a folded lip drew the attention of several strollers, and Charpentier admitted that sometimes mistakes resulted in the best designs.
"I was actually going to throw that out," he said. "I turned away from the furnace for just a second and the side drooped over and stuck. It was a big mistake."
Charpentier's talent, exemplified by tables of glass flowers, globes, cacti, and conch shells, was no mistake, however. He even turned glass balls, left on the end of his blowing rod after creating a larger item, into crimped and flowered paperweights in a glittering array of colors.
Charpentier is a regular consigning artist at Jan Davis' Gallery 101 of the Flint Hills shop at 106 E. Main in Marion.
Many artists exhibiting at the Art and Music Stroll had connections to Davis, her store, or to Marion, including woodworker Mark DeCou from Elmdale.
"I walked into Jan's gallery one day and inquired about printmaking," DeCou said. "It turns out she has a degree in it and gave me several classes. I plan to incorporate it into my work someday."
DeCou is a mixed media artist, combining carpentry and sculpting to create a wide array of wooden toys, caskets, canes, bowls, and functional furniture.
"People in this area generally like art that combines form and function," he said. "If they are going to purchase something for their home, it has to serve a purpose. It is a Midwest mindset sort of thing."
Though DeCou did not have many sales on Sunday, he said the bass guitar he handcrafted drew a lot of interest. Maybe it was because of the musicians also in town for the Art and Music Stroll.
Melodies from musicians playing guitars, saxophones, and a harp drifted from the Liberty Park gazebo, business doorways, and street corners. Violinist Mark Wilcox played his instrument in the back hall of Marion Ogden's Bearly Makin' It antique shop at 308 E. Main.
"Mark has been a good friend of mine for years," Ogden said. "I just love his playing."
Wilcox, a carpenter and violinist, decided several years ago to combine the two skill sets and start hand-making violins.
On Sunday, he played traditional songs on a violin made from tiger maple wood.
Wilcox played his violin at Winfield's bluegrass festival last year and gave away one of his violins to the second-place winner of a violin playing competition.
Last modified June 5, 2013

subset: commoncrawl


text:
|Concord, Mass.
|High School:
|Concord-Carlisle High School
2010-2011: Sailed for the Bulldogs at the Boston Dinghy Cup, the Dave Perry Trophy and several Southern Series Invitationals
Before Yale: 9 varsity letters in field hockey, ice hockey and lacrosse, captain of field hockey and ice hockey, league all star in field hockey and ice hockey
Residential College: Pierson
Major: Economics
Activities at Yale: Ski Team, Captain of Club Lacrosse, Chairman of the Club Sports Advisory Board, Head Pierson Master's Aide, Pierson IM Sec, Yale Student Ambassador
Favorite Food: Tempesto from Book Trader
Hobbies: Running and playing sports
Favorite thing about Yale: The friendships I have made with some of the most interesting people I have met.
Favorite thing about Yale sailing: Being able to sail everyday with my good friends


text:
Recently... I break my last surf board...
(wood construction) 6.3, so i'm looking for a Bamboo contruction...
Rider: 92Kg
Level: Advanced
High: 1,83cm
Style: Carving & waves
So, what's your opinion ?
Thanks in advance !!!
I only use wave and race boards, in Barcelona I use kontact 6.3 for all conditionspiccio wrote:with Kontact you will need horsepower good wind and 2 3 m wawes at least ,to have fun,
in guincho will be ok but in barcelona???
Users browsing this forum: Baidu [Spider], BillyGoatGruff, bragnouff, Exal, Google [Bot] and 16 guests


text:
Creating a full featured Plasma shell involves pulling together a number of standard components from libplasma into a single interface. There are also several optional components that can be used to improve the overall user experience.
Whether you are creating a full screen interface such as Plasma Desktop or Plasma Netbook, or an application helper like the Plasma KPart or Plasma Media Center, this tutorial, which documents each of these components and how they fit together, can get you started in the right direction.
Plasma is a model/view approach to user interfaces, much as the QGraphicsView framework it is based on. Nearly all of the user interface is kept on a canvas which can be thought of as an infinite Cartesian plane. This plane is called the "Corona", and is a QGraphicsScene subclass.
The Corona serves as a top-level manager for Containments, which are QGraphicsWidgets that manage collections of Applets. Containments are not nested, and Applet nesting is also discouraged due to being error-prone and nearly never actually needed. This creates a nice hierarchy of Corona->Containments->Applets within the scene. Note that "plain" QGraphicsWidgets may exist between Containments and Applets in the scene, and that they are transparent in terms of the Plasma hierarchy.
Within the scene, items are placed in the four quadrants of the plane according to their functions: full window / screen Containments are kept in quadrant III, panel Containments in quadrants II and IV (to accomodate their most natural direction of growth, e.g horizontal panel Containments grow horizontally more often that vertically so appear in quadrant II) and other items such as contents for popup windows in quadrant I (often referred to as "offscreen widgets").
To present this to the user, Views are created which show sections of the Corona. Views usually are set to display the geometry of a Containment or an offscreen widget. There is no correlation between the location of a View in the user interface or on the computer screen and where the contents it is viewing are on the screen. It is also possible to have more than one View showing the same area on the scene at once.
So the primary job of a Plasma shell is to provide a collection of Views on the Corona scene arranged in a way that makes sense for the application. The default layout of the items on the scene is also managed by the Plasma shell, but storing and loading once set up is handled by libplasma.
In addition to Views and the use of stock Containments and Applets, shells may want to provide customized Containments and/or Applets. These custom additions can themselves also be plugins (which can be shared with other Plasma shells or not) or built-in to the shell itself using the PluginLoader class.
There are also a host of optional components that a shell can provide that allow a more customized presentation, such as the AccessManager which allows the shell to provide a custom user interface for remote access requests, the DialogManager which forwards requests for dialogs such as configuration interfaces to be shown, etc.
Each of these components is covered in detail below.
Corona is a subclass of QGraphicsScene, however it provides several additional facilities:
Most Plasma shells will want to create a subclass of Corona, if only to reimplement the loadDefaultLayout() method which is called when there is no existing layout configuration to load (e.g. on first launch of the application).
This is also where most Plasma shells implement things such as adding new Containments in response to shell-specific features or arranging Containments on the scene if necessary by reimplementing the layoutContainments() slot.
Most Plasma shell implementations find most of the default implementations of the virtual methods in Corona satisfactory, but there are valid use cases for each of the virtual methods. Examples of how these are implemented in different shells can be seen quite well in Plasma Desktop, Plasma Netbook, Plasma Mobile and the Plasma KPart.
Plasma::View is a subclass of QGraphicsView. It has some peculiarities over its base class:
Containment implementations can have several types:
A Containment implementation manages the way the applets are laid out inside it, so it will have to react to new applets being added or removed into the containment, by connecting to the appletAdded(Plasma::Applet *applet) and appletRemoved(Plasma::Applet *applet) signals.
If the applets in the containment can grow in any direction they want, the containment will have a 'Plasma::Planar FormFactor, otherwise will be Plasma::Horizontal if they can grow only horizontally and Plasma::Vertical if they can grow only vertically.
A typical use case is to set a Planar FormFactor when the Location is Plasma::Floating, Plasma::Desktop or Plasma::FullScreen. Which will be Horizontal for a BottomEdge or TopEdge Location and Vertical for a LeftEdge or RightEdge Location.
Usually Applets, DataEngines, Services and Runners are loaded from plugins on disk (either .so libraries if written in C++, or Plasma Packages if scripted). In those cases, the plugins exist external to the shell itself and are loosely coupled. It is possible to create application-specific plugins by including the X-KDE-ParentApp= entry in their .desktop files, but sometimes this isn't enough. In some cases, it is most natural to create some plugins right from within the shell instead of relying on the standard plugin loading mechanisms.
This is most often the case with users of the Plasma KPart when they need to offer DataEngines or even Applets that are tightly coupled to internal data structures or classes.
For Plasma shells that do not need any special, non-standard plugin loading tied to internals, PluginLoader can be ignored as an implementation detail. For shells that do need to augment the standard plugin loading, Plasma::PluginLoader allows applications to do so with shell-specific internal processes in a way that is completely transparent to libplasma and all other Plasma plugins (e.g. DataEngines loaded that are used by Applets).
To take advantage of this facility, the shell must instantiate a subclass of Plasma::PluginLoader and pass it into Plasma::PluginLoader::setPluginLoader(PluginLoader* loader) prior to any calls to Corona, DataEngineManager, RunnerManager, etc. that result in plugin loading. As soon as the first plugin is loaded, if there is no PluginLoader registered the default PluginLoader will be created for the shell. Thus it is important to perform this process before anything else.
PluginLoader provides a standard pattern for each of the plugin types which follows:
By implementing these two methods for each plugin type of interest, shells can provide access to internal objects very easily. An example for DataEngines might look like this:
KPluginInfo::List MyPluginLoader::internalDataEngineInfo() const
return standardInternalDataEngineInfo();
Plasma::DataEngine *MyPluginLoader::internalLoadDataEngine(const QString &name)
if (name == "org.kde.myapp.SomeInternalEngine") {
return new InternalDataEngine();
return 0;
Note that the "org.kde.myapp" prefix is now the recommended way of naming plugins, this way it is not possible for any conflictions to come about.
The typical approach to bringing together the Corona, Views and Containments generally follows this flow:
When the shell is quitting, then:
It is critical that this shutdown procedure happens before the QApplication destructor is entered as some cleanup routines may rely on a fully setup application. This is why many Plasma shells do this work in a slot connected to the QApplication::aboutToQuit() signal.
Each containment shown by the Plasma Shell, can have a central place to show the main actions that can be performed.
A default set of toolbox actions is present in the base Containment implementation. Containment subclasses, as well as the Corona implementation of the Plasma shell can add their own.
The method Containment::AddToolBoxAction(QAction *a) adds the action a to the toolbox.
The action can contain metadata about its category, to help the toolbox implementations to visually group together similar actions, to do that call
A ToolBox is a subclass of Plasma::AbstractToolBox and is usually loaded as a plugin, whose desktop file will have the entry X-KDE-ServiceTypes=Plasma/ToolBox
A Containment implementation can force its own ToolBox implementation, but this is discouraged, especially in containments of type DesktopContainment or PanelContainment.
By default, containments will load the ToolBox plugin the Corona tells them. To set a default ToolBox plugin, use the function
Corona::setDefaultToolBoxPlugin(const QString &PluginName, Plasma::ContainmentType type)
in the constructor of your Corona implementation.
Containments (and Applets) can have a set of QAction associated. There are some already present created by default, such as the "add widgets" action.
Reimplementations can add their own actions. The relevant methods are:
If some Containment actions should appear in the ToolBox, the method
Containment::addToolBoxAction(QAction *action) should be invoked.
It is advised (but not required) all the toolbox actions managed by the Containment are also part of the containment action set described above.
If you would like to remove any actions, you would have to know their name, call delete on QAction* action(QString). Examples of names are "zoom in", "zoom out", "add widgets", "configure" (for the settings page), "unlock widgets", "unlock desktop" (the latter is a bit of a misnomer, and refers to the "Leave..."/shutdown action.
You can just grep for some occurrences of these to lead you to where you want, if you need more.
All Plasma shells must provide a widget explorer interface.
Containments have an action called "add widgets". Corona implementations should connect to this action and show the widget explorer when this action is triggered.
The Plasma shells distributed with workspace use the library plasmagenericshell, that provides a widget explorer.
There are no particular guidelines to follow for implementing correctly a widget explorer. What is necessary is to show a list of the available applets, obtained with the static method
static KPluginInfo::List Applet::listAppletInfo(const QString &category, const QString &application)
The parameter category restricts the list to a specific category (that could be date and time, system information, eduction and so on) if it's empty all categories will be shown.
The parameter application will restrict the list to applets that are defined as specific for a certain parent application, with the entry X-Plasma-ParentApp in the Applet desktop file.
To list all categories it's used the method
static QStringList listCategories(const QString &parentApp = QString(), bool visibleOnly = true);
Both the Containment and the associated View may want to offer a configuration UI to the user. This might includes options such as an interface to choose the Wallpaper to use with the Containment or the position of a Panel view.
It is often natural to include shell-specific features alongside the Containment configuration in one user interface for configuration. Additionally, different parts of a shell may want to present configuration differently, as Plasma Desktop does with the panel controller compared to the configuration dialog used for desktop Containments. Since only the shell can know about these design specifics, it is left up to the shell to manage configuration, unlike with Applets where configuration is handled inside libplasma.
Containments have a configureRequested(Plasma::Containment *containment) signal that can be connected to in order to trigger the creation and showing of the configuration UI.
Containment::createConfigurationInterface can be called to add Containment-specific pages to a configuration dialog, just as Wallpaper::createConfigurationInterface does for wallpaper plugins. Together with access to ContainmentActions related to the Containment, all of the plugin-specific configuration can be retrieved from the Containment and its active Wallpaper plugin (if any) and combined with shell-specific pages into one interface.
The remote widgets feature adds some new public API to libplasma, mostly aimed at plasma shells. They allow a shell to:
The plasma shell can control the security aspects of remote widgets, combined with a system wide config file (/etc/plasma-remotewidgets.conf) containing rules that can allow/disallow certain machines access to certain published widgets/services/engines. As a plasma shell you've got the following options:
If an Applet wants to show a QGraphicsWidget into a standalone window, it can use a Plasma::Dialog. It is a QWidget subclass and must be created without a parent, in order to be a top level window. A QGraphicsWidget (or a subclass) can be associated to a Dialog with Dialog::setGraphicsWidget(widget). The widget will be automatically positioned in an offscreen area of the Corona, with Corona::addOffScreenWidget(widget), that is not necessary to call it manually.
Corona contains a set of protected methods which can be used to map animation types. This allows shells to customize what, for instance, the "AppearAnimation" actually means. Since different shells often have different needs when it comes to stock animations provided to Plasma components via Plasma::Animator, this is a way to accomplish that. So, for instance, a shell might do:
mapAnimation(Plasma::Animator::AppearAnimation, Plasma::Animator::ZoomAnimation);
mapAnimation(Plasma::Animator::DisappearAnimation, Plasma::Animator::ZoomAnimation);
Additionally, shells may install Javascript animations which are then accessible to any users of Plasma::Animator. These animations may also be mapped to standard animations such as AppearAnimation, allowing for a high degree of customization and even the addition of entirely new animation possibilities.
A Plasma shell uses 3 configuration files:
The files are created and managed by KDE and Plasma libraries and do not need to be referenced directly. For instance, when Corona::saveLayout() is called, the -appletsrc file is used automatically.
Deployers and users of Plasma shells often find it more convenient, powerful and useful to interact with the shell using scripting. The recommended mechanism for doing so is to use Javascript via QtScript to offer a well defined set of shell-specific interaction API. This approach can be used in Corona::loadDefaultLayout() to create highly dynamic layouts without having to modify source code or manage complex default configuration files.
A comprehensive example of this is the Plasma Shell Scripting shared by Plasma Desktop and Netbook, or the scripting provided as part of the Plasma KPart shell.


text: Cholesteatoma The name, Cholesteatoma, is a misnomer. Previously it was thought that cholesterol was a major part of the condition. Actually, the condition consists of skin-like tissue growing in the middle ear where no skin belongs. Is Cholesteatoma common? It is not common. But it is very commonly seen In the office of someone who does a considerable amount of ear care. In our hospital it is very commonly seen. What damage does Cholesteatoma do in the ear? The disease can significantly destroy the hearing bones of the ear. Over time, the cholesteatoma can cause considerable problems. The significant time frame is years and decades, usually not weeks and months . Not only are the hearing bones being destroyed, but other tissues can become involved such as the facial nerve (which can cause paralysis), the inner ear(which can cause deafness and/or dizziness), the brain (as a cause of brain abscess or meningitis), or the neck (the site of an abscess). What is the treatment for Cholesteatoma? Cholesteatoma can only be treated with surgery. It is important to know that the surgery might not be a one-stage treatment since cholesteatoma is a condition that requires long-term monitoring. What type of surgery is needed? The traditional surgical approach to cholesteatoma is to open up the small spaces among the middle ear, the ear canal and the mastoid (the bump in the skull that you feel behind the ear). This amount of surgery is needed because of the extensive destruction of tissue from the disease. This is called a canal wall down mastoidectomy. Another procedure attempts to maintain more normal anatomy. With this surgery, the ear canal wall is maintained (canal wall up mastoidectomy). This operation is not applicable for all patients however. A third procedure makes a window between the mastoid and the ear canal wall to allow visualization but then reconstruction of the wall at the end of the operation recreates an intact ear canal wall (canal wall window mastoidectomy). It should be noted that cholesteatoma frequently recurs. Sometimes a second surgery is even planned, before the first operation occurs. What are the goals of the surgery? We attempt to eliminate the disease and to reconstruct the ear in a way to try to prevent re-accumulation of disease. Additionally, we work to gain the maximum hearing possible under the circumstances, depending on the location of the disease and the destruction that has already occurred. It is also our goal to provide an ear repair for the patient, that will not be problematic with water exposure and to provide as much of a normal appearance to the ear as is possible. Accomplishing those tasks is not always possible. But often, many of the objectives can be accomplished. We are particularly sensitive to hearing needs in children because the ear must serve them for decades. Contact Us Today! 617-573-3190


text:
This is the login panel
Register Now
Please be sure to register for your preferred workshops and seminars when you register for the Annual Meeting. If you have already registered and want to make changes or additions to your registration, please click here. All attendees must pick up their badges and tickets onsite in Nashville at the Registration Desk located in the Convention Center. Badges will not be mailed in advance.
Click here to register online
or print a registration form and mail to:
On-site registration
On-site registration will be open:
Tuesday, May 28: 3 - 7 PM
Registration Fees


text:
Her family, the McKenzies of Avilton, Maryland left Garrett County Maryland after the death of Margaret Ellen McKenzie in 1910. "Elle" McKenzie was the mother of twelve children before her death at the age of just 35. Her husband, Charles Lazora B. (Blocher?) McKenzie moved to Somerset County, Pennsylvania and sold the Avilton farm. The family crossed state and county lines readily. Charles would reside in Somerset, PA but die at his daughter's home in West Virginia, and be buried at St. Ann's Cemetery. Certainly a challenge from a genealogist's standpoint: his death certificate is found in WVA, his will in Pennsylvania, and his burial records in Maryland.
Many of the descendants of this pioneering Catholic family remain active in the Catholic church to this day. Truly, an inheritance of faith! May God bless the future generations as they scatter all across the USA. A long way from this tiny outpost of Catholicism, but never too far from Him.


text:
Many of these slide shows include audio.
Wings Wheels & Keels 2015
Threatening weather on Saturday dampened the turnout for the 20th annual Wings, Wheels and Keels event at Hummel Field in Topping, but the show went on. Above, some of the 60-plus custom, classic and exotic cars that were on display. In the distance are two vintage airplanes. Boats were displayed in a hangar. High winds grounded most planes.
posted 10.01.2015Arts in the Middle
The mighty oaks that lined the lane to the Hewick Plantation house provided a beautiful setting for the Arts in the Middle fine arts festival on May 30-31.
posted 06.10.2015More February Snow 2015
A collection of photos from around Middlesex County, VA by readers of the Southside Sentinel.
posted 03.06.20152015 Chili Plunge
The second annual Chili Cook-Off at the Chili Plunge in Urbanna on Saturday held a special significance for those who worked with the late Dan Gill. Gill, who founded Something Different restaurant, was instrumental in setting up the town's first Chili Cook-Off in 2014.
posted 02.19.2015February Snow 2015
The deepest snow in years blankets the Broad Creek area of Deltaville. This vantage point looks west, with frozen Jackson Creek in the distance at left.
posted 02.19.2015
More Slideshows: page 1 of 33 pages 1 2 3 > Last »


text:
This rental has had one or several Service Quality enquiries following the renters' reviews.
|Information sent in
|Outcome of the enquiry
|Non-compliant listing
|Not corroborated by prior renters
This rental has an excellent Service Quality rating.
The Service Quality process is designed to maximise listing reliability and guest satisfaction.
MediaVacationRentals.com Service Quality:
The Service Quality rating is based on guest satisfaction, the listing's history, the outcomes of any quality enquiries, and management of the rental in question. All these factors give us an objective overview of the listing's reliability and the quality of the property.
Apart from the most recent listings, its quite normal that the majority of listings get a good or excellent rating. In effect, listings that are not objective or are unreliable are quickly identified and subjected to\ a quality enquiry. If the complaints made about the rental are confirmed, the problem will either be corrected (listing altered or rental improved) or the listing will be removed from the site.
|from 12/31/19 to 01/06/20
|400 €$ 449£360587 $CAN440 SFr / week
|from 01/13/20 to 02/13/20
|360 €$ 404£324528 $CAN396 SFr / week


text:
Autotrade is only offered to shareholders in Simray AS as part of an agreement with the people behind Autotrade.
When you buy a package at MPT Max, you will automatically become a Shareholder in Simray AS and thus eligible to invest in Autotrade.
The next step you need to take is to open a separate account directly with the broker where Autotrade takes place. This regulated broker is ADS Securities LLC.
The money that you add to this account, (specified in the package type you purchase from MPT Max) will be held in your own account with ADS Securities and will be traded by the Autotrade algorithm.
Please send an email to email@example.com and we will send you all the information you need to get started.


text:
Dave Martin
VP & Chief Security Officer, EMCAs EMC's Vice President, Chief Security Officer, Dave is responsible for managing EMC's industry-leading Global Security Organisation (GSO) focused on protecting the company's multi-billion dollar assets and revenue. Dave has both functional and operational responsibility for all of EMC's information, risk, crisis management, investigative, fraud and workforce security operations. He is tasked with establishing EMC's brand of trust with its customers and providing business protection operations worldwide.


text:
Make a pot of this, feel the comfort from within and make some memories with the ones that are special in your life. <3
Very easy to make. I don't have any canned tomatoes...mine came from the store in a can. Wish we had a Garden other than one the boys planted to see how it grows. They did a great job with theirs but it was ust to get them started with the love of growing their own food. How it makes the taste richer in every aspect. They will be growing another garden, hopefully a BIG ONE, for the fall. Stay tuned. <3
Maters and Rice
28 oz can of Diced, Crushed or Whole Tomatoes (if whole, squish with your hands)
1 cup Long Grain White Rice
1 Tablespoon Bacon Grease, optional
1 Tablespoon Bacon Grease, optional
1/4 teaspoon Ground Pepper
1/4 teaspoon Salt
1 teaspoon Sugar, optional
Bring everything except rice to a boil over medium heat. Add rice when boiling..stir, cover and simmer for 15 minutes. Stirring occasionally. If rice isn't done cook longer, checking every minute. It should be ready in 5 more minutes. Taste and adjust seasoning, adding a little water, if needed. Just a hint of sweet, a pip of the pepper and a deep, rich taste of Maters. Enjoy!


text:
Welcome to the CRG Discussion Forum!Forum registration problems: Make sure you enter your email correctly and you check your spam box first. *Then* email KurtS2@gmail for help.Classified ads are not allowed on the forum.
That site says the title is active but the registration expired 6/30/2000. Probably means it moved out of the state when it was up for sale back in 2000, or its still in FL sitting on blocks somewhere.


text:
Businessweek : The Golden Age of Watching Other People Play Video Games
Wall Street Journal : Videogames Become a Spectator Sport
CNET : PlayStation 4 stealth killer app - Live game broadcasting
Polygon : The revolution will be livestreamed
MCV : Twitch now the biggest video site for gamers
Forbes : The ESPN Of Video Games
Game Informer : Twitch On PlayStation 4 Makes Brilliant Innovations
Adweek : Twitch Will Distribute Machinima Content Starting Today
All Things D : Machinima Looks Beyond YouTube for More Gamers, Partners With Twitch
The Verge : Machinima expands beyond YouTube with new Twitch channel
Redbull : Twitch Could Boost Console eSports
Venturebeat : Livestreaming community on Twitch has raised $8 million for charity; plans to raise more this weekend
Polygon : Twitch broadcasters raise $8M for charity
Destructoid : $8 million raised for charities using Twitch platform
Time : Twitch's Interesting Commercial-Free Experiment (Brought to You by PlayStation 4)
Fortune : Twitch rides video game streaming wave to global success
Adweek : Twitch Lands $20 Million in Series C Funding
Fast Company : Twitch Raises $20 Million
Forbes : Live Gaming Site Twitch Secures Another $20 Million
Motley Fool : Video Games for the Masses: eSports Finds an Audience
Wall Street Journal : Twitch Raises $20M for Live Video Gaming
Forbes : Twitch And Intel Partner Up For Substantial Improvement To Game Streaming Technology
MCV : Twitch edges out TV as traffic soars
IGN : Twitch Broadcasting Confirmed for PlayStation 4
TechCrunch : Twitch Integrates With PlayStation 4 For Streaming And Viewing Video Game Content
Variety : Twitch is Coming to Sony's PlayStation 4
Bloomberg TV : Twitch: Broadcast Your Gaming Experience
Joystiq : Steam accounts now link with Twitch accounts, Dota 2 makes first use of feature
Polygon : Steam accounts now link with Twitch
GameInformer : You Will Be Able To Link Twitch And Steam Accounts This Week
IGN : You Can Now Link Your Twitch and Steam Accounts
Gamasutra : Broadcasting service Twitch strikes a deal with Steam
Fast Company : With Xbox One Deal, Twitch Becomes Sportscenter for Videgames
Wired : Twitch Brings Integrated Live-Streaming to Xbox One
GameSpot : Twitch streaming coming to Xbox One
Gamasutra : Xbox One will have Twitch streaming integration
TechCrunch : Twitch Integrates With Xbox One For Live Broadcasting And Viewing Of Video Game Streams
Gamasutra : Twitch launches new video game broadcasting SDK
Joystiq : Twitch SDK could allow games to be streamed from any platform
TechCrunch : Twitch Updates SDK To Boost Engagement, Get Its Streams Embedded In More Video Games
Polygon : Twitch launching dev tools for video sharing and creation, will be included in Company of Heroes 2
AdWeek : Twitch Bids Adieu to CBSi Ad Sales
Mediapost : Twitch Launches Ad Sales Unit
TechCrunch : With 35M Unique Viewers A Month, Twitch Hires An In-House Ad Sales Team To Ramp Up Monetization
Polygon : Twitch announces full E3 2013 game streaming schedule
Engadget : Twitch takes over streaming duties for PAX, New York Comic Con
Venturebeat : Twitch will broadcast PAX and Comic Con to the world
Destructoid : Twitch to broadcast PAX, NYCC, and a lot of E3
PC Magazine : Twitch TV App Launches on Xbox 360
The Next Web : Twitch takes its video-streaming app for gamers to the Xbox 360
Engadget : Twitch video platform for gamers comes to Xbox 360
Gamesradar : Twitch Xbox 360 app launches today
Mashable : Twitch Streaming Comes to Xbox Live
Polygon : Xbox 360 adds dedicated Twitch app
Joystiq : Ouya ships with native Twitch app
Business Insider : People Are Spending Millions Of Hours Every Month Watching Others Play Video Games
Gamespot : Twitch attracts 28 million unique viewers in February
VentureBeat : Twitch hits 28M viewers a month as live game streaming hits its stride
The Next Web : Twitch clocked a record 28M unique viewers in February
Wall Street Journal : How to Make Money as a Video Gamer
Kotaku : Should Competitive Gaming Be On National TV? Experts Are Divided.
VentureBeat : Red 5 Studio adds one-click Twitch broadcasting to Firefall MMO
Gamespot : Twitch support coming to Firefall
Forbes : Talking Livestreams, eSports and the Future of Entertainment with Twitch
New York Post : The glory and heart of the speedrun
VentureBeat : Can live speedruns compete with e-sports?
Gamespot : Streaming video company unveils ad-free "Twitch Turbo" premium offering
Joystiq : Twitch unveils new Turbo ad-free paid access
Washington Post : Twitch launches subscription service to watch live video games
Destructoid : Twitch launches an ad-free premium service
PC Gamer : Twitch Turbo subscription service removes ads, adds chat tools
Polygon : Twitch launches premium ad-free stream viewing service Turbo
TechCrunch : Twitch Launches $8.99 Per Month Premium Tier, With Custom Emoticons, Badges… And No Ads
Venturebeat : Twitch removes ads in its game livestreaming with new $8.99/month Turbo service
Joystiq : Black Ops 2 streams to Twitch in-game on Xbox today, PS3 and PC soon
Gamespot : Black Ops II adds Twitch support
TechCrunch : Twitch Gets Embedded In Call Of Duty: Black Ops 2, Providing Instant Broadcasting Of User Gameplay
Mashable : 'Black Ops II' Players Can Stream to Twitch With One Click
Engadget : 'Call of Duty: Black Ops 2 adds live Twitch streaming for PC, PS3 and Xbox 360
The Next Web : Game livestreaming tool Twitch partners with Call of Duty to help bring the title to the masses
Venturebeat : Black Ops II's in-game live-streaming feature adds support for Twitch
Digital Trends : Twitch brings its video game broadcasting tools to consoles with Call of Duty: Black Ops 2
Gamesradar : Black Ops 2 gets native Twitch broadcasting
ESPN : Twitch boosts new speed-running trend
The Verge : Livestreaming turns video game speedruns into a spectator sport
Forbes : 30 Under 30 - Games and Apps


text:
Info Agency Main Banner Content
The IndianaMap is many things. It is a diverse and flexible system that provides access to geographic information about Indiana. It is a modern map viewer for a large community of users. The IndianaMap is a trustworthy source of geospatial data and services that provides users with both documented and authoritative information. It is an investment in Indiana.
The IndianaMap is also the largest publicly available collection of Indiana geographic information system (GIS) map data. It is made possible by an alliance of partners, including the Indiana Geographic Information Office, and others from federal, state, local organizations and agencies, and universities. With the IndianaMap you can:
• Access and use easy-to-use web maps and one or more of the 200-plus geographic data layers from a computer or mobile device
• Select from a gallery of predefined maps to view or customize
• Stream a map service
• Download free GIS data in ESRI or KML formats (at the end of the map services link)
• Review FGDC compliant metadata
• Learn about IndianaMap GIS projects, initiatives, and news
• Discover and explore and more…


text:
Image::Info::XBM (3)
Leading comments
Automatically generated by Pod::Man 4.07 (Pod::Simple 3.32) Standard preamble: ========================================================================
NAMEImage::Info::XBM - XBM support for Image::Info
use Image::Info qw(image_info dim); my $info = image_info("image.xbm"); if (my $error = $info->{error}) { die "Can't parse image info: $error\n"; } my $color = $info->{color_type}; my($w, $h) = dim($info);
DESCRIPTIONThis modules supplies the standard key names except for Compression, Gamma, Interlace, LastModificationTime, as well as:
- HotSpotX
- The x-coord of the image's hotspot. Set to -1 if there is no hotspot.
- HotSpotY
- The y-coord of the image's hotspot. Set to -1 if there is no hotspot.
- L1D_Histogram
- Reference to an array representing a one dimensional luminance histogram. This key is only present if "image_info" is invoked as "image_info($file, L1D_Histogram=>1)". The range is from 0 to 1.
$info->process_file($source, $options);
Processes one file and sets the found info fields in the $info object.
FILESThis module requires Image::Xbm
SEE ALSOImage::Info, Image::Xbm
NOTESFor more information about
XBMsee <www.martinreddy.net/gfx/2d/XBM.txt>.
AUTHORJerrad Pierce <firstname.lastname@example.com>/<email@example.com>
Tels - (c) 2006
Current maintainer: Slaven Rezic <email@example.com>
This library is free software; you can redistribute it and/or modify it under the same terms as Perl itself.


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Jeffco once again saw an improvement in its housing market last year as foreclosures decreased for a third year in a row in the county.
In 2012, Jeffco had 2,650 foreclosure actions initiated, according to a recent report from the county's public trustee. That number was down 206 from 2011 and 1,377 from 2009, when 4,027 homes saw the foreclosure process start, a record number for Jeffco coming at the height of the foreclosure crisis.
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For reasons explained below, the editor dares not add a subtitle to this article.
SYNOPSIS: The fundamental conflict between Academic and Popular Economists is a faultline on method
Economics writer Bob Kuttner devotes an essay in the American Prospect, a journal he edits, to an attack on my writings in Slate and elsewhere. Don't worry, I won't respond here to that attack. If you're interested, you can read my response in the November-December issue of Kuttner's journal. What I would like to discuss is what I think is the true reason people like myself and Kuttner--who also writes columns for Business Week and the Boston Globe--have so much trouble getting along. We are both, after all, liberals. I have even written for the American Prospect. It is not, I claim, really a political issue in the normal sense. What we are really fighting about is a matter of epistemology, of how one perceives and understands the world.
If you try to follow arguments about economics among intellectuals whose politics are more or less left-of-center, you gradually become aware that the participants in these arguments are divided not only by particular issues--deficit reduction, NAFTA, and so on--but by the whole way that they think about the economy. On one side there are those whose views are informed by academic economics, the kind of stuff that is taught in textbooks. On the other there are people like Kuttner, Jeff Faux of the Economic Policy Institute, and Labor Secretary Robert Reich. Some members of this faction have held university appointments. But most of them lack academic credentials and, more important, they are basically hostile to the kind of economics on which such credentials are based.
If the anti-academic faction does not draw its ideas from textbook economics, however, where does its worldview come from? Well, here's a story that may sound trivial but which I regard as revealing. Back in 1992, I supplied the American Prospect with an article on the problem of growing income inequality. In the published piece, the editor, Kuttner, improved on my drab title, but also added a dreadful subtitle: "The Rich, the Right, and the Facts: Deconstructing the Income Distribution Controversy."
Deconstructing? Why on earth would anyone not a member of the Modern Language Association want to use an academic buzzword that has been the butt of so many jokes? (What do you get when you cross a Mafioso and a deconstructionist? Someone who makes you an offer you can't understand.) How could the cause of liberal revival be served by making me sound like a character out of a David Lodge satire?
A strong desire to make economics less like a science and more like literary criticism is a surprisingly common attribute of anti-academic writers on the subject. For example, in a recent collection of essays (Foundations of Research in Economics: How do Economists do Economics?, edited by Steven G. Medema and Warren Samuels),
James K. Galbraith, a constant critic of the profession (and a frequent contributor to the American Prospect), urges economists to emulate "vibrant humanities faculties" in which "departments develop viciously opinionated, inbred, sometimes bitter and tyrannical but definitely exciting intellectual climates." Economics, in short, would be a better field if the MIT economics department were more like the Yale English department during its deconstructionist heyday.
Academic economics, the stuff that is in the textbooks, is largely based on mathematical reasoning. I hope you think that I am an acceptable writer, but when it comes to economics I speak English as a second language: I think in equations and diagrams, then translate. The opponents of mainstream economics dislike people like me not so much for our conclusions as for our style: They want economics to be what it once was, a field that was comfortable for the basically literary intellectual.
This should sound familiar. More than 40 years ago, the scientist-turned-novelist C.P. Snow wrote his famous essay about the war between the "two cultures," between the essentially literary sensibility that we expect of a card-carrying intellectual and the scientific/mathematical outlook that is arguably the true glory of our civilization. That war goes on; and economics is on the front line. Or to be more precise, it is territory that the literati definitively lost to the nerds only about 30 years ago--and they want it back.
That is what explains the lit-crit style so oddly favored by the leftist critics of mainstream economics. Kuttner and Galbraith know that the quantitative, algebraic reasoning that lies behind modern economics is very difficult to challenge on its own ground. To oppose it they must invoke alternative standards of intellectual authority and legitimacy. In effect, they are saying, "You have Paul Samuelson on your team? Well, we've got Jacques Derrida on ours."
A similar situation exists in other fields. Consider, for example, evolutionary biology. Like most American intellectuals, I first learned about this subject from the writings of Stephen Jay Gould. But I eventually came to realize that working biologists regard Gould much the same way that economists regard Robert Reich: talented writer, too bad he never gets anything right. Serious evolutionary theorists such as John Maynard Smith or William Hamilton, like serious economists, think largely in terms of mathematical models. Indeed, the introduction to Maynard Smith's classic tract Evolutionary Genetics flatly declares, "If you can't stand algebra, stay away from evolutionary biology." There is a core set of crucial ideas in his subject that, because they involve the interaction of several different factors, can only be clearly understood by someone willing to sit still for a bit of math. (Try to give a purely verbal description of the reactions among three mutually catalytic chemicals.)
But many intellectuals who can't stand algebra are not willing to stay away from the subject. They are thus deeply attracted to a graceful writer like Gould, who frequently misrepresents the field (perhaps because he does not fully understand its essentially mathematical logic), but who wraps his misrepresentations in so many layers of impressive, if irrelevant, historical and literary erudition that they seem profound.
Unfortunately, Maynard Smith is right, both about evolution and about economics. There are important ideas in both fields that can be expressed in plain English, and there are plenty of fools doing fancy mathematical models. But there are also important ideas that are crystal clear if you can stand algebra, and very difficult to grasp if you can't. International trade in particular happens to be a subject in which a page or two of algebra and diagrams is worth 10 volumes of mere words. That is why it is the particular subfield of economics in which the views of those who understand the subject and those who do not diverge most sharply.
Alas, there is probably no way to resolve this conflict peacefully. It is possible for a very skillful writer to convey in plain English a sense of what serious economics is about, to hide the algebraic skeleton behind a more appealing facade. But that won't appease the critics; they don't want economics with a literary facade, they want economics with a literary core. And so people like me and people like Kuttner will never be able to make peace, because we are engaged in a zero-sum conflict--not over policy, but over intellectual boundaries.
The literati truly cannot be satisfied unless they get economics back from the nerds. But they can't have it, because we nerds have the better claim.


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Peru: A Country Study
Rex A. Hudson
The Division, 1993 - History - 422 pages
4th edition. Edited by Rex A. Hudson. Prepared by the Library of Congress, Federal Research Division. Research completed September 1992. Describes and analyzes the history, politics, sociology, economics, and national security systems of Peru. Includes maps, black and white photographs, bibliographies, a glossary, and an index.
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All BATT Argentina events are free to participants and are run by volunteers. There are no permissions expressed or implied by the BATT Argentina organisers. Participants make use of the facilities at their own risk and without express permission from the organisers or the Park or Council authorities.
Running is a physically active sport. You should always seek advice from your GP before taking up a strenuous physical pursuit such as this.
I accept that I do so entirely at my own risk and that it is my responsibility to ensure that I am fit and able to take part in the event.
Children under the age of 11 years old are the responsibility of their parents or guardians and need to be accompanied at all times before, during and after the runBATT Argentina and its volunteers do not accept responsibility for injury, loss and damage sustained by a participant unless the above injury, loss and damage is proven to have been caused as a direct result of negligence on the part of the organisers. (c)2017


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Dolly Parton, in full Dolly Rebecca Parton, (born January 19, 1946, Locust Ridge, Tennessee, U.S.), American country music singer, guitarist, and actress, best known for pioneering the interface between country and pop music styles.
Parton was born into a poor farming family, the fourth of 12 children. She displayed an aptitude and passion for music at an early age, and as a child she was a featured singer and guitarist on local radio and television shows in Knoxville, Tennessee. In 1964, immediately following her high school graduation, she set out for Nashville to pursue a career in music.
In Nashville Parton became the protégée of country music singer and Grand Ole Opry star Porter Wagoner. Through repeated appearances on Wagoner's syndicated television show, Parton gained coast-to-coast recognition. She soon attracted the attention of the music industry moguls at RCA Records and subsequently recorded more than a dozen hit songs—together with Wagoner—on the RCA label. Owing much to her association with Wagoner, Parton rapidly emerged as one of country music's most popular singers.
In 1974 Parton discontinued her work with Wagoner to launch a solo career, in which she enjoyed immediate success: in both 1975 and '76 she was chosen female singer of the year by the Country Music Association (CMA) on the strength of such songs as "Jolene" and "Love Is Like a Butterfly" (both 1974). About the same time, Parton began to cross over to the pop music market, and in 1978 she won a Grammy Award for her song "Here You Come Again" and was named entertainer of the year by the CMA. As her career developed, Parton received more Grammys, both for her songs, including "9 to 5" (1980) and "Shine" (2001), and for her albums, including Trio (1987; with Linda Ronstadt and Emmylou Harris) and The Grass Is Blue (1999). Parton was inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame in 1999, and she continued to release hit albums, including Blue Smoke (2014) and Pure & Simple (2016).
In the 1980s Parton appeared in several successful films, most notably Nine to Five (1980; also known as 9 to 5) and The Best Little Whorehouse in Texas (1982), for which she revived one of her most popular songs, "I Will Always Love You" (1974). (Whitney Houston later recorded the song for the film The Bodyguard [1992], and it went on to sell millions of copies.) In 1989 Parton played a principal role in Steel Magnolias. In the 1990s and 2000s she guest-starred in many television series and appeared in several made-for-television movies. In 2009 Parton wrote the music and lyrics for a Broadway musical adaptation of the film 9 to 5. Three years later she starred in the film Joyful Noise. A TV movie about her early life, Dolly Parton's Coat of Many Colors (2015), took its name from her 1971 song and was followed the next year by a Christmas-themed sequel, in which Parton appeared.
Aside from her stage and screen activities, Parton was involved in a broad array of other projects. In 1986 she opened Dollywood—a theme park centred on Appalachian traditions—in the Great Smoky Mountains of eastern Tennessee. Two years later she created the Dollywood Foundation, an organization with the aim of providing inspiration and educational resources to children. In 1994 Parton published her autobiography, Dolly: My Life and Other Unfinished Business, which was a best seller in the United States.
Parton's contributions to the arts and culture of the United States earned her numerous awards from organizations beyond the music and film industry. She was named a Living Legend by the Library of Congress in 2004 for her enrichment of the American cultural heritage. In 2005 she received the U.S. government's National Medal of Arts, and in 2006 she was recognized at the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, D.C., for her lifetime artistic achievement.


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Hale Skemp Hanson Skemp & Sleik Attorney at Law in La Crosse, WI
A full-service litigation firm for all your legal needs
At Hale, Skemp, Hanson, Skemp & Sleik, Attorneys & Counselors at Law, we provide creative solutions to legal problems. A firm with deep community roots and a long history of reliable service, we possess the resources and experience to assist clients with a variety of personal and business matters. Our firm has been in business for almost 100 years, but energetically embraces the realities of modern life. That's why we employ cutting-edge technologies and a team that includes highly experienced partners and younger lawyers with fresh perspectives and new energy.
Hale, Skemp, Hanson, Skemp & Sleik is located in La Crosse, Wisconsin. We serve clients in Holmen, Sparta, in surrounding Monroe, Trempealeau, Buffalo, Vernon, and Crawford counties, and throughout Wisconsin and Minnesota. We are committed to providing our clients with dedicated, professional, and experienced advocacy focused on results. Since the founding of our firm, we have grown to become the largest firm in the Coulee Region offering a deep knowledge of many diverse practice areas. We pride ourselves on providing strategic counsel to our individual, family, and business clients.
Creative, Tailored Solutions Focused on Your Needs
Our experienced La Crosse attorneys know how to approach and accommodate the unique demands of every case. Whether we are handling a personal injury claim, preparing business litigation, or entering into a divorce settlement, we know how to protect your rights and remain mindful of your individual needs. Attorneys from our firm work collaboratively, using state-of-the-art technology and cost-effective methods, to yield results in a timely, client-oriented manner.
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We are a true partnership, meaning that we work collaboratively and draw from the unique capacities of each of our attorneys to maximize your opportunities for success. Our attorneys work closely with our clients to achieve results in cases involving:
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At Hale, Skemp, Hanson, Skemp & Sleik, our attorneys support your needs in a variety of financial matters. We represent clients in both commercial and residential real estate transactions and disputes, personal and business bankruptcies, tax guidance and filings, estate planning and other matters.
Contact our full-service La Crosse, Wisconsin law firm for all your business and personal legal needs
The attorneys at Hale, Skemp, Hanson, Skemp & Sleik are easily accessible and ready to assist you. If you are in need of legal counsel, contact our full-service La Crosse law firm today or call (608) 519-4788 to schedule an appointment with one of our diligent attorneys. Our law firm has extensive knowledge and experience, and is dedicated to protecting our client's rights.


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Usually, I can count on Italy to give me at least one collection of Fashion handbags per season that hits me right in the heart. The Italians know their leather, and their Fashion Week is stocked with brands as well known for their Fashion bags as they are for anything. This time around, though, Milan Fashion Week Spring 2014 felt at times more like it was revisiting its greatest hits than charting new territory. I saw some new versions of existing bags that I loved, but I never got that new thing that flooded my brain with serotonin.
That's not to say that there weren't some accessories highlights – in fact, they were abundant. The new versions of the Fendi 2Jours were excellent, and the Prada face-painted bags are sure to become collectors' items. Beyond that, there were lovely exotics in light colors galore, from Ferragamo to Versace. Even if the season wasn't fully satisfying, there was plenty to love. Check out our picks for the best of the season below.


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NBA Live 09 (Live 365) [HD Video Game Features Trailer]
Platforms: Xbox 360, Playstation 3 Release Date: September 23, 2008 Fresh new content every single day.
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Best Backwards Messages In Music History
Do you remember when people flipped out about secret messages encoded in backwards grooves on albums? Hell, do you even remember albums? It used to be easy to play a song backwards – just reverse the drive on your turntable and go. Artists have been hiding backwards messages for decades. Some claim it's accidental, but some are just too perfect to be a "mistake."
Here are some of the best, from scary Satanism to wacky jokes.
Slayer – Hell Awaits
Of course the masters of thrash metal would dabble with old-fashioned backmasking. On "Hell Awaits" off of the same-titled 1985 album, the first minute and change of the track features vocalist Tom Araya chanting "Join us" over and over again. Dude, I sent you guys my demo tape, I'm trying!


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Pros & Cons focuses on five characters and three professions. While lawyers, doctors and cops have become icons of popular culture in movies and on television, Pros & Cons has drawn them together for the first time in a comic strip format.
Samuel Rhodes, a defense lawyer, Gillian Jaggers, the District Attorney, Lyndon Peel, a psychiatrist and Stan Defoe, a cop, strive heroically to balance professional ethics with human frailties in an effort to make sense of their lives and the world. In so doing, they experience the full gamut of emotions from professional pride to embarrassment, from love to downright animosity.
When the competition and stress becomes too great, they withdraw to a haven of calm called Defoe's Diner. Owned by Sophie Defoe, Stan's sister, her diner is the closest thing any of them have to a neutral zone.
Awards and Distinctions:
2007 and 2008 nominated for the National Cartoonists Society awards (Newspaper Panel category).
2010 nominated for the National Cartoonists Society awards (Greetings Card category).
The proprietor of Defoe's Diner, sister of Stan and childhood friend of Samuel and Lyndon, Sophie is the linchpin who draws all the characters together. Her diner is the place where they can socialize and relax.
Samuel has grown disillusioned with his chosen profession of defense lawyer. Unfortunately for him, his chosen profession guarantees a lifestyle he likes and wishes to maintain.
Detective Defoe is a dedicated, street-wise cop and the protective older brother of Sophie. He is also the boyfriend and a long-time admirer of Ms. Jaggers.
Sophisticated and opinionated, Lyndon is a good psychiatrist but oblivious to his own issues. He has been married twice and twice divorced.
Gillian Jaggers is a successful and ruthlessly ambitious District Attorney. Her main interest, apart from the professional humiliation of Samuel, is Stan Defoe.
See what the Royal Membership is all about.


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NORTH DAKOTA Lake Sakakawea fishing on the Missouri River of North Dakota should be your opportunity of a lifetime. Guides, Jason Feldner and Mike Peluso are your hosts for top notch fishing. With our 45 years of fishing experience, we offer your best chance to make the most of your time on North Dakotas biggest lake. Let us put our knowledge and experience to work for you. We fish out of Indian Hills Resort and Campground, located approximately 30 miles southwest of Garrison, North Dakota. Call (701) 351-1294 or go to our website for photos and additional information: www.mjsguides.com .
Fly Fishing for Atlantic Salmon. Your online resources for info on Fly Fishing for Atlantic Salmon. Rivers, Outfitters, Guides, fly shops, salmon fishing, fishing salmon, and River Reports. Toll free North America, 1877 fly-hook (359 4665) or 506 843 9010 Tel/fax. Email, firstname.lastname@example.com, website, www.flyfishingatlanticsalmon.com.