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When should the United States go to war?
It is arguably the most important foreign policy question facing any president, and Richard Haass -- a member of the National Security Council staff for the first President Bush and the director of policy planning in the State Department for Bush II -- is in a unique position to address it. Haass is one of just a handful of individuals -- along with Colin Powell, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, and Bob Gates -- involved at a senior level of U.S. government decision making during both Iraq conflicts. He is the first to take us behind closed doors and the first to provide a personal account. The result is a book that is authoritative, revealing, and surprising. Haass explains not only what happened but why.
At first blush, the two Iraq wars appear similar. Both involved a President George Bush and the United States in conflicts with Saddam Hussein and Iraq. There, however, the resemblance ends. Haass contrasts the decisions that shaped the conduct of the two wars and makes a crucial distinction between the 1991 and 2003 conflicts. The first Iraq war, following Saddam Hussein's invasion of neighboring Kuwait, was a war of necessity. It was limited in ambition, well executed, and carried out with unprecedented international support.
By contrast, the second Iraq war was one of choice, the most significant discretionary war undertaken by the United States since Vietnam. Haass argues that it was unwarranted, as the United States had other viable policy options. Making matters worse was the fact that this ambitious undertaking was poorly implemented and fought with considerably more international opposition than backing.
These are the principal conclusions of this compelling, honest, and challenging book by one of this country's most respected voices on foreign policy. Haass's assessments are critical yet fair -- and carry tremendous weight. He offers a thoughtful examination of the means and ends of U.S. foreign policy: how it should be made, what it should seek to accomplish, and how it should be pursued.
War of Necessity, War of Choice -- part history, part memoir -- provides invaluable insight into some of the most important recent events in the world. It also provides a much-needed compass for how the United States can apply the lessons learned from the two Iraq wars so that it is better positioned to put into practice what worked and to avoid repeating what so clearly did not.
FOR TWO WEEKS, the U.S. intelligence community had monitored the gradual buildup of Iraq's armed forces along its southern border with Kuwait. The prevailing view within the administration of George H. W. Bush was that Iraqi military activity constituted a crude attempt to bludgeon Kuwait—oil rich, loaded with cash, and widely resented for the arrogance often displayed by its leaders—into lowering its oil output and dropping its objection to a higher price for the precious commodity. It was a view that I shared, much to the consternation of Charlie Allen, the crusty, veteran national intelligence officer for warning, who was convinced before anyone else that the Iraqis were not bluffing.
By August 1, 1990, however, it had become clear to all of us working on the issue that what we were seeing unfold was a good deal more than simply another act in the long-running theater of Arab diplomacy. Iraq had amassed too many troops and was doing too many of the things it would have to do if it were actually going to attack Kuwait rather than just threaten it. The Central Intelligence Agency issued an alert that predicted an attack was imminent. A special meeting of the
deputies (the subcabinet group of senior officials representing the principal departments and agencies most involved in foreign and defense policy) was convened in one of the seventh-floor conference rooms at the State Department to discuss what was known and what the United States might do about it. It being August, many of the most senior people were away, escaping Washington's notorious heat and humidity. Secretary of State James Baker was off meeting in Siberia with his Soviet counterpart and was scheduled to go to Mongolia; Larry Eagleburger, his deputy, was taking the day off. Bob Kimmitt, normally the number three person at State but that day the acting secretary, chaired the session, as Bob Gates, the deputy national security advisor and the normal chair of the deputies, was on vacation. Besides others from various bureaus at State, there were representatives of several of the intelligence agencies and from both the civilian and military sides of the Defense Department. As the senior director for the Near East and South Asia on the staff of the National Security Council (NSC) and special assistant to the president, I was the principal person in attendance from the White House.
The meeting dragged on for most of the day as intelligence reports, ever more alarming, dribbled in. Saddam Hussein was up to something, although what that
something was no one in the room knew. By late afternoon, a consensus had formed that we ought to make one last effort at dissuading the Iraqis from doing anything military. Given that Iraq was essentially a one-man show and that our ambassador was out of the country, this meant getting President Bush to contact Saddam. I was called upon to persuade the president to do so.
Normally I walked the half mile or so between the State Department and the White House, as time for exercise was hard to find given the long hours inevitably required by jobs such as mine. But with Iraq poised to attack Kuwait, the day was hardly one for a leisurely stroll. I got into the first cab I could find and rushed over to the West Wing office of my boss, Brent Scowcroft, formally the assistant to the president for national security affairs, commonly known as the national security advisor. I quickly laid it all out for him. He agreed that while it was a long shot—it was the middle of the night in Baghdad and it would be next to impossible to reach Saddam, much less affect his thinking—it made sense at least to present the option to the president.
By then, it was early evening in Washington. Brent picked up the phone, got the president on the line, and asked if the two of us could come to see him. Bush instantly agreed. We walked over to the sick bay on the ground floor of the residence, where the president was lying facedown on a doctor's examination table, having heat applied by the White House nurse to several joints sore from hitting a bucket of golf balls. I summarized the situation as best we knew it. An Iraqi attack of unknown scope and purpose seemed imminent, and the interagency group concluded we had nothing to lose by trying to reach Saddam and get him to call it off. The president shared our wonder that Saddam would actually do such a brazen thing as well as our skepticism that we could accomplish anything at this hour. But he agreed to try. The three of us then began to discuss just how to reach Saddam—whether it was best to go through our embassy in Baghdad (headed up at the time by Deputy Chief of Mission Joe Wilson, who years later would find himself a political target of the second Bush presidency when he questioned that administration's claim that Iraq was seeking to buy the raw material for a nuclear bomb) or through their embassy in Washington—when the phone rang. It was Bob Kimmitt on the line. He gave us the news that our embassy in Kuwait was reporting that firing had been heard in the streets. Iraq had invaded, although little else was clear. Our plan to phone Saddam had just become OBE—overtaken by events. Promising to stay in close touch with the president as we learned more, Brent and I returned to his office to discuss what steps needed taking right away. We then walked down to the Situation Room in the basement and convened a senior-level interagency meeting over the secure, closed-circuit television system that had been installed not too long before. The Gulf crisis, what would become the first major test of the post–Cold War world, was under way.
Nearly twelve years later, in early July 2002, I again found myself going from the State Department to the same West Wing office, now inhabited by President George W. Bush's national security advisor, Condoleezza Rice. It was one of my regular meetings with Condi, whom I had gotten to know well when we both worked on the NSC staff for Brent Scowcroft and with whom I'd stayed in close touch.
I was seeing Condi in my capacity as director of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, a position I had accepted with Colin Powell, whom I had also gotten to know well when we worked with each other in the previous Bush administration. Most of my job involved being an all-purpose advisor and counselor to the secretary of state as well as the person who oversaw his in-house think tank. I also drew special assignments in my other role as a roving ambassador for the United States, something that made me the U.S. envoy to the Northern Ireland peace talks and, after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. coordinator for the future of Afghanistan. My meetings with Condi were not part of any formal interagency process but rather something informal, reflecting more than anything else our personal relationship.
As usual, I prepared on a yellow pad a list of the half-dozen or so issues I wanted to discuss during what normally was a thirty-to forty-five-minute meeting. At the top of my list was Iraq. For several weeks, those on my staff who dealt with Iraq and other Middle East issues had been reporting back that they sensed a shift, namely, that those at their level working at the Pentagon, the NSC, and the vice president's office who favored going to war with Iraq were sending signals that things were going their way. I did not share this enthusiasm for going to war, believing that we had other viable options and fearing that going to war would be much tougher than the advocates predicted. My related concern was that it would take an enormous toll on the rest of American foreign policy at the precise moment in history that the United States enjoyed a rare opportunity to exert extraordinary influence.
I began my meeting with Condi by noting that the administration seemed to be building momentum toward going to war with Iraq and that I harbored serious doubts about the wisdom of doing so. I reminded her that I knew something about this issue given my role in the previous Bush administration and my background in and with the Middle East. So I asked her directly,
Are you really sure you want to make Iraq the centerpiece of the administration's foreign policy?
I was about to follow up with other questions when Condi cut me off.
You can save your breath, Richard. The president has already made up his mind on Iraq. The way she said it made clear that he had decided to go to war.
I was taken aback by the blunt substance and tone of her answer. Policy had gone much further than I had realized—and feared. I did not argue at that moment, for several reasons. As in previous conversations when I had voiced my views on Iraq, Condi's response made it clear that any more conversation at that point would be a waste of time. It is always important to pick your moments to make an unwelcome case, and this did not appear to be a promising one. I figured as well that there would be additional opportunities to argue my stance, if not with Condi, then with others in a position to make a difference.
Also accounting for my uncharacteristic reticence was the fact that my own opposition to going to war with Iraq was muted. At a recent dinner with two close friends, I had said I was 60/40 against initiating a war. My opposition was not stronger because of my assumption (derived from the available intelligence) that Iraq possessed both biological and chemical weapons. I also believed that if we went to war we would go about it in a way reminiscent of how we had gone about the previous Iraq war, that is, only with considerable international and domestic backing and only with enough forces and sensible plans. Had I known then what I know now, namely, that there were no weapons of mass destruction and that the intervention would be carried out with a marked absence of good judgment and competence, I would have been unalterably opposed. Still, even then, I leaned against proceeding, fearing it would be much more difficult than predicted given both the ambitious aims that would inform any new war and the nature of Iraq.
Condi and I went through the rest of my list in a desultory fashion. I rushed back to the State Department, calling Colin Powell's secretary, Marjorie Jackson, and asking to see him as soon as he was free. Told to come right over, I quickly went down the hallway into the reception area, through his large outer office that he rarely used except for formal meetings, and then into the small study in the back where he sat at his desk. Sitting on the small couch there, I told Powell what had happened in my meeting with Condi. He was typically relaxed, skeptical that things had gone so far, thinking either Condi was exaggerating or I had misread
my girlfriend, as he teasingly tended to refer to her in my presence.
He was wrong. By the time Colin Powell had his dinner meeting in the White House residence with the president and Condi a month later, the issue on the table was not whether to go to war against Iraq but how. Should the United States go beforehand to the U.N. Security Council? What about Congress? In the end, these proved to be important but second-tier issues. The fundamental decision to go to war against Saddam's Iraq had effectively been made by a president and an administration with virtually no systematic, rigorous, in-house debate. Less than a year later, the second Iraq war in just over a decade had begun. It was a war that would prove to be one of the most contentious, unpopular, and costly in American history.
At first blush, the two wars appear similar. Both involved a president Bush and the United States in conflicts with Iraq and Saddam Hussein. There, however, the resemblance ends:
The first was a limited, in many ways traditional war, one that sought to reverse Iraq's external aggression and restore the status quo ante; the second was an ambitious, even radical, initiative designed to oust and replace Iraq's leadership and, in so doing, create the foundations for a very different Middle East.
The first war was essentially reactive and consistent with the universally accepted doctrine of self-defense; the second was a case of preventive war that enjoyed far less legal underpinning and political support.
The first Iraq war was a truly multilateral affair, with dozens of countries ranging from Russia and Japan to Egypt and Syria forming an unprecedented international coalition and contributing in ways both varied (diplomatic, military, economic) and significant; the second war was for all intents and purposes unilateral, with the United States supported meaningfully by Great Britain and few others.
The first Iraq war came about after more than a dozen U.N. Security Council resolutions failed to dislodge Saddam from Kuwait. The second war was launched with the backing of one new Security Council resolution and after the United States concluded it could not gain support for a second.
For the first Iraq war, the United States went to the United Nations to gain backing that the administration believed would make it less difficult to build domestic and above all congressional support for using armed force; for the second war, the United States went to Congress first and then sought U.N. authorization.
The first war made use of more than 500,000 U.S. troops and was premised on the Powell Doctrine's bias toward employing overwhelming military force; the second war was designed by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to minimize the number of U.S. armed forces (approximately 150,000) committed to the effort.
The first Iraq war began with a prolonged phase in which airpower alone was used by the United States; the second war involved U.S. ground forces early on.
The first war took place against the backdrop of a
false negative, in which most intelligence analysts and policy makers believed (incorrectly, as it turned out) that Saddam would not invade Kuwait; the second war took place against the backdrop of a
false positive, in which most intelligence analysts and policy makers believed (again incorrectly) that Saddam was hiding weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, in the run-up to the first war, the United States and the international community placed relatively little emphasis on weapons of mass destruction, although it later became clear that the world had badly underestimated the scale of Iraq's programs; in the run-up to the second Iraq war, considerable emphasis was placed on weapons of mass destruction, although it later became clear that U.S. officials badly overestimated Iraqi capabilities.
Those who opposed the first Iraq war underestimated the costs of allowing the status quo to stand and overestimated the costs of going to war to evict Iraq from Kuwait; those who favored the second Iraq war underestimated the costs of going to war and overestimated the costs of allowing the status quo to stand.
The first Iraq war proved to be controversial at home at the outset but ended up being wildly popular; the second Iraq war was initiated with broad congressional and public backing but over time became widely unpopular.
The first Iraq war cost considerably less than $100 billion and, because of the contributions of coalition states, cost the U.S. government next to nothing. The second war has cost the United States as much as $1 trillion and possibly (depending on the accounting) considerably more. The tab is still rising and there is no chance of getting anyone to share more than a modest piece of it if that.
The first war claimed a few hundred American lives; the latter more than four thousand.
What else can be said about these wars? Wars can be defined any number of ways: civil wars, wars of national liberation, world wars, cold wars, counterinsurgencies, a global war on terrorism, wars of attrition, defensive wars, nuclear wars, limited wars, just wars, and preventive wars all come to mind. What these and other such descriptions tend to reflect is scale, purpose, duration, the means employed, the nature of the conflict, and/or the nature of the undertaking.
There is, however, another way to think about war. Wars can either be viewed as essentially unavoidable, that is, as acts of necessity, or just the opposite, reflecting conscious choice when other reasonable policies are available but are deemed to be less attractive.
History offers us numerous examples of each. Any list of modern wars of necessity from the American perspective would include World War II and the Korean War. Wars of choice undertaken by the United States would include Vietnam, Bosnia, Kosovo, and, a century before, the Spanish-American War.
The distinction is by no means confined to the United States. Menachem Begin, the former prime minister of Israel, differentiated between what he called
wars of choice and
wars of no alternative. Speaking in 1982 during Israel's war in Lebanon (Operation Peace for Galilee), he stated his view that Israel had fought three wars of necessity: its 1947–1949 struggle for independence, the
war of attrition between Israel and Egypt in the Sinai Peninsula during the late 1960s, and the October 1973 Israel-Arab war. He described the 1956 Suez war (in which Israel, France, and Great Britain acted jointly against Egypt) as a war of choice. More surprising was his decision to describe the 1967
Six Day war as one of choice.
The Egyptian army concentrations in the Sinai approaches do not prove that [Egyptian president Gamal Abdel] Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him. He even anticipated the argument that Egyptian actions left Israel with no alternative. "While it is indeed true that the closing of the Straits of Tiran was an act of aggression, a casus belli, there is always room for a great deal of consideration as to whether it is necessary to make a casus into a bellum."
What characterizes wars of necessity? The most common situation involves self-defense. More generally, wars of necessity involve the most important national interests, the absence of promising alternatives to the use of force, and the certain and considerable price to be paid if the status quo is to stand. Wars of necessity do not require assurances that the overall results of striking or resisting will be positive, only the assessment that the results of not so doing will be unacceptably negative and large.
Wars of choice tend to involve stakes or interests that are less clearly
vital, along with the existence of viable alternative policies, be they diplomacy, inaction, or something else but still other than the use of military force. One result is that wars of choice tend to increase the pressure on the government of the day to demonstrate that the overall or net results of employing force will be positive, that is, that the benefits outweigh the costs. If this test cannot be met, the choice will appear to be ill-advised and in fact most likely is.
The distinction between wars of necessity and wars of choice is obviously heavily subjective, inevitably reflecting an individual's analysis and politics. I introduced the phrases into the Iraq war debate in an op-ed in the Washington Post on November 23, 2003, five months after I left the administration. The piece argued that the first Iraq war was a classic war of necessity, the second a classic war of choice. Not surprisingly, President George W. Bush did not share my views. Asked by Tim Russert on NBC's Meet the Press on February 8, 2004, about my contention, the president protested, arguing that the second Iraq war was in fact a war of necessity. The full exchange merits quoting. Russert began with a question.
In light of not finding the weapons of mass destruction, do you believe the war in Iraq is a war of choice or a war of necessity? The president seemed perplexed and had clearly not thought about the war in these terms.
I think that's an interesting question. Please elaborate on that a little bit. A war of choice or a war of necessity? It's a war of necessity. We—in my judgment, we had no choice when we look at the intelligence I looked at that says the man [Saddam Hussein] was a threat. History, I believe, will show otherwise.
As it turns out, the concept of wars of necessity and wars of choice was less original than I thought. (Note to self: Just because something appears new does not make it so.) Maimonides, one of the great scholars in the annals of Judaism, wrote more than eight centuries ago of wars he judged to be obligatory and those he termed optional. The former were those waged by the king for narrowly defined religious causes and in self-defense, i.e.,
to deliver Israel from the enemy attacking him. He distinguished such necessary wars from those discretionary conflicts undertaken by a king against neighboring nations
to extend the borders of Israel and to enhance his greatness and prestige.
The two Iraq wars also constitute two fundamentally different approaches to American foreign policy. The first represents a more traditional school, often described as
realist, that sees the principal although not sole purpose of what the United States does in the world as influencing the external behavior of states and relations among them. It is the external actions of others that most directly affect U.S. interests, while U.S. power is more suited to affect what others do rather than what they are. What goes on inside states is not irrelevant, but it is secondary. This is a U.S. foreign policy that focuses on foreign policy, and was the bias of the country's founders, of FDR and Harry Truman, of Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon, and of Gerald Ford and George H. W. Bush.
The second Iraq war reflects an approach to foreign policy that is at once more ambitious and more difficult. It believes the principal purpose of what the United States does in the world is to influence the nature of states and conditions within them, both for moral and ideological reasons as well as for practical ones in the sense that mature democracies are judged to make for better and more peaceful international citizens. This is the foreign policy of Woodrow Wilson, to some extent that of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, and clearly that of George W. Bush.
The difference between a foreign policy designed to manage relations between states and one that seeks to alter the nature of states is critical, and constitutes the principal fault line in the contemporary foreign policy debate. The two Iraq wars are of great import, both for what they were (and are) and for what they represent: the two dominant and competing schools of American foreign policy. They thus constitute a classic case study of America's purpose in the world and how it should go about it.
For me, all this is as personal as it is political. I have been contemplating writing a book about the United States, Iraq, and the broader Middle East for some three decades now. My interest goes back to the summer of 1974, when I first went to Washington, D.C., as something other than a tourist. I had just completed my first year of graduate school in England and was looking for a summer experience that would bring me back to the United States and, if all went well, provide me with an idea for the thesis required for an Oxford graduate degree. Thanks to an introduction, I got a job as an intern in the office of U.S. senator Claiborne Pell, a liberal Democrat from Rhode Island and a member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Against the backdrop of the final days of Richard Nixon's presidency, I was assigned the issue of Diego Garcia, a small Indian Ocean island owned by Great Britain that the U.S. Navy wanted to develop for ships that would be spending time in and around the Persian Gulf. Although the money at stake was small by Pentagon budget standards—only some $26 million for a modest logistic support base, subsequently reduced to a limited communications facility in the face of congressional resistance—the request triggered a surprisingly intense debate. Many in the Senate saw this request as the proverbial camel's nose in the tent, fearing it would only be a matter of time before the Defense Department would be back asking for much more. However, what made the debate so heated was not so much the funds per se but rather what they symbolized. Many believed that what was at stake was nothing less than the course of U.S. foreign policy after Vietnam, where U.S. involvement was fast approaching its inglorious end. Following debate and votes, the coalition opposing the new commitment lost, and the Navy got its funds for the facility. And I had my thesis topic.
I went back to Oxford to complete my doctorate and, in 1977, joined the staff of the first of many think tanks at which I would work over the years, the International Institute for Strategic Studies, located in London. There I wrote about U.S.-Soviet naval arms limitation talks in the Indian Ocean, one of a number of arms control initiatives launched by President Jimmy Carter. By 1979 I found myself back in Washington, in this case the Department of Defense, where I was one of several relatively junior civilians (working in a windowless office in the bowels of the Pentagon) tasked with developing contingency plans and U.S. capabilities for crises in the Persian Gulf. Much of our time was taken up with planning how best to stop a Soviet offensive across the Zagros Mountains of northern Iran; in the wake of the Iranian revolution that ousted the Shah and brought Ayatollah Khomeini to power, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the taking of the American hostages in Tehran, the focus of the planning shifted and the urgency increased.
With the election of Ronald Reagan, I shifted from the Department of Defense to the Department of State. Although Iraq and Gulf-related issues constituted only a small percentage of my job (first in the Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs, later in the Bureau of European Affairs), at times they dominated the administration I worked for and, in the case of Iran-Contra, almost brought it down. Following nearly five years at State, I moved to Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, where I spent three and a half years teaching graduate students about decision making and American foreign policy. Little did I realize that I was about to become my own case study.
This book is the result of all these experiences, but principally those that came after and were associated with my time working for George H. W. Bush, the forty-first president, and George W. Bush, the forty-third. I was the principal Middle East hand on the staff of the National Security Council for the initial President Bush, and for the first time, I had a significant role in shaping significant history—or, in this case, histories, as I was heavily involved in the making of U.S. policy toward Iraq before and after the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and toward Israel and its Arab neighbors both before and after that crisis.
I departed government in January 1993—along with others working for the forty-first president of the United States, I received, in the immortal words of Winston Churchill,
the Order of the Boot upon the inauguration of Bill Clinton. I returned to government eight years later, in January 2001, and once more a good portion of my time was devoted to Iraq and the Gulf region. It was a very different experience, though: I was at the State Department, not the White House; I was on the periphery rather than at the center of policy making; I was uncomfortable with the policy, not one of its principal champions. I stayed for two and a half years, until June 2003, when I took up my current position as president of the Council on Foreign Relations, an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher based in New York.
The Iraq war, which had begun just months earlier, was still very much going on when I left government, with results all too much in line with my pessimistic predictions. I was increasingly unhappy with the policy, one that I believed was threatening to undermine a rare moment in which the United States could reshape the world, an idea that informed a general book on U.S. foreign policy that I published in 2005, The Opportunity. Some of my frustration with Iraq policy surfaced in a chapter in that book, some in the op-ed already mentioned. Called
Wars of Choice, the piece argued that the Iraq war was a manifestation of an imperial foreign policy, in that the United States went to war for reasons other than vital national interests.
The debate can and will go on as to whether attacking Iraq was a wise decision, but at its core it was a war of choice. We did not have to go to war against Iraq, certainly not when we did. There were other options: to rely on other policy tools, to delay attacking, or both.
I have written hundreds of op-eds over the years, and few generated the reaction or garnered as much attention as this one. It was this combination of concern on my part and interest on the part of others that led to my decision to write this book. It is the first time I have ever written a book of this sort. Most of my previous work could be described as foreign policy analysis, about the ends of American foreign policy, how it is made, or the military, diplomatic, and economic tools used to implement it. This is different. It is foreign policy analysis and history to be sure, but also personal reflections and recollections. I was one of only a few individuals, along with such disparate people as Colin Powell, Dick Cheney, and Paul Wolfowitz, to be involved at relatively senior levels of government with both Iraq wars. I want to give a sense of why things happened and their consequences. My intention, however, is not to settle scores or to say
I told you so on those occasions when I may have been more correct than others. It is not simply that it is too soon to make confident judgments as to who was right, but also that I made my share of mistakes and then some.
Last, I am well aware that events in Iraq are still unfolding as I write this. My own thinking continues to evolve as well. My late dear friend David Halberstam said it best:
A book like this does not have a simple, preordained linear life. A writer begins with a certainty that the subject is important, but the book has an orbital drive of its own—it takes you on its own journey, and you learn along the way. This has been quite a journey, and I have


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London Tube app adds Augmented Reality
Directed by a live consumer compass
The TFL-licenced London Tube app for iPhone has launched a feature that directs customers to points of interest on a map by adding familiar Layar-style markers on their iPhone live view.
As well as standard transport locations like tube stations and bus stops, it's now possible to locate London Cycle Hire Docking stations and many other points of interest within a 1km range.
As seen above, these can then appear as markers over the iPhone live view.
To use the feature, first download the London Tube app and add the Point of Interest packs you desire, Food & Drink, Leisure, Attractions or Accommodation. FYI, the Cycle Hire docking stations are a part of the Leisure pack.
While these maps are available to all users, the Augmented Reality feature will only work for those with the 3GS or iPhone 4.
Each pack is available as an in-app download that costs 59p.
Alternatively, use the Layar app and its TFL Cycle Hire layer, which offers a near identical service for free.®
Sponsored: Your Guide to Becoming Truly Data-Driven with Unrivalled Data Analytics Performance

subset: commoncrawl


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Haiti historian who chronicled capital dies at 88
George Corvington, a prominent Haitian historian best known for his exhaustive study of the Caribbean nation's capital of Port-au-Prince, died Wednesday at age 88, a close friend said.books Updated: Apr 04, 2013 11:56 IST
George Corvington, a prominent Haitian historian best known for his exhaustive study of the Caribbean nation's capital of Port-au-Prince, died Wednesday at age 88, a close friend said.
Fellow historian and longtime friend Georges Michel said that Corvington died peacefully in his sleep at his home in the capital he wrote so much about. Michel said Covington had recently spent a few weeks in the hospital and the cause of death was heart failure.
"He's a giant that has fallen," said Michel, who is also a physician. "He was the greatest living Haitian historian."
The office of President Michel Martelly said that with Covington's passing the country had lost a "treasure of inestimable value." It said his history of Port-au-Prince "traced with astonishing accuracy the history of our capital over several decades."
Georges Michel said that his friend's eight-volume, French-language "Port-au-Prince Through the Ages" chronicled the political and social history of Port-au-Prince, from its founding under French colonial rule in 1749 to the departure of President Paul Magloire in 1956.
Born in Port-au-Prince, Corvington began writing in the 1970s, collecting thousands of books that eventually formed a seemingly unmatched library collection. In addition to his work about the capital, a hilly coastal city that eventually swelled to an estimated 3 million people, Corvington also wrote about the National Palace and National Cathedral, iconic buildings that were destroyed in the 2010 earthquake that devastated much of Port-au-Prince.
Corvington himself narrowly survived the earthquake that toppled thousands of shoddily made buildings. When the disaster struck in the late afternoon on Jan. 12, 2010, Corvington was trapped under the debris of his home for about an hour before neighbors rescued him. He was not injured.
After the quake, the United Nations cultural agency UNESCO issued a call to protect Haitian artifacts from being pillaged from the country's destroyed historical sites, and helped Corvington salvage his own archives.
He was never married. Details about his survivors were not immediately available.
First Published: Apr 04, 2013 11:54 IST


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on the Steppe: A Cultural History of the Kutschurgan, Beresan, and
Liebental Colonies, 1804 - 1972
North Dakota Historical Society of Germans from Russia, Bismarck, North Dakota, 1973, 411 pages, hardcover.
Joseph Height, who was born in 1909 in Saskatchewan, Canada, focuses on the Catholic Kutschurgan, Beresan, and Liebental colonies in this book. (Twenty-three percent of the Germans living in South Russia were Catholic.) He goes into detail about the turmoil that made the Czar's invitation most welcome to the farmers and craftsmen of Germany and France in the 1760s. Harsh, constantly-shifting policies destabilized the people in and around Alsace, the Palatinate, Baden, and Wurttemberg. People who fled foreign armies in fear were punished as traitors a short time later. The Czarina Catherine's representatives who entered this scene spun a good line. Their promise of free land and assurance of wonderful freedoms tugged at the people's dreams.
Height follows the settlers on the often disastrous journey to Russia and through the difficult early years when colonists first tilled the iron-hard soil and brought the snake and wolf populations under control. Cossack soldiers patrolled the borders to prevent the colonists from returning to Germany, and few would risk becoming victims of their brutal treatment. The Colonists' Welfare Committee, led by forward-looking men such as the Duc Armand de Richelieu, who was also the governor of Odessa, kept the reluctant pioneers afloat and goaded them to plant fruit trees and vineyards. An Odessa greenhouse created at Richelieu's behest provided stock!
He describes the founding of the seminary at Saratov and of the Tiraspol Diocese, which was in existence only long enough to have five bishops. The priests, first Polish then sons of the colonists, ministered to the people and enriched their lives with ritual and music and religious organizations. They cared for the sick and indigent. Even young men who did not stay through ordination proved of great value. They became teachers, civic leaders, and the village intelligentsia. They provided the stimulation that kept the colonists from becoming as backward as their peasant neighbors.
Height has accumulated appealing information: festivals, songs, sayings, language, letters home, and pictures of lovely churches. There are town plats of Kutschurgan, Beresan and Liebental villages. Those whose families originally settled there may find their forebears' names in little rectangles on town maps. He deals with the out-migration as large numbers left for the Americas and with the devastation of the villages and the deportation of the people to the north and east by the Communists. This book is a good choice if you are curious about the layout of homes, about the education system, what triggered all the migrating, and finally what became of the many who stayed under Stalin.
For biographical information about Dr. Joseph S. Height, go to - http://library.ndsu.edu/grhc/outreach/friends/index.htm
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Contact Us
You can contact Pulse UK by email, telephone or by letter.
01603 211089
Pulse UK,
Progress House,
Plantation Park,
At a time when Navy needed to understand how well our Signature Behaviours were being embedded across our organisation, Pulse provided us with the means to do so. Pulse provided Navy with valuable measurement regarding how well our Signature Behaviours were being positively embraced and embedded within Navy's organisational culture. The outcomes provided Navy senior leaders with very important insights into the progress of one of the key outcomes of the New Generation Navy cultural
reform program.
Rear Admiral Trevor Jones
Deputy Chief of Navy – Royal Australian Navy
Pulse is both a unique and remarkable organisation. The ability to give clarity and measurement to the Board and the Senior Management Team around a company's culture is simply extraordinary. Decision making on strategy and targets is getting easier and more beneficial every day thanks to the Pulse program.
Stephen Harrison
Chairman – The Gruden Group
We introduced the Pulse programme to strengthen our culture and service performance. There are many positive stories to share from individual staff members, teams, and the service as a whole. And, most importantly, the people we support. Positivity, team commitment and accountability have all become embedded ways of working, as well as a greater cost-consciousness.
Emma Hopkins
Lifeways Group
After the first Board Pulse, I saw a dramatic difference in behaviours. I thought to myself, if the Pulse can do this after one Pulse, what can it do after multiple Pulses?
Neil Cochrane
Chairman – Commonwealth Bank Group Super
I as chairman of a Bel 20 company used the Pulse web-based method for the Board self-assessment exercise in 2011. The method is cost-efficient as well as time-efficient and produces results which are very helpful for each Board member (how a Board member is perceived by his or her colleagues compared to his/her own view as to how he or she performs). It serves also as a basis for a one-on-one discussion between the chairman and each Board member.
Jozef De Mey
Chairman – Ageas
We partnered with Pulse Australasia to deliver a simple culture change Program. The simplicity made it easy to involve everyone in the organisation, often, to ensure we maintained momentum on the journey. Pulse guided the establishment and activities of the Program including but not limited to, establishment of a Culture Committee and Advocate Program as well as delivering Executive and Board Checkpoints to create alignment and ownership across the business.
Head of Organisational Development – RSL Care
The Pulse Program has not only met, but has exceeded my expectations. My Executive Leadership team has matured and now works collectively together, focusing on the best interests of the business, which has resulted in a dramatic increase in our overall financial performance. We have now moved from bottom quartile performance to a near top-tier performing organisation.
David Knight
CEO – Adventist Senior Living


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Roman Polanski's "Greed"
I get a subscription for Interview Magazine, and last month they had an article on exiled and famous director Roman Polanski. In the article he talked about life, his ongoing battle with law, and the following video campaign that he has directed. Polanski was commissioned by an Italian artist Francesco Vezzoli to make his latest project, a commercial and an ad campaign for a fake perfume "Greed".


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IBM announced that it is adding 9 schools to its more than 200 partnerships with universities, this time with the focus being on collaborating to bring cyber-security skills to the classroom. As an example, the University of Texas at Dallas is applying IBM resources to develop cyber-security courses and curriculum in areas such as cloud and mobile computing, data mining for malware detection, and cyber-operations. Dr. Bhavani Thuraisingham, Executive Director of the Cyber Security Research and Education Institute (CSI) at UT Dallas, expands on this in the following video.
To see what some of the other universities are doing with the resources provided by the partnership, read this roundup about the program.
The following infographic demonstrates the priorities higher education experts expect to address in order to close the cyber-security skills gap. (For more information on the partnership between IBM and colleges and universities, please visit the IBM Academic Initiative.)


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It's not synthetic film. It perforates, folds more precisely, feels more natural, and can withstand extreme and harsh environments. It also has a remarkable strength-to-weight ratio. And, it's not fabric, although you can use it like one. DuPont™ Tyvek® combines the best characteristics of all three materials into a highly-versatile substrate that delivers unequalled levels of durability, weatherability, and ease of use. Plus, it offers excellent printability and is 100% recyclable.


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All Girl
Asian Porn - Japanese Porn - Asian Sex Movies - Japanese Porn DVD
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The demand for Asian porn is quite large and many Japanese and Chinese porn actresses are making a lot of DVDs lately. These DVDs feature Asian girls doing anything and everything. From sweet innocent Asian girls to hardcore seasoned Asian porn stars, as long as they come from the Pacific Rim they are welcome in our Asian section.
All your favorite Asian porn stars are banging in these DVDs. In our Asian porn category you will find everything from amateur Asian girls having sex for the first time to bondage and hardcore sex.


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Wendy Davis: I'll 'Fight With Every Fiber' to Stop Abortion Bill
(FORT WORTH, Texas) -- The Democratic state senator who is leading the fight against significant new restrictions on abortions in Texas said Gov. Rick Perry and other Republicans were hypocritical, claiming to support smaller government but actually trying to increase state intrusion in people's lives.
Wendy Davis, the lawmaker who almost single-handedly overcame and outlasted the Republican majority in the state senate last week, is preparing for another battle on Monday. Armed with her new-found fame in Democratic circles in Texas and across the nation, Davis vowed to fight even harder.
"He's awfully fond of talking the talk of small government," Davis told ABC's This Week, escalating an intense quarrel with Perry. "But this [anti-abortion legislation] is big government intrusion, there is no question about it."
In an interview to be broadcast Sunday, Davis sat down with This Week inside the Stage West Theatre in Fort Worth, where she worked her way from being a waitress to a Harvard-educated lawyer to a heroine in the eyes of many Democrats.
She offered a window into the secrets of standing and talking for more than 11 straight hours during a legislative filibuster: her dusty running shoes (size 7 Mizuno, narrow); a catheter that allowed her to avoid bathroom breaks ("I came prepared," she explained); and how she felt the spirit of her hero, the late Gov. Ann Richards, during her marathon session in the Capitol in Austin.
"I was going to wear just some little flat dress shoes. At the last minute, I was running out of my apartment and I thought maybe I might need something with a little more support, so I grabbed these on the way out the door," Davis said, pointing to her sneakers that have gained Internet fame. "These are actually my running shoes. They're dusty from the trail around Ladybird Lake."
In an expansive interview about her life, the state of Texas politics and her future, Davis said she was heartened by the outpouring of support from women and Democrats, which catapulted her from local legislator to one of her party's prospective rising stars. Asked if she planned to run for governor in 2014, she smiled.
Perry, who has singled out Davis for sharp criticism for her efforts to stop legislation to make Texas one of the most restrictive states in the country to get an abortion, is calling the state senate back Monday for another 30-day special session to try passing the bill.
The measure would ban abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy and require abortion clinics to match the requirements of surgical centers. Critics of the legislation say it could force the closure of all but five of the state's 42 abortion clinics.
"I just refuse to say I believe it will happen. I'm an eternal optimist," Davis said. "I believe in the power of democracy and I'm going to fight with every fiber I have to keep it from passing."
Copyright 2013 ABC News Radio


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"Angry Birds"; police discover brand of synthetic pot in Orange
Police in Orange arrested a 17-year-old Orange resident after the youth was found to be in possession of a bag of what they believe to be synthetic marijuana labeled "Angry Birds."
According to a police report from OPD, police arrested the young man after making a traffic stop on Friday, March 7, at approximately 8:45 p.m. in the 700 block of Morrell Avenue after the driver of the vehicle in which the suspect was a passenger failed to use a turn signal. As OPD conducted a search of the vehicle, the teenager admitted being in possession of synthetic marijuana, police report, and handed over the package of "Angry Birgs." He was then arrested for possession of a controlled substance and taken to the Orange County Jail.
The driver was issued a citation for no insurance, according to police.


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Digital Dialogue
Digital Dialogue, formerly known as EID Study Groups, is a place where PSA members gather and form small groups designed to improve the photographic skills of the participants. Every month each member posts one image for comment by the rest of the group. By sharing their work in this way, a dialogue is opened between group members and the learning begins. Conversations often include kudos for good work along with suggestions for image improvement at capture and in post processing.
Currently there are more than 70 different groups including, general, nature, monochrome, HDR, iPhoneography and others. Whatever your area of interest - we have a Group for you.
Whether you are a beginner or a seasoned pro, participants can expect to improve their photography, post processing skills, communication and have fun doing it.
If you would like a taste of what we do, hop on over to the PID DD Web Site and check us out. For more information contact Barbara E Miller FPSA MPSA at email@example.com or click on some of the informational links below.
Please note - The Digital Dialogue website is separate from the PSA website and has its own login and password information which will be given to you when you join. This username and password will not work on the PSA website.
Digital Study Groups
PID-Digital Study Groups, formerly known as CPID Study Groups, are available free to all members of PSA. They have a long history of helping those who are interested in improving their photographic skills and review techniques, through mutual assistance and interaction. The reviews generally follow the guidelines of exhibition judges, with emphasis on impact, composition and technical quality.
Each group is a closed unit, password protected, which ensures that only the members of the assigned study group have access to the images and reviews, encouraging a free and open exchange.
Members with more photographic experience who are interested in helping others are welcome to get involved and can often provide more detailed assistance while honing their own skills. Having experienced members involved is very important to the learning process. Some volunteers serve as Commentators, providing an even more thorough critique and perspective to the group.
A Digital Study Group preview is available by clicking here.
For more information please visit the links below and contact the PID Digital Study Groups Director at firstname.lastname@example.com.


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I love my nx8220 except that I cannot get it to reliably suspend & resume! :( Anyone with suggestions on the ideal kernel and video driver to use to resolve this issue, please go to the Gentoo Wiki (http://en.gentoo-wiki.com/wiki/Main_Page) and post your thoughts. Thanks!
Popular Guides
View more guides at Linux Wiki Guides


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From big holiday cottages in Snowdonia National Park to farmhouses on the Llyn Peninsula and hostels in Llandudno, our range of holiday cottages in North Wales offers a fabulous choice for large families and group holidays.
North Wales is a superb place for family breaks and group activity holidays, offering traditional seaside resorts, beautiful beaches, mountain landscapes, lively towns and a wide array of tourist attractions ranging from zoos and wildlife parks to railways and museums.
Snowdonia is also a superb place for a whole array of outdoor activities, from climbing and hiking to cycling and canoeing.
With our wide selection of large holiday houses you'll find the perfect group accommodation for 10+ in Wrexham, Flintshire, Denbighshire, Conwy, Gwynedd and the Isle of Anglesey.
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Holiday Cottages in North Wales from Group Accommodation
Imagine staying in a big holiday cottage in Dolgellau, in a farmhouse on Anglesey, or at a hostel in Caernarfon near all the town's shops, bars and restaurants. At Group Accommodation, we work hard to fulfil these dreams, and as a specialist group holiday company we are dedicated to bringing you the best big group holiday homes in North Wales.
Deciding Where to Stay in North Wales
It's not easy choosing where to stay in North Wales, with such a fabulous range of tourist attractions, natural landscapes, adventure activities and group holiday accommodation.
Holiday cottages in Gwynedd enable you to spend time in the great outdoors in beautiful Snowdonia National Park; enjoy days out at the Welsh Mountain Zoo and Snowdon Mountain Railway; visit the famous slate mining town of Blaenau Ffestiniog and Llechwedd Caverns; explore Caernarfon castle and the medieval town walls; visit the picturesque market town of Dolgellau; and spend time at the beach in Tywyn.
Find a big holiday house in Conwy and your group can visit the splendid Victorian seaside resort of Llandudno; explore the UNESCO World Heritage-listed town of Conwy itself with its formidable castle; and enjoy easy access to the Island of Anglesey and the unspoilt Llyn Peninsula.
If you rent a large holiday cottage on the Isle of Anglesey, you can visit the county capital of Llangefni and Llanfairpwllgwyngyllgogerychwyrndrobwyllllantysiliogogogoch the Welsh village with the second-longest place name in the world. Or you can go birdwatching at the Ellin's Tower (Twr Ellin) RSPB reserve; explore historical sites from Neolothic, Roman and Medieval times at Din LLigwy; and enjoy visitor attractions such as Anglesey Sea Zoo, Beaumaris Castle, Plas Newydd, Pili Palas (Butterfly Palace) and Anglesey Model Village.
If you stay in a holiday home in Wrexham in North East Wales, you can enjoy breathtaking views from Chirk Castle; explore miles of footpaths such as the Ceiriog Valley Walk, Offa's Dyke and the Maelor Way; take a day trip to historic Erddig, a grand gentleman's residence set in beautiful grounds; visit the picturesque village of Erbistock; see the Gresford Bells; and go over the medieval hump-backed bridge at Bangor-on-Dee.
For exploring hilly moorland landscapes and historic towns, big holiday cottages in Denbighshire should fit the bill - giving you the chance to take a ride on the Llangollen Steam Railway and visit the roman bridge, historic canal, and beautiful Dee Valley; spend time at the beach in the seaside resorts of Rhyl or Prestatyn; and go shopping in the picturesque market town of Denbigh, one of the most historic in North Wales.
If you stay in group accommodation in Flintshire, gateway to Wales, you can visit interesting towns such as Mold with its street market; Holywell, the home of St Winefrides Well, one of the 'Seven Wonders of Wales'; and Flint, with its medieval castle and market. There are plenty of historical buildings too, such as Plas Teg Jacobean Mansion, St Deiniols library in Hawarden, and Basingwerk Cistercian Abbey as well as family attractions such as Greenfield Valley Heritage Park, Loggerheads Country Park, and Greenacres Animal Park.
We try to make it easier for you to decide where to stay by providing detailed property descriptions and images for every holiday home in North Wales, alongside a list of activities available nearby. Our large group holiday cottages in Wales are scattered right across the region's counties, so you can find large holiday properties in Conwy, Denbighshire, Flintshire, Gwynedd, the Isle of Anglesey and Wrexham.
By using our map functionality, whether you're planning a short weekend group break, a big reunion, or a full week's holiday, you can quickly narrow down your search to the specific part of North Wales that appeals to you most.
Choose Holiday Cottages in North Wales for Short Breaks
Our selection of accommodation for large groups is unrivalled, and our holiday properties are hand picked so you can be confident that we have a large holiday home to suit your specific needs. Our impressive portfolio features large holiday cottages alongside many other types of group accommodation in North Wales such as luxury barn conversions, hostels, lodges, spacious country houses and camping barns.
Looking for a Holiday Cottage in North Wales to Sleep 10+? We Can Help
Make your search for group accommodation easier by using our easy-to-use website bringing together the best big holiday homes in North Wales for you to choose from.
You can browse all of the properties in North Wales in our Regional Search; pick out specific holiday homes by area on our Map of the region; or use our Main Search to narrow down your results by several criteria such as location, property type and how many the holiday cottage sleeps.


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Valspar Championship Organizers Change Date For Next Year's Event
The golf tournament that brought Tiger Woods to Tampa Bay will undergo a change next year. Organizers of the Valspar Championship announced yesterday next year's tournament will be played two weeks later than this year. The tournament at Innisbrook in Palm Harbor will be held March 18th through the 24th. This places the Valspar a week after The Players Championship in Northeast Florida. Woods played in the Valspar for the first time this year, but there's no word on if he'll play in it next year.
Photo: Getty


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1.8mm Cubes - Black (#401)
1.8mm Cubes - Black (#401)
1.8mm Cube beads are a Japanese- Miyuki brand glass bead. These beads are world famous for being top-quality. They measure 1.8mm in length and width, with 0.8mm hole. They are packaged in 10 gram units. Each gram contains approximately 87 beads.
View our Purchasing Policies here.
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This week we decided to take on crocheting. I "learned" to crochet when I was about eight years old with my Grandma but it wasn't until I was on bed rest with Gianna that I really got into it. That being said I know the basics but wouldn't want an expert looking to closely at my work.
My poor friend Jayna got her first lesson from me and even under my guidance she did amazingly well - even going for the hdc2tog on her first project.
I tried to find a beginner pattern and found the Owl Bib from Lion Brand. Owls seem to be everywhere right now. Jayna had great taste in colors - fuchsia and navy (also the same colors I picked).
The intended cocktail was called a Howlin' Owl - yes, the theme was intentional. The original recipe goes like this:
1.5 oz Coconut rum (off to a good start)
6 oz Sprite
1 splash of grenadine syrup
We didn't have grenadine so I substituted blueberry juice and diet 7 up. Prepare yourself - you may never hear this from me again... it was a little too sweet for me! Next glass I ditched the blueberry juice and 7 up and went for good ole coconut rum and orange juice. I guess they can't all be winners.
Poor Gigi - she has a fever but still was a patient little model for me.


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Next Episode of The Samurai is
not planed. TV Show was canceled.
Adventures of Shintaro the Samurai travelling 18th century Japan with his trusted companion Tombei, battling the enemies of the Shogun and the dreaded Koga Ninjas.
Koichi Ose(Shintaro Akikusa)
Fuyukichi Maki(Tombei (The Mist))
Omori Shunsuke(Shusaku)
Looks like something went completely wrong!
But don't worry - it can happen to the best of us,
- and it just happened to you.
Please try again later or contact us.


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This week's Farm Journal Pulse shows farm country voters are leaning red.
The U.S. is less than a month away from choosing its 45th president. How will farmers and ranchers vote on Nov. 6?
According to this week's Farm Journal Pulse, a text message survey, farm country is significantly supporting this year's Republican candidate.
Here's how the 1,984 votes were cast:
- President Barack Obama: 15%
- Mitt Romney: 85%
Support seems to be growing for Romney. In August, the Farm Journal Pulse asked: Who do you think will win the 2012 presidential election? The 1,680 responses equaled 74% Mitt Romney and 26% for Barack Obama
See the results on an interactive map:
The American Farm Bureau Federation recently released Obama and Romney's answers to its 2012 presidential candidate questionnaire. (Read the full responses.)
The final question asked:
Why should farmers and ranchers vote for you?
Obama's response: I am committed to building the foundation for a renewed rural economy so that future generations can enjoy the way of life in rural America. I am building a rural economy built to last – one focused on reclaiming the security of the rural middle class by growing products that the rest of the world buys, and restoring the basic values of hard work and fair play that made our country great. Farmers and rancher should vote for me because I am the only candidate that is committed to strengthening the farm safety net, strengthening rural economic growth, and supporting rural investments in clean energy.
Not only am I committed to providing farmers the safety they need to grow America's food, but I am also planning for a strong agricultural future, increase funding for agricultural research and development by over 20 percent. My Administration is boosting rural small businesses by making it easier for them to access the capital they need to sell their products, expand operations and hire workers. And we are investing in a 21st century infrastructure - expanding broadband service for nearly seven million rural residents. We are working aggressively with our nation's rural communities, farmers, and ranchers to increase our energy independence and boost the transition to a clean energy economy. We are also partnering with over 13,000 farmers and ranchers to support renewable energy and energy efficiency projects that help save energy and improve their bottom line. Unlike my opponent, I understand that clean energy can provide farmers with additional income and economic security, which is why I have called on Congress to extend tax incentives for wind energy, which Mitt Romney would let expire.
Romney's response:
As the breadth of your questions indicate here, American agriculture needs relief from the Obama Administration's crushing onslaught of unnecessary regulations; a commonsense energy policy that develops our resources right here at home; a renewed focus on opening new markets; and a pro-growth tax policy that encourages investment and recognizes that death should not be a taxable event. On day one of my administration, farmers and ranchers would have something they've lacked over the past several years – an advocate.
Farmers and ranchers are the backbone of America and play a critical role in ensuring Americans across the country have access to safe and affordable food. The fruit of your labor nourishes the world, and I admire your hard work in harvesting our country's bountiful resources. I also admire our farmers and ranchers for the critical role you play in the health of our economy, employing millions of Americans.
I'm honored to have interacted with so many farmers and ranchers during this campaign, and I'm grateful to have them supporting our efforts to turn around the economy and strengthen the middle class. If you haven't yet signed-up to help with the campaign or just want to learn more, please visit my website at www.mittromney.com. Much is held in the balance of this election for all Americans, but particularly for farmers, ranchers, and rural communities, and I hope I can count on your vote this November 6th.
Add Your Vote
Market Snapshot, Noon CT (VIP) -- October 18, 2012
Weekly Petroleum Report -- Week Ended 10/12/2012


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Cognitive Behaviour Therapy (CBT) has been proven to help mental health problems. This website provides CBT self help and therapy resources, including worksheets and information sheets and self help mp3s
97% of survey responses report the website resources are helpful or very helpful
"A one stop shop for all my client needs" An Australian Psychologist
This mobile-friendly version of the website has replaced the old site. You can still access the old site by clicking on the Old Site navigation menu buttons, or click here
Please click on the Amazon ad before shopping at Amazon.
It contributes a few pence to the website upkeep without you paying any extra!


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Senate, House both approve $19 billion state budget.
Hartford — The state Senate passed next year's $19 billion budget minutes after midnight this morning after a quick debate about fund transfers, tax revenues and retiree health insurance spending.
The bill was passed 21-15 along party lines except for one Democrat, state Sen. Joan Hartley, D-Waterbury, who voted against the bill. At 10:03 p.m. on Saturday the House of Representatives passed the budget 91-55 also along party lines. The bill now goes to the governor to be signed.
During the Senate debate, Democrats said they were proud of their budget because it funded their priorities and was balanced. Republicans questioned many of the methods the Democrats used to balance the budget and said the state was setting itself up for a $2.7 billion budget deficit in the two-year budget that starts after July 1, 2015.
"The people at home, if they are watching, or if they watch later, have to be shaking their heads," said Senate Minority Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield. "If they've been reading the newspapers, if they've been watching the news the last couple of days, they are probably growing increasingly frustrated and asking what are they doing in Hartford."
At the start of the legislative session the governor's administration and lawmakers anticipated strong revenues for this year and next year and added spending and programs accordingly. But last Wednesday, lawmakers learned that projected revenues for this year dropped to $43 million from $505 million and that next year's would be down by $282 million.
Therefore several programs' budgets were trimmed and lawmakers found new revenue sources to balanced the budget. One of the new revenue sources was a "tax enhancement" program that aimed to collect $75 million more in tax revenue.
State Sen. Scott Frantz, R-Riverside, said he was concerned what message this would send in Connecticut.
"Connecticut cannot afford to have really aggressive tax collection," Franz said.
One rather large spending reduction the Democrats made, which the Republicans disapproved of, was to not provide additional funds for an anticipated increase in retired Department of Correction staff. Comptroller Kevin Lembo had said that his office anticipated an increase in DOC retirees and that the state needed to provide an additional $52 million for their health care costs. The Appropriations Committee had added the funds in March but after the surplus collapse removed them.
"We've heard the budget is balanced from one side, we've heard it's not from another, and maybe you don't want to take our side, but at least even from your side with the comptroller we've heard it's not balanced because we forgot a $51.6 million payment that we are contractually obligated to pay," McKinney said.
State Sen. Rob Kane, R-Watertown, said he was concerned about removing $65 million worth of spending from the General Fund and relying increasingly on other budgetary funds for spending. The budget relies on $31 million from the Insurance Fund instead of the General Fund in order to pay for an immunization program, said state Sen. John Fonfara, D-Hartford. Fonfara said the reliance on the Insurance Fund was fair because the funds in the account are from health insurance companies.
Democrats called next year's budget "responsible" because it increased spending by 2.5 percent from fiscal year 2013-14. From fiscal year 2006 to fiscal year 2011 spending increased by more than 4 percent, said state Sen. Beth Bye, D-West Hartford.
Bye said the budget provided funding to help unemployed people and youth find work, increased funding for pre-kindergarten seats and services for people with disabilities and provided relief for municipalities, among other services.
At the end of the debate Senate President Pro Tempore Donald Williams, D-Brooklyn, echoed Bye's comments and said, "We have a surplus, yes a surplus of $43 million, yes we would all like to have a larger surplus than that but when you think of where we were four years ago, we had a (two-year) budget deficit of over $3 billion."
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Lego Fans Can Start 'Building Bad' With Toy Meth Lab
For the "Breaking Bad" fans who have everything, there is now a $250 Lego-like meth lab to add to the list.
The new toy, however, is not the creation of the Danish toy giant minting money selling bricks worldwide. Instead, it's the latest product from Joe Trupia, the Chicago artist who runs a company called Citizen Brick that specializes in making its own creations by buying Legos and then essentially remaking them with the help of a printer.
Citizen Brick is not a newcomer to the industry of companies making their own Lego-like sets. But Trupia's creations are often edgy, juxtaposing Lego's strict family-friendly ethos with sometimes-taboo subjects.
His past creations include a mini-figure for Norwegian black metal music fans, the zombie baby accessory and the stoner with a bong (who was codenamed a "Botany Enthusiast").
Trupia said Citizen Brick tries to stay respectful to the Lego brand. Lego, in turn, says that while it does not endorse and sponsor The Breaking Bad set, it notes that Citizen Brick has complied with its Fair Play policy.
Speakeasy caught up with Trupia, 37, a few weeks after his "Breaking Bad" themed Lego-like "Super Lab" set hit the market last month, and he describes the pace as being "extremely crazy" due to strong demand.
"I set out to make items that I knew Lego would never make but that would still maintain the distinctive Lego aesthetic and production quality," Tupia said. This is a departure for Citizen Brick, as the firm does not typically do work based on pop culture or licensed characters.
But a "Breaking Bad" meth lab – which looks much like the lab used during a couple of the hit show's seasons – seemed like a natural fit. Although there is not mention of the words "Breaking Bad" or any of the characters in the show, there is no mistaking what the set resembles.
The Superlab is comprised of more than 500 Lego-like pieces including vats for chemicals and cooking, and even has a security camera that closely resembles the one Gus Fring installed to be able to monitor Walter White's activities. The set comes with three mini-figurines closely resembling Walter White ("Chemistry Enthusiast"), Gustavo Fring ("Chicken Enthusianst") and Mike ("World's Best Grandpa").
Citizen Brick started selling the Walter White-looking mini-figurine already in January. It only made sense to expand the range.
"In the show, the underground laboratory is this major set piece in the storyline. It felt like another character. It seemed like a great subject for a custom kit."
Citizen Brick worked through a few versions over several months – streamlining it and making it a more sturdy construction. Anyone who has played with Legos understands the simplicity of the concept, but students of the company appreciates the amount of time that its designers put into creating a theme, such as a "Star Wars" set or a set based on "The Hobbit."
"The thing about Lego sets is their economy: each part services the overall engineering and the aesthetic design equally," Trupia said. "That's the kind of quality we'd like to emulate."
Citizen Brick uses the same printing method and materials as factory-made Legos, so its items blend seamlessly into authentic sets made by the real company. But unlike some massive toy companies that have made their own Lego-like toys, Trupia doesn't produce the bricks.
That means he is limited to using pieces he can actually buy from Lego or obtain second hand. Because it is difficult to get large quantities, everything Citizen Brick makes an inherently limited edition.
"We work in small batches, almost like a craft brewery, and are subject to what ingredients are available."
Citizen Brick made a few hundred "Superlab" sets to start, which it sold to the core collectors who are frequent customers. These were gone within three weeks, but demand is much richer.
"I think as anticipation over the final season of Breaking Bad has increased, requests to make more have poured in. As of right now, we're taking pre-orders to make more."
According to Mr. Trupia, "Breaking Bad" fans and hardcore adult Lego fans have responded well to the level of detail in the set. Still, he acknowledges that outside Breaking Bad fans and serious Lego collectors, reactions have been less kind.
"Some people object to the price, and a small minority thinks I'm trying to rally kids to manufacture methamphetamine themselves. The kit itself never mentions drugs, or violence, or specifics of the show directly. You'd have to be a pretty precocious kid to build your own meth lab after playing with our set."
Mr. Trupia had Lego as a kid, but drifted away from them as a teenager. But then, after his oldest son was old enough to play with them, he rediscovered them. That's when he started Citizen Brick, which he now runs as a full time occupation with his business partner, two full time employees, two part time employees, and a stable of freelancers who help sort and build kits.
Mr. Trupia got his MFA from the School of the Art Institute of Chicago and says that pursuing a life as an artist taught him to be entrepreneurial.
"While Citizen Brick is a more conventional commercial business, I do think of it as an extension of a larger art practice."
[This post has been updated.]


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More input = more output. Pay more, get a better product. Unfortunately, the rules of the market economy don't translate well in a classroom, where the input may be an overworked, underpaid teacher, and the output springs from an unpredictable mix of fickle young minds, multiple cultures and languages, and the pressure of standardized tests, tattered books and not enough chairs.
Could that exhausted teacher do a better job if she got extra pay? For years, schools and policymakers have experimented with controversial "merit pay" schemes that tie salaries to students' test scores and other measures of achievement. But critics say merit pay only perpetuates an anti-intellectual obsession with punitive tests, reduces teaching into an antiseptic assembly-line process, and erodes the authority of educators, unions and communities.
New empirical evaluations of "pay for performance" programs in Chicago and New York City uncovered a counter-intuitive result: more pay doesn't seem to yield corresponding gains in academic achievement or stabilizing the teaching workforce.
The latest findings could impact national education reforms, since Education Secretary Arne Duncan is now crafting teacher incentive policies that reflect his experience with merit pay schemes as head of Chicago public schools. The administration has integrated teacher-incentive programs into its guidelines for schools seeking a bite of the Race to the Top fund-a pot of several billion dollars dangled before states to encourage them to follow Duncan's reform blueprint.
Race to the Top rewards school districts for "innovations" aimed at the aggressive overhaul of the "lowest-achieving" schools and revamping academic standards and testing systems. While these programs are framed as common-sense improvements, grassroots education activists chafe at the competitive, market-based ideology that has carried over from the Bush administration's brilliantly incompetent No Child Left Behind.
In the Chicago study, the research group Mathematica examined the Teacher Advancement Program (TAP), which offered bonus payments in K-8 schools averaging $1,100 in the first year and about $2,600 in the second. The money was awarded based on promotion to "mentor" positions, along with "value added to student achievement and observed performance in the classroom." Comparing the teachers' performance over two years with that of a control group, the study found "no significant impacts on student achievement or teacher retention." Researchers also conceded that the study was limited because they "did not have reliable data on the quality of teachers retained" and did not track teachers who left their schools.
The New York study, led by Columbia University researchers, focused on a cluster of high-poverty schools with a reward system based on schoolwide bonuses for improvements on state reading and math exams. As with Chicago, the investigation found "little effect... on student achievement in the first or second year of the program."
In their discussion on possibly reasons why the project might fail, researchers argued, "Performance-based compensation is only feasible when reasonable measures of inputs or output are available," and that unlike, say, piece-rate factory work, "Education is a complex good."
Indeed, the quality and quantity of student learning is near-impossible to measure strictly through tests or grades. The school experience is contingent on many social factors outside the classroom, including the quality of a child's previous teachers, along with social and environmental factors like parental involvement and the child's health.
In both studies, researchers flagged possible flaws in the design of the programs. For example, incentives can get muddled when tied to schoolwide gains as opposed to individual teachers' performance. This suggests that rewarding the entire school for improvements might encourage individual teachers to "free-ride," with little motivation to change their routines.
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Whether the problems stemmed from faulty implementation or the basic theory of merit pay, the studies skirt the fundamental question of what constitutes "merit" in a society in which intellectual development is increasingly at odds with consumer capitalism.
Bill Ayers, a professor of education at the University of Illinois-Chicago and longtime education activist, told In These TImes that financial incentives for teachers tend to treat education as a mere commodity. In a market economy, he said, "If you sell more used cars, you get a bigger bonus." School, where teachers tend to be underpaid and overworked, isn't as straightforward.
"There's not one teacher I know in America who is going to work harder because they think they're going to get a bonus," Ayers argued. "They're working plenty hard, they're killing themselves, with very little support. They're having their autonomy stripped from them, and they're having the meaning of their work reduced and constrained."
Like the media assault on teacher unions and the proliferation of overhyped charter schools, Ayers said, differential pay policies feed into a broader agenda to privatize and homogenize education, reducing a humanistic endeavor to a commercial one:
The change they envision is going to destroy not only the school system as we know it, it's going to mean that only the wealthiest kids and the kids in private schools will have access to art and physical education and sports and games and creativity, and the rest of us are just getting trained to be drones in the system.
Mark Simon, of the education advocacy group Tom Mooney Institute for Teacher and Union Leadership, said that proponents of merit pay "assume that something good will happen if we reward teachers for high test scores, when in reality only bad things happen when teachers know that they can get money for bumps in test scores by their kids." Suggesting that arbitrary bonuses encourage schools to cheat the system, he added, "The curriculum is narrowed and indefensible things are done to meet the need for score gains."
Still, while progressive education activists and unions have generally chafed at the concept of performance pay, some reform advocates, such as the labor-oriented Economic Policy Institute, insist that bonus schemes can be targeted to help struggling public schools by attracting more effective teachers and in turn raising the quality of instruction for underserved students. Earlier research, according to a report by the Center for American Progress, indicates that such incentives could work if they are more holistic, "based on a variety of measures of teacher performance, including both student growth on standardized assessments and rigorous evaluations of teacher performance."
But none of these studies broach the ethical question at the heart of the merit pay debate: who benefits when we turn schools over to the rules of the marketplace? New York University education scholar and activist Deborah Meier said pay-for-performance policies aren't focused so much on enhancing the educational experience, but pushing a perverse ideology onto kids and teachers. "The value system is simple," she told ITT. "Whatever promotes your financial interest is good."
All sides of the reform debate believe teachers who succeed in building children's minds should be paid fairly. But how do we place a dollar value on teaching a child to read, to think about the world outside their neighborhood, or to challenge injustice and question authority? Bonuses for "performance" might look good on a balance sheet, but the really important lessons are priceless.


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Interop Wrap-up: Focus on Nexus 1000V and Virtual Services
Well, Interop Las Vegas 2012 has come and gone, and it was another exciting week for us. The folks at TechWiseTV caught up with Prashant Gandhi, our Senior Director of Product Marketing for network virtualization technology, to talk all about the latest innovation in the Nexus 1000V portfolio and where we are heading with what is increasingly becoming a very strategic platform for Cisco. Prashant really hits this interview out of the park, as he ties the whole architecture and recent innovations together very well.
To summarize some of the key points that we are highlighting about the Nexus 1000V and our virtual services portfolio:
- It's the third year anniversary for the Nexus 1000V virtual switch and we're over 5,000 customers to date. An amazing journey as Prashant says.
- When customers deploy a virtual workload, they really need layer 2 policies, layer 3 policies, firewall policies, WAN optimization, and more. The architecture provides all these services and consistency with the physical network from Layer 1 through 7.
- The new vPath 2.0 in the Nexus 1000V provides greater intelligence to insert virtual services into the network and maintain policies on virtual machines as they move between servers and data centers.
- Extending the "mobility diameter", meaning how far and over how many resources can you share and move workloads. The greater the diameter, the more sharing and more cost reduction and flexibility. We are extending this range with technologies like VXLAN, which is the scalable version of VLAN, and OTV can take it between data centers.
- Nexus 1000V products will be running on more than just the VMware hypervisor as we come out with support for Microsoft's Hyper-V on Windows 8 Server later this year
Fore more information, go to http://cisco.com/go/1000v.
In an effort to keep conversations fresh, Cisco Blogs closes comments after 60 days. Please visit the Cisco Blogs hub page for the latest content.


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door(redirected from lay at door)
Also found in: Dictionary, Thesaurus, Legal, Idioms, Encyclopedia.
the movable barrier, usually hinged, that closes a passageway normally used for entering and leaving an enclosure.
dog/cat door
usually consists of a hinged flap covering an opening just large enough for the animal to pass through, within an existing window or door. Intended for use of the animal at will, but excluding larger intruders.


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These are the 70 most-searched-for thread tagsSearch Tag Cloud
|8 times! 24/7 andy reid atlanta avocado away games back up qb bandersnatch bar birds bloody mary time board regular troll candy crush cardinals chad lewis cock craving pete college defense des draft dream team eagles eagles 2017 eatdatpussy445 edp ete flyers free agency friggin mile!! fuck a cowturd geigh girth highlight video interviews kapadia lti minneapolis new orlean saints nfl nope. he's black not a football bored obesity ob jumpin' the shark obvious oh hell no philadelphia phillymag portugual radio raptoe! rhubarb rivalry rnd sasquatch sharting is uncomfortable sheil soft stop posting tailgate third string thorogood travel experience traveling up in here video wang wangnut in ohio weak wide receiver yomama


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New forum member, looking to learn and share.
I have a new, monitored 2Gig panel using my existing wired sensors and some wireless sensors. Now that I understand the alarm features, which is my first priority, I'm looking to beater understand my Zwave capabilities.
I have two ZWave dim-able light power outlet controllers from Home Depot and a couple of lamps plugged into them. I have added them as switches in the services button, and they can be turned on/off or dimmed separately or together in a scene. I have a few next step questions:
- Can these switches/scenes be moved higher up in the menus on the panels? Now I have to press services, switches, then control them individually. My spouse would like easier access other then on her phone.
- Can a secondary controller be added to the system (recommendation requested) to control these lights/scenes separately from the panel without impacting the security system?
- If I plug the lights back into the plug and get a Zwave in-wall light switch to maintain the remote controlability? Is there a recommended switch that can be used both manually AND remotely via Zwave?
Any/all help appreciated!


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IRVINE, Calif. – Orlando Johnson scored 25 points and added 10 rebounds and Kyle Boswell had career-highs with 19 points and five three-point baskets as visiting UC Santa Barbara crushed UC Irvine on Wednesday night, 85-62.
The Gauchos (14-8 overall, 9-3 in the Big West), which has won five of its last six games, remain in a second-place tie in the Big West Conference with Cal State Fullerton, a winner at UC Riverside.
UCSB led the Anteaters (9-17 overall, 5-8 in the Big West) by as many as 31 points four times in the second half before settling for the 23-point win.
"That was one of our best games of the year," said Gaucho head coach Bob Williams. "Offensively, we were so much better than in the last game. We had a great couple days of practice and it showed tonight."
Nate Garth's three-point basket to end the first half gave the Gauchos a 44-29 lead at the break. With Johnson and Boswell combining for 28 points on 11-for-13 from the field, including 4-of-5 from three-point range, the lead ballooned to as many a 20 at 34-14.
UCSB put the game away early in the second half with an 10-0 run right out of the gates to take a decisive 54-29 lead. All 10 points came on lay-ups, two by Johnson and Alan Williams and one from James Nunnally.
Irvine narrowed the lead to 54-35, but never got any closer.
One game after suffering through one their worst shooting performances of the year in a win over UC Riverside, the Gauchos were outstanding against the Anteaters, making 53.6% overall and 55.0% from three-point range. Their 11 three-pointers tied a season-high.
Johnson made 9-of-11 shots overall and both of his three-point attempts while Boswell was 7-for-10 and 5-for-8.
"O.J. and Bos were great tonight," Williams said. "That was the Orlando that we have come to expect. He was in a really good rhythm tonight. Kyle was feeling it so we took advantage of that."
UCSB also got solid contributions from Garth, who had nine points and six assists, and Greg Somogyi who overcame a twisted ankle in the second half to finish with six points, six rebounds and four blocked shots.
UCI was led by Will Davis III and Daman Starring who each had 12 points.
UCSB remains on the road for two more games before returning home for its final three games of the regular season. On Saturday, Feb. 18, the Gauchos travel to Utah State for a Sears BracketBuster game. The game will be broadcast on ESPN3 and as part of ESPN's Fullcourt package. Tip-off is set for 6:00 p.m. (PST) and the game can be heard live on KZSB 1290 AM in Santa Barbara and online at UCSBgauchos.com.
After playing at Long Beach State on Feb. 22, UCSB will return home for a Feb. 25 game at the Thunderdome against Cal Poly. Tipoff for the game against the Mustangs is 8:00 p.m. and will be broadcast on ESPNU. Tickets for that game and all games can be obtained by visiting the Ticket Office in the Intercollegiate Athletics Building on campus, calling 805-893-UCSB (8272) or online by clicking here.


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Historically Anubis was designed to process outgoing mail. Support for processing incoming mail was added in version 4.1.
To process incoming mail, Anubis must be started as mail
delivery agent from your MTA configuration file. The invocation
line must contain `--mode=mda' option, that tells Anubis
to act in mail delivery mode. In this mode, Anubis receives
the message from standard input, processes it using configuration
file sections named
incoming-mail-rule (see section incoming-mail-rule) and finally calls local mailer to actually
deliver the modified message. The local mailer must be given using
`--local-mta' option.
Let's summarize the special features of mail delivery mode:
The local mailer invocation line can contain meta-variables
%sender and
%recipient, which will be replaced by
the actual sender and recipient email addresses before starting
the mailer.
%sender meta
variable above). It implies `--mode=mda'. If the option is
not given, GNU Anubis will deduce sender address from UNIX
`From ' header or, if it is not present, from the value of
From SMTP header.
The following discussion explains how to configure Anubis in MDA mode with different mail transport agents.
If you use
mc file to generate `sendmail.cf', use
LOCAL_MAILER_PATH and
LOCAL_MAILER_ARGS as shown
in the following example:
define(`LOCAL_MAILER_PATH', `/usr/local/sbin/anubis') define(`LOCAL_MAILER_ARGS', `mail --mode=mda -l '/libexec/mail.local -f %sender %recipient')
If you prefer to directly edit `sendmail.cf', use
macro to declare Anubis as a local mailer. For example:
Mlocal, P=/usr/local/sbin/anubis, F=lsDFMAw5:/|@qSPfhn9, S=EnvFromL/HdrFromL, R=EnvToL/HdrToL, T=DNS/RFC822/X-Unix, A=mail --mode=mda -l '/libexec/mail.local -f %sender %recipient' $u
exim, you will need to declare appropriate transport
and director in `exim.conf':
# transport mail_local_pipe: driver = pipe command = /usr/local/sbin/anubis --mode=mda \ -l '/libexec/mail.local -f %sender %recipient' $local_part return_path_add delivery_date_add envelope_to_add # director mail_local: driver = localuser transport = mail_local_pipe
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This document was generated on May, 24 2014 using texi2html 1.76.


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Day two of our 2012 holiday checklist is all about organizing your new groups and resources.
Follow these easy steps to get started:
- Once you've acquainted yourself with Edmodo, you'll want to get all your groups created. How you decide to name and organize your groups is up to you. Many teachers choose to do it by subject area or period. Learn how to create groups in Edmodo.*
- Edmodo also allows you to create small groups, also known as sub groups. You can use sub groups for things like differentiation, project-based learning or course management.
- After your groups and small groups are created, you can upload any resources you'll plan on using in your classroom to your Edmodo library. This can be links, photos, handouts, syllabi, rubrics, videos etc. Storing these items in your Edmodo Library makes them easily accessible at anytime.
- Once all of your resources are uploaded, you can create folders within your library to organize them. These folders can also be shared with your groups, so that students can access all the resources as well. Learn more tips for easy content sharing.
Stay tuned for tomorrow's tips on how to get your students signed up!
*Note: If you're currently using Edmodo and your classes will change in January, be sure to archive your groups on the last day of the year. The Archive option is located in your group settings.
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[…] you've organized your groups and resources, follow these steps to get your students on […]
[…] 1: Get Ready for 2012 with Edmodo! Day 2: Organizing groups and resources Day 3: Getting students signed up Day 4: Edmodo mini-lessons Day 5: Relax and reward […]
Thank you for the game.
Thank you for all.