text:
(CNN) -- It started with a father sending text messages to his daughter during the previews of a movie.
It ended with the 43-year-old man shot dead amid the theater seats, and a 71-year-old retired police officer in custody.
The shooting Monday during a 1:20 p.m. showing of "Lone Survivor" at a Wesley Chapel, Florida, movie theater escalated from an objection to cell phone use, to a series of arguments, to the sudden and deadly shooting, according to police and witnesses.
As a male moviegoer texted, the man seated behind him objected, and asked the texter to put his phone away.
They argued several times, according to police and witnesses, and the man who was texting watched as the other man walked out of the theater. Curtis Reeves, a retired police officer, apparently went seeking a theater employee to complain about the texting, police said.
Two seats away Charles Cummings and his son watched the squabbling.
When Reeves returned, he was without a manager.
"He came back very irritated," Cummings said.
The man who had been texting, Chad Oulson, got up and turned to Reeves to ask him if he had gone to tell on him for his texting. Oulson reportedly said, in effect: I was just sending a message to my young daughter.
Voices were raised. Popcorn was thrown. And then came something unimaginable -- except maybe in a movie. A gun shot.
Oulson was fatally wounded. His wife was hit, too, through the hand as she raised her hand in front of her husband as the shooter drew a handgun.
Oulson staggered toward the Cummings and fell on them, Charles Cummings said.
The shooter sat down and put the gun in his lap.
It happened that an off-duty deputy sheriff from Sumter County was among the 25 people theater at the Grove 16 complex. He rushed to the scene to make sure no more shots were fired and the shooter would stay put.
It also happened that there were two nurses there and one came to Oulson's side and performed CPR until paramedics arrived.
Oulson later died. His wife, Nicole, suffered a non-life threatening wound to her hand.
"I can't believe people would bring a pistol to a movie," said Cummings, a Vietnam veteran who had celebrating his birthday by going to a movie with his son.
Reeves was sitting with his wife, Pasco County Sherriff Chris Nocco said.
CNN affiliate Bay News 9 reported that Reeves was arrested on a charge of second-degree homicide. It could not be determined Monday night whether he had retained an attorney.
Reeves retired in 1993 as a captain with the police department in nearby Tampa. He was also director of security at Busch Gardens until 2005, the station reported.
Bay News 9 spoke to a neighbor of Oulson's who said the dead man was a very nice guy who he couldn't envision being involved in an incident like this.
"Always smiling. I've never seen him angry," Bill Costas said. If I needed help with something he was always there.
"Totally different guy. Like I said, it just doesn't make sense to me. Not from what I know of him."
The shooting happened at about 1:30 p.m. inside one of the theaters at the Grove 16 complex, sheriff's spokeswoman Melanie Snow said.


text:
Talks were at a standstill on the eve of job action that will shut a half million students and more than 40,000 teachers out of school weeks ahead of the scheduled summer break.
"The strike is imminent," union president Jim Iker said Monday morning in a speech watched online by thousands of teachers gathered away from schools at "study sessions" to discuss developments.
"Government had that opportunity to get a deal this weekend and they squandered it, which is so disappointing."
Chief government negotiator Peter Cameron rebuked the union for its tactics away from the table, but concurred the sides were at an impasse.
"The strike is on at this point. I mean, they say it's a 'study session' today but there's no teachers in the classroom. It's on."
The latest offer made by the union on Friday dropped wage demands to eight per cent over five years, down from their original offer of 13.5 per cent over three years. It also proposed a $5,000 signing bonus — compared to $1,200 offered by government — and asked for new money specifically to deal with classroom conditions.
Iker said the BC Public School Employers' Association wasted a weekend of bargaining and did not respond in full to that offer until late Sunday — and then did so with its own package that reduced the wage offer previously on the table.
"Comments last week and today are completely disingenuous. It was all talk," Iker said of promises of intense bargaining. "The government was unprepared, unwilling and ultimately unhelpful. They brought nothing to the table, nothing, to bring both sides closer together."
Cameron countered by accusing Iker of completely misrepresenting the weekend's negotiations and government's latest position, and then took the unusual step of laying out specific details of both of the latest proposals.
"It seemed to be a series of claims in his presentation that are actually driving the prospect of a settlement further away when we should be getting closer together," he said, describing Iker's statements as "derogatory," "misleading" and "false."
Cameron said wages are no longer the main obstacle, but rather the "truck load of benefits" that boosts the overall union demand, including wages, to an increase of 12.5 per cent. The government is now proposing seven per cent over six years and maintaining its offer for a $1,200 signing bonus if the deal is done by June 30.
"They still want more than double any other union," he said, noting the government is offering teachers exactly the same wage increases negotiated in a slew of other B.C. public-sector collective agreements.
The new signing bonus demand would cost at least $150 million, he added, while also stating the union had not itself delivered a fulsome proposal for a new contract.
Education minister Peter Fassbender said the government's last offer is "about as good as it's going to get."
"The ball is squarely in their court at this stage," he said.
The federation executive was meeting all day to decide its next move.
Teachers emerged from their meetings to attend afternoon rallies in several cities including Victoria, where more than 500 teachers gathered outside the B.C. legislature.
Grade 8 teacher Megan Parry said improving teaching conditions to ensure students have a better learning environment was her top concern.
"It's nothing to do with me getting more money," she said. "I get to work at 7 a.m. I leave at 5 p.m. I'm working 12 hours. It's nothing to do with the money. I got into teaching because I am really passionate about helping and getting kids educated. That's why I'm here."
The last teachers' contract expired in June 2013. Earlier this month, 86 per cent of federation members who voted cast ballots in favour of a full-scale strike.
B.C. has a history of strife in education negotiations. The only settlement made without labour action in the past two decades was a five-year deal in 2006.
Follow @TamsynBurgmann on Twitter
Note to readers: This is a corrected version. A previous version incorrectly reported the 2006 contract was a four-year deal.
Also on HuffPost

subset: commoncrawl


text:
S k a t e L o g F o r u m
Inline Skating and Quad Roller Skating
Forum Hosts: Jessica Wright | Kathie Fry
FOLLOW US: Our Blog | Facebook | Twitter | Email
|Home - Forum Index - Africa Skating - Asia Skating - Europe Skating - Oceania Skating - Pan America Skating - Roller_Rinks - -
Forum Administrators: Jessica Wright and Kathie Fry | Email Us
Access code for buying and selling subforums: "skates"
How To Get a User Account and Posting Privileges in the SkateLog Forum
Use Google to Search the SkateLog Forum
|Quad Speed Discussions about speed skating in quad roller skates.
|Thread Tools
|Display Modes
|June 18th, 2015, 06:07 PM
Senior Member
Join Date: Dec 2013
Location: Seattle-ish
Posts: 653
Yeah, greased will appear to spin slower than oiled when spun by hand in open air, but that's not the whole story. One, they'll certainly spin slower when new or recently greased as the grease is still distributing a fine layer on surfaces and depositing extra in to non-contact areas. After than they'll probably still spin just a bit slower when spun by hand and left to spin to a stop on their own, but in skating there'll be very little difference. What you do gain with greased is the self re-lubricating aspect as the lubrication on the contact surfaces wears the bearing warms up and the grease on non-contact areas liquefies and re-lubes contact areas. You also get a dirt collecting function as dirt and dust will get in to the bearings, it sticks to some of the grease that's near the gap in the seal; most useful for outdoor, but still handy if your rink is less than tidy.
If you're not seriously competing you likely won't notice the difference with skating indoor... unless the amount of time your wheels spin in free air is really important to you. Even for a casual+ skater, greased is fine and factory grease on a good set will last quite a while. Even plenty of serious skaters skate and race in greased bearings (especially outdoor marathon skaters if they're not using ceramics.)
Although, if you get a certain amount of Zen style catharsis out of skate maintenance and like a good cleaning and oiling regimen, sure, oil 'em.
In full disclosure, while I generally oil my inline bearings, I've had greased and they were perfectly fine after a brief break in period and it wasn't that bad out of the box. They're not greased now only because they needed to be cleaned and I didn't have any suitable grease handy, but I had good oil. Same with my quads. My wife's quads and my kid's inlines have sealed "red" (I don't think they're Bones Reds, just some random red shielded bearings that came on Sure Grip quads, but I can't read the markings on the shields) greased bearings and they're fine, too. My kid's inlines spin perfectly fine, practices and races on them all the time.
|June 18th, 2015, 08:51 PM
Sk8 Ninja
Join Date: Aug 2012
Location: Huntington Wv
Posts: 3,556
about ceramic vs steel
Its just that the amount of difference between ceramic vs steel bearings is very small, and unless your skating, skates, and skating environment is near perfect. Your not likely to ever tell a difference. As such its best to invest your money where it will make a larger impact on your skates comfort, performance or weight.
Also if you ever want to test bearings vs bearings you gotta use ALL the same testing variables. Mainly keep the same wheels. Lots of people put brand new wheels on new bearings and have a very skewed review because of that. Wheels wear out, and a brand new wheel will almost always feel faster than an older one. Also the hubs in one batch of wheels could be garbage(misaligned bearing bores), and result in a very slow feeling wheel.... even with the best urethane. Just another reason to use the same wheels to test bearing changes. Because even if you bought a brand new replacement wheel set that is the same as you were using before, production runs differ.
Home rink: Roll-A-Rama in Huntington Wv.
"Focus on form and speed is a byproduct, focus on speed and falling is a byproduct." - Matguy
|June 19th, 2015, 04:27 PM
Junior Member
Join Date: May 2015
Posts: 17
I started using synthetic gear oil to begin with but I am now using Phil Wood tenacious oil, the stuff is amazing.
|June 19th, 2015, 06:41 PM
Senior Member
Join Date: Dec 2013
Location: Seattle-ish
Posts: 653
The theory that a good race oil for bikes is good for skating isn't fully sound since most bike bearings (other than the chain tensioners on a derailleur) spin pretty slow compared to the speed a skate bearing spins. Outdoor skaters can often go pretty close to a bicyclist's speed (well, a real good skater against a decent bicyclist, and for our purposes it's close enough.) Compare wheel sizes. The circumference of a (20") bicycle wheel is about 5 times longer than an inline speed skater's wheel. 8.5 times a PowerPlus wheel (random good quad speed wheel.) That means that your skate wheel spins about 8.5 times for each rotation of a bicycle wheel, so the drag from bearings makes a bigger difference for us.
You're certainly not doing any damage by using such a thick oil, but you're not getting the spin you seem to be after, either. While that kind of illustrates my point about what we actually notice from a bearing, I would use a thin oil.
Now, on the other hand, don't use a temporary lubricant like WD40. Sure, it'll spin great for a short amount of time, but WD40 breaks down quickly and doesn't keep lubricating.
I use TriFlow, though there are lots of thin oils that work well (it was what my local store had when I bought the can... about 10 years ago.)
Also, you don't need much at all, especially if you're cleaning and lubing often. Just a couple small drips on to the race of each bearing is usually perfect. You should be able to hear the "Skssss" sound of a dry bearing being spun in your hand quiet down with as little oil as possible. I use the pick side of the little plastic dental floss/picks to drop in a little dab directly on to the races, push the nylon cage/retainer out of the way if needed.
Too much oil and it'll just leak out and get all over your wheels. If you're lucky it'll just make your hubs greasy, otherwise it can get on your wheels and the floor. Or it'll leak in your skate bag; that's always fun.
If you do put too much in (or just worry that you might have), wipe them down with a paper towel (or rag you don't care about; wife reaction may vary) you can lay them flat on a chunk of thick cardboard, open side down, and see which ones leaked (you might want to put it on a plate or something if there's a possibility it might leak through.) If there's a leak spot under a bearing, that was too much. If the leak spot is larger than the bearing or even still shiny, you put in way too much.
|June 20th, 2015, 02:40 AM
Junior Member
Join Date: May 2015
Posts: 17
|Thread Tools
|Display Modes
Linear Mode


text:
Fashion VirtueMart Templates
We have a collection of 30 designs in this area!
Hand bags, swim wear, shoes, pants, sunglasses, other fashion accessories. These are just a few things these fashion virtuemart templates are designed for. Whether you're a fashion designer, a wholesale clothing buyer, a fashion blogger, or simply a fashion connoisseur looking to break into the industry, chances are that one of these fashion virtuemart templates is just what you're looking for to get as many eyes on you as possible because hey, in the fashion world even your website needs to look fabulous!
Our VirtueMart Templates are Joomla based templates created specifically for enabling you to run a shopping cart on your website. These templates were created to give you the most functional and convenient environment for maximum e-commerce performance. VirtueMart is a free open source e-commerce extension of Joomla CMS (content management system) developed in PHP and implemented with MySQL. The VirtueMart plug-in supports an unlimited number of products and categories, sale of downloadable products, catalog mode, use of a variety of different payment methods, multiple prices for a single product, and much more. Joomla is normally known for its awesome capabilities in content management and combined with VirtueMart you not only get a great CMS backend, but the functionality of an online store as well.


text:
6 White Beetle Bug
In North America greater than 22,000 different beetles especially 6 White Beetle Bug are found of many different sorts. Amongst the best-known kinds are: The brightly tinted tiger beetles, wnich run around on courses on summer nights, and whose larva hesitates at the mouth of its hole to capture passing insects. The water beetles, some of them very large, with a larva that may consume fish; others such as the whirligigs and the little black water beetles, quite small. The brightly spotted ladybirds, which are almost all very useful. The shining, metallic-colored fallen leave beetles, consisting of the asparagus beetle and the yellow-and-black Colorado potato beetle, which are enemies of man. The black-and-red, or black-and-orange, hiding beetles, and the black carrion beetles.
The scarlet, or scarlet-and-black, primary beetles. The fireflies, whose females are often wingless, called glowworms. The deathwatch, bark, and powderpost beetles, which destroy wood. The scarabs or chafers, consisting of the spiritual beetles of old Egypt, the goliath, unicorn, rhinoceros, and ox beetles, the tumblebugs, the figeater, the June bugs, the hairy, yellow-brown rose chafer, and the green-gold Japanese beetle, most of which are enemies of man, because their youthful consume plant roots. The fierce-looking stag beetle, whose larva lives in decaying timber. The click beetle, which can jump into the air with a "click" if it is lying on its back, and whose larva, called a "wireworm," is a fantastic destroyer of origin plants.
The rove beetles, or devil's-coachhorses, which have very brief external wings, and which are mostly useful, living as scavengers in decaying matter; or which sometimes lead strange lives in ants' or termites' nests. The oil, or sore, beetles, some of which are used in medication. The weevils, with their long-beaked heads, which are some of man's worst enemies. The black beetle of storages (not to be confused with the roach), whose larva is the destructive "mealworm." The longicorn, with its tremendously lengthy feelers, whose larva passages in timber; and the beautiful, metal Buprestis, whose external wings are used by indigenous women as gems.
Feel free to download the Images under 6 White Beetle Bug articles for free. Suport us by sharing this Images to your family.
1000 x 1333 330 x 220 728 x 970 150 x 150Download Here


text:
Do You Hear What I Hear?
We all mishear things from time to time. Heck, I still think Elton John just wanted a hug from Tony Danza. However, there are certain levels to auditory misunderstanding, which thanks to today's bakers I can now illustrate and then make snarky comments about. WOOHOO!
Level 1: The Simple Mistake
This is the one anyone can make, since at first blush the bungled interpretation almost makes sense:
Poor Chad. He went from rad to sunburned.
Level Two: The "HUH?"
This is a more convoluted level, and one that requires an explanation to understand. For example, this cake was supposed to read, "Happy 24th Birthday, Ashleigh. YOU ARE OLD!"
"Yes, I'm afraid you DO need to spell it out for me."
(This reminds me of the time in grade school when I had to interview my grandmother about her travels. She kept referring to Mexico as "Old Mexico" [presumably because she lived in New Mexico], but it sounded like she was saying "Oh Mexico." So that's what I wrote - about a billion times in that report. My family all found it quite funny. I did not.)
Level Three: The One You're Never Going To Believe
This is the level of misunderstanding that takes you so far down the wrong road that there's simply no turning back. So, little Seth, you just enjoy your "blue camo" baby shower cake, mkay?
"Watch out, they spit!"
Thanks to Lelia R., Joann R., & Yvonne D. for the "just deserts."


text:
I've had this problem occur at random, intermittently, across boxes at multiple companies, multiple distros, and multiple kernel revs. I think that I'm just cursed.
What happens is that I'll have a new box loaded, and I'll be doing something inside ssh, like a yum update or an apt-get. Everything will be progressing fine and then the session just stops. The ssh doesn't disconnect, it's almost as if someone sent a scroll lock keypress to the session.
If I hit enter, or space, or just about any keystroke in the ssh session, the session wakes back up and its as if nothing went wrong.
I once upon a time tracked down an issue like this and found that the interactive processes were entering SLEEP status. I can't confirm that this is the same behavior in this case, but I will amend the question if I can pinpoint that specific cause.
Regardless, I was never able to figure out why the processes were randomly going into sleep.
Has anyone had this or a similar issue and have any insight into what might be causing it?


text:
Global trade and the spread of ideas and knowledge would not be possible without the skilled work of professional
translators, interpreters and translation companies. The following guidelines, created by members of the ProZ.com
community to encourage a focus on quality and professionalism among buyers and suppliers of language services,
may optionally be endorsed by professionals and companies using the site.
Endorsement and adherence to these guidelines is a requirement for participation in the ProZ.com Certified PRO Network (CPN).
ProZ.com Ideas
(Powered by UserVoice)
Ideas submitted by the community
Your ideas for ProZ.com
Promote or demote ideas
View forum without registering on UserVoice.
You can request verification for native languages by completing a simple application that takes only a couple of minutes.
Review native language verification applications submitted by your peers. Reviewing applications can be fun and only takes a few minutes.


text:
John Jay Jackson,
Business, Legal and Political Activities,
1847 - 1859
By Jacob C. Baas, Jr.
The public career of John Jay Jackson, Jr. of Parkersburg extended over some six decades in western Virginia and West Virginia. His impact upon the Civil War in western Virginia, the "New State Movement," and the economic development of West Virginia was considerable. Yet, the events of Jackson's early life and private career are little known because of the apparent absence of personal papers.
From 1847 to 1859, John Jay Jackson, Jr. appeared on the business and political scene in western Virginia as the ambitious son of a prominent family. Jackson's business and political careers began almost immediately after he had completed preparations for the legal profession. From 1847 to 1859, he applied himself to a variety of business enterprises in western Virginia and held public office for a total of nine years. His public career consisted of two consecutive terms in the Virginia House of Delegates and several years' service as prosecuting attorney for Ritchie and Wirt counties. Almost without exception, Jackson's activities, whether public or private, closely paralleled those of his father, General John Jay Jackson.1 Dependence upon his father's influence and reputation continued until he received appointment as a federal judge in 1861, when circumstances demanded that he assume very different obligations.
Just as the elder Jackson's reputation benefited his son, the general's friendship with men like Gideon D. Camden, Johnson N. Camden, Jonathan M. Bennett, Peter G. Van Winkle and William P. Rathbone was an indispensable advantage. It would not be an exaggeration to say that, aside from his father, these friendships with leading business and political figures in western Virginia were the younger Jackson's greatest assets. These men were either business associates of General Jackson or related to the Jackson family, and all were helpful to the son.
Although Jackson divided his time between legal, business and political interests during these years, he was most frequently preoccupied with business activities. Indeed, his actions suggested that the advancement of personal and family business interests were usually uppermost in his mind. In contrast, Jackson's official duties as prosecuting attorney of Ritchie and Wirt counties and his two terms in the House of Delegates were merely shortŸterm ventures. From 1847-58, he indicated no aspirations for higher political office in Virginia or nationally.
Jackson began his public career in 1848 when he was elected the first prosecuting attorney of Wirt County. Several months later, twentyŸfour years old and entirely without experience in law enforcement, he was appointed to the same position in Ritchie County.2 Apparently, his father's influence was crucial in securing the position in Ritchie County. At the time of his appointment, Jackson's legal experience was limited to two years as a junior partner in his father's law office. The fact that Judge David A. McComas, a close friend of General Jackson, offered him the appointment in Ritchie County suggests the office was bestowed as a matter of personal friendship.3
Being prosecuting attorney of Ritchie and Wirt counties was not a fullŸtime occupation, and Jackson spent little time in Harrisville or Elizabeth. His presence was required only when the county courts were in session, and these sessions were ordinarily brief. As the prosecuting attorney for these counties, Jackson handled all criminal prosecutions on behalf of the state. He prosecuted a wide variety of cases, especially those involving counterfeiting, larceny and assault. The young prosecutor, although inexperienced, was very successful in gaining convictions.4
During the years Jackson served as a public official in Ritchie and Wirt counties, these areas were "invaded" by the political and business leaders of nearby Wood County. The most important political and judicial offices in these relatively new political jurisdictions were held by residents of Wood County.5 Ritchie County was formed in 1843 from portions of Wood, Lewis and Harrison counties; Wirt County was organized in 1848 from Wood and Jackson counties in the same manner.6 Ritchie and Wirt counties were prime targets for land speculators during the late 1840s and early 1850s. Men like Peter G. Van Winkle, William L. Jackson and General Jackson took advantage of the opportunities available in these counties. Frequently, they were appointed to local public offices, as in the case of John Jay Jackson, Jr. and William L. Jackson. More often, they acted with residents to speculate in land and natural resources. Although Ritchie County was not as important to the Jacksons as Wirt, they acquired a small fifty-acre holding near Harrisville. Their land ventures in Ritchie County were conducted in cooperation with General Jackson's nephew, James B. Blair.7
In Wirt County, William P. Rathbone and his sonŸinŸlaw Peter G. Van Winkle worked with William L. Jackson, Gideon D. Camden, Jackson and his father to purchase tracts of land for future speculation. Rathbone was already one of the largest landowners in the county, and the other men were either related by family ties or were business associates. Most of the land purchased by the Jacksons in Wirt County was in the vicinity of the Little Kanawha River and close to property owned by the Rathbone family.8
It was as a business partner and legal counselor rather than county prosecutor that Jackson was involved with these land speculators. Most important, he gained the friendship and confidence of men already conspicuous in business and politics. Gideon D. Camden was the judge of the TwentyŸfirst Judicial Circuit, and William L. Jackson held the same position in the Nineteenth Judicial Circuit.9 During the few years that he served as prosecuting attorney in Ritchie and Wirt counties, Jackson gained entrance into a group of men who mixed business interests and political ambitions without regard to party politics. William L. Jackson and Gideon D. Camden were wellŸknown Democrats, while Peter G. Van Winkle, General Jackson and his sons were Whigs. This difference never interfered with their cooperation in business matters of mutual interest. Jackson's career continued to benefit from these relationships until the complicated circumstances of the secession crisis interrupted business affairs and political alliances. Lack of evidence makes it impossible to determine the exact nature of Jackson's business activities in Ritchie and Wirt counties, but public records show that he and his father acquired both property and mineral interests during these years.10
The Jacksons of Parkersburg were staunch supporters of the Whig Party in state and national politics. Although many of their friends and relatives were Democrats, General Jackson and his sons chose Virginia's minority party, probably as an expression of their dissatisfaction with the domination of the eastern counties. Like many western Virginians, their political loyalties were determined more by state politics than national events. There is no evidence that General Jackson or his oldest son held any attachments for Henry Clay or other prominent Whigs as an explanation for their political loyalties. In fact, General Jackson served under Andrew Jackson in the Seminole Campaign of 1820Ÿ21 and was on friendly terms with the future Democratic president.11 As lawyers and men of property and wealth, Jackson and his father were undoubtedly in agreement with traditional Whig demands for internal improvements and soundŸmoney policies, but they were more often absorbed with local political issues.12 Throughout these years, Virginia was controlled by eastern Democrats engrossed with problems of the tariff and slavery and, therefore, not overly concerned with western demands for improved transportation. As a minority faction within a minority party, western Whigs were hardly in a position to challenge eastern interests. Similarly, western Democrats were a minority faction within their party and also unable to make their party responsive to the needs of their region.13
The major political issue for western Virginians during the 1850s was internal improvements. A few years earlier, westerners had concentrated their efforts on the "representation question" and succeeded in expanding the franchise and winning the promise of reapportionment in the Reform Convention of 1850. In spite of these concessions, the sectional antagonism remained after 1850, with the western counties resuming their demands for internal improvements, while eastern Virginians were more concerned with the slavery issue and the constitutional debate over state's rights.14 Jackson and his father, neither of whom was especially interested in the slavery question, recognized the crucial need for better transportation and concentrated their attention on this issue.15
Shortly after he resigned as prosecuting attorney of Ritchie and Wirt counties, Jackson directed his political ambitions toward the Virginia legislature. He resigned as prosecutor of Ritchie County at the fall term of the county court in 1849 and left his post in Wirt County early the following year.16 Following his father's example, Jackson sought election to the House of Delegates from Wood County. General Jackson was first elected to the House of Delegates in 1838, and reŸelected to four terms during the 1840s.17 After a generally mild and unspectacular election campaign, Jackson took his seat in the House of Delegates in January 1852 and continued to serve a second term through 1855.18 Jackson's position as a freshman delegate obligated him to act with a degree of restraint and deference toward more prominent and powerful members of the legislature. As a result, his performance during his first term appeared lackluster and passive. Nonetheless, because of reapportionment, Jackson was in a stronger position to represent the western counties than his father or any other transŸAllegheny delegate of previous years. Following the Reform Convention of 1850, the apportionment for the House of Delegates was based upon the census of 1850 with the result that western Virginia controlled 51 percent of the lower house.19 As a result, western delegates in general exercised greater control over legislative matters.
As a member of the House of Delegates, Jackson frequently acted in concert with other delegates from western counties on measures of importance to their region. Lewis County Delegate Jonathan M. Bennett was his most frequent ally and often collaborated in supporting and opposing bills and service on committees.20 Jackson was initially assigned to a seat on the Committee on County Organization, which he maintained through 1852Ÿ53. He did not exert any substantial influence as a member of this committee, but he was responsible for reporting its decisions to the full House.21 In addition to this responsibility, Jackson served on at least one special committee during the 1853 legislative session. This committee was authorized to investigate charges of discriminatory rate practices against the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Jackson actively participated in the committee's deliberations and played a significant role in its final decision.22
The years from 1845 through the midŸ1850s saw important developments in internal improvements in Virginia. The transŸAllegheny region, increasingly aware of its commercial isolation, became more desirous of facilities to overcome this deficiency. During the 1830s, various turnpike and canal projects were advanced as solutions, but during the 1840s the railroad became the answer most acceptable to western Virginians.23 As western indignation rose over the lack of satisfactory transportation facilities, eastern Virginians recognized the ultimate benefits resulting from closer ties between the two regions. The Northwestern Turnpike and the James River and Kanawha Canal project were possible answers to the transportation problem, but neither proved satisfactory. Transportation systems combining different types of carriers, such as turnpikes and canals, were not feasible. Such systems were unattractive due to the expense and loss of time involved in transferring freight from one carrier to another. Moreover, railroad transportation offered superior capacity and speed.24
By 1842, the B&O reached Cumberland, Maryland and planned to extend the line west to the Ohio River. In general, westerners were enthusiastic about this project, regarding it as the answer to their problems.25 The controversy that developed over the extension of the B&O, and the accompanying struggle between eastern and western factions, was the most important aspect of Jackson's career in the Virginia legislature. Although most of the B&O controversy was resolved by the time of his election to the House of Delegates, Jackson quickly became involved in the debate and other internal improvement issues. Jackson's enthusiasm for expanding internal transportation was generally limited to projects directly affecting Wood County and his family. He was not an active participant in any of the political disputes over representation between eastern and western factions.26
Having the B&O cross into western Virginia appeared very attractive to westerners, especially in Parkersburg and Wheeling. After the B&O obtained permission to build its western route, Parkersburg and Wheeling vied as prospective sites for the western terminus. Both cities were anxious to be chosen, and representatives of each used every available method to gain preference for their city.27 In 1847, the General Assembly finally decided in favor of Wheeling.28 This decision left Parkersburg and the adjacent area without any immediate prospect for an improved transportation link with eastern markets. In spite of this setŸback, the possibility of gaining a railroad connection for Wood County was not entirely lost. The proposed route of the B&O was to extend from Cumberland to Wheeling via Grafton and Fairmont, bringing it within approximately one hundred miles of Parkersburg at Grafton. This distance would allow for the construction of a shortŸline railroad linking Wood County with the major line. Plans to achieve this goal, set in motion around 1850, aroused considerable interest in the legislature during Jackson's terms in the House of Delegates. Jackson was among the foremost proponents of this project, and he used his position in the legislature to insure eventual success.
Beginning in the midŸ1840s eastern Virginians sought to develop a closer commercial relationship between transŸAllegheny counties and the capital. The James River and Kanawha Canal project had been a means to achieve this end. With the expansion of the B&O, easterners became noticeably more reluctant to give their approval to any internal improvements program that threatened to draw the produce of the western counties out of the state.29 The B&O represented such a threat, giving the port of Baltimore an advantage over Virginia's major port at Norfolk. For these reasons, eastern interests initially obstructed the extension of the B&O and then resisted attempts to connect Parkersburg with the main line at Grafton. This reluctance so angered western Virginians that a group of delegates, representing thirteen counties surrounding the towns of Parkersburg, Weston and Clarksburg, threatened to "vote against all appropriations for railways and canals in other parts of the state" until their demands were granted.30 The ultimatum carried enough force to persuade the General Assembly to permit the incorporation of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad in 1851. The articles of incorporation listed Jonathan M. Bennett among the twelve incorporators and allowed issuance of stock up to thirty thousand dollars. Aside from Jackson, Bennett was perhaps the most persistent and enthusiastic advocate of the railroad in the House of Delegates.31
The Northwestern Virginia Railroad was a project of considerable longŸrange importance to Wood County, and offered immediate rewards for Jackson and his family. It demonstrated the Jacksons' ability to combine business and politics to the advantage of both. Immediately following his election to the House of Delegates in 1851, Jackson actively engaged in a campaign to have his father chosen president of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad Company. The first president of this railroad, James Cook of Parkersburg, was to be replaced in 1852 at the first meeting of the board of directors. By acting as his father's agent, Jackson hoped to rally the major stockholders behind General Jackson to retain Parkersburg's control of the railroad.
Jackson and Jonathan M. Bennett worked diligently, but failed to achieve this goal.32 Thomas Swann, President of the B & O, was elected president, and Bennett lost his seat on the board of directors.33 The Jacksons and their closest ally temporarily lost control of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad.
Construction of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad, begun in 1852, one year before the completion of the B&O line to Wheeling, was completed in 1857. Jackson and his father heavily invested in this railroad and would eventually realize handsome profits. Both men sold several large tracts of land in the vicinity of Parkersburg to the Northwestern Virginia Railroad.34 Approximately one year later, circumstances arose that required Jackson to use his political position to protect his investment and the economic future of Wood County. Early in 1853, rumors circulated that interested parties in Norfolk and Richmond intended to change the terminus of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad to an undisclosed point south of Parkersburg. Jackson was well aware of the consequences of such a maneuver and took immediate action. Without consulting the board of directors, he initiated action in the House of Delegates to block any proposed change of route.35 In February 1853, Jackson introduced a bill to amend the original act incorporating the Northwestern Virginia Railroad. This amendment stipulated that the new railroad could not meet the Ohio River except within the boundaries of the city of Parkersburg. Jackson and Bennett acted quickly before the opposition could be mobilized against their plan. The passage of this bill on February 25, 1853, settled any remaining questions as to the future of this railroad and protected the Jacksons' investment.36
With the Northwestern Virginia Railroad about to begin construction in 1852 and its board of directors soliciting investments, a group of eastern politicians proposed that the Commonwealth of Virginia purchase a controlling block of the railroad's securities. The major concern of this group, strongly represented by Norfolk and Richmond interests, was that the Northwestern Virginia Railroad would fall under the control of the B&O if the state did not act immediately.37 Easterners' fears were not without some basis, since at least two stockholders in the new railroad envisioned just such an eventuality. These two stockholders, Jackson and Jonathan M. Bennett, hoped to interest officials of the B&O in the Northwestern Virginia Railroad. Almost a year before, when Thomas Swann was elected president of this railroad, Jackson and Bennett tried to persuade him of the great potential of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad and asked that the B&O underwrite a portion of this venture.38 The possibility that the state might invest in the bonds of this railroad was viewed by both men as a genuine threat to its future. As members of the House of Delegates, they were in a position to exert influence to oppose such a plan and prevent its unwelcome consequences. Shortly before the beginning of construction, it appeared that the General Assembly might authorize the purchase of bonds sufficient to gain control over the Northwestern Virginia Railroad. Bennett attempted to forestall this plan by introducing a motion in the House of Delegates requesting the Committee of Roads and Internal Navigation review the feasibility of purchasing these bonds.39 During this investigation most of the bonds were sold to the B&O with the approval of the board of directors of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad.40 When completed in 1857, the B&O had financial control of a valuable transportation line that served fourteen counties and approximately sixty-three thousand people.41
Jackson was an enthusiastic proponent of transportation systems for the transŸAllegheny region, however, commitment to internal improvements was usually determined by family business interests. The Jackson family was widely respected in Wood County for their efforts to develop transportation facilities.42 Jackson never hesitated to cooperate with a friend and business associate like Jonathan M. Bennett, especially on railroad or turnpike matters, but other western Virginians failed to receive similar support. For example, Jackson and Bennett collaborated to repair the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike and bring a branch of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad into Weston.43 On another occasion, however, Jackson worked to defeat a bill to construct a railroad from Wayne County to Parkersburg.
In 1852, Wayne County Delegate Jeremiah Wellman introduced a bill for the construction of a railroad line from the Big Sandy River northward to the Northwestern Virginia Railroad at Parkersburg.44 Because the completion of this railroad would give Charleston a link with the B&O, Jackson refused to support this bill and even argued against the proposed legislation. His reasons were not entirely clear, and newspaper accounts give little insight into his motives. Possibly he believed a railroad connection with the southwestern counties offered few commercial advantages for Parkersburg. More likely, Jackson was reluctant to follow a course of action designed to benefit a city that he viewed as Parkersburg's commercial rival. Any commercial advantage Charleston would have gained over Parkersburg is debatable, but Jackson contributed to the bill's defeat by voting against the Big Sandy Railroad legislation. His actions elicited strong protests from Charleston area newspapers, but were defended in Wood County as wellŸintentioned and legitimate.45 Jackson's opposition was determined by his desire to protect the economic interests of Parkersburg. Whatever his motives, Jackson's actions revealed a selective commitment to internal improvements for western Virginia.
In contrast to his refusal to support the Big Sandy Railroad legislation, Jackson rarely missed an opportunity to act on behalf of his own county, specifically when family interests were involved. As a member of the House of Delegates, he scrutinized legislative activities that affected transportation and especially that relating to the needs of new railroads in his region. The B&O had many enemies in the General Assembly, who occasionally mounted efforts to harass and restrain this railroad. In December 1852, Hampshire County Delegate James Allen introduced a motion calling for an investigation of the line. Allen was supported by a group of eastern delegates who argued that the B&O was guilty of setting discriminatory tonŸmile rate schedules.46 The allegations accused the railroad of profiteering from unfair rates that discriminated between customers east and west of Cumberland, Maryland. Allen's motion noted that shippers east of Cumberland were penalized by the railroad, since they paid higher freight rates than shippers west of Cumberland. Amid talk of disciplinary action and the possible revocation of its charter, Allen's motion was turned over to the Committee of Roads and Internal Navigation, which was instructed to investigate the charges and recommend an appropriate course of action.47 Whether this investigation was a serious attempt to cripple the B&O or another example of eastern harassment, the line was fortunate that Jackson was a member of the standing committee.48
The Committee on Roads and Internal Navigation met only a few times before members asked that they be released from their duties because the eastern and western delegates were unable to cooperate and reach a unanimous conclusion. On February 18, 1853, the House of Delegates transferred the investigation of the railroad to a "select committee" chosen from the members of the Committee on Roads and Internal Navigation.49
Jackson, Jonathan M. Bennett and other members of the "select committee" had begun meeting during the third week of February.50 Although its sessions extended over two months, the "select committee" accomplished little more than its predecessor. Finally on April 1, 1853, deliberations ended and the "select committee" presented its conclusions to the House of Delegates. The committee split into majority and minority factions, with each preparing a separate report. Both reports recognized certain irregularities in the B&O's rate schedule, and both suggested that the Board of Public Works continue the investigation, but they differed substantially in emphasis. Jackson prepared and delivered the majority report, which cautiously and tentatively recommended further inquiries into the matter without making any solid accusations.51 The minority report made precisely the same recommendations concerning the Board of Public Works, but was openly critical of the rate schedules in question.52 Jonathan M. Bennett, in one of the few instances where he and Jackson disagreed on the subject of internal improvements was, according to Bennett's biographer Harvey M. Rice, acting on his principles and exhibited great independence of thought in this matter.53 However, Bennett, who had lost his seat on the board of directors of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad when Thomas Swann was elected president of that line the year before, might have lost his enthusiasm for the B&O.
The investigation of the B&O clearly revealed the political motives and priorities of Jackson as a member of the House of Delegates. His efforts to protect the railroad undoubtedly reflected the views of his father and other Wood County interests. Jackson's objective in this matter was not to exonerate the B&O, but to protect it by delaying any harmful, punitive actions. On April 11, 1853, the House of Delegates adopted both reports and the Board of Public Works was instructed to continue the investigation during the next session of the legislature.54 By declining to recommend any immediate or substantive action, the majority faction of the "select committee" postponed the issue for a period of months. Jackson anticipated that the controversy over rate discrimination would subside, and that circumstances would be more favorable to the B&O during the next session. That his own constituents were not among the victims of the alleged rate discrimination undoubtedly influenced his actions.
In state politics, the 1850s were difficult years for conservative Whigs like the Jacksons of Parkersburg. Aside from occasional political victories, events in Virginia appeared to be running against them. The Whig Party of Virginia traditionally embraced a conservative viewpoint that appealed to its commerceŸoriented, propertyŸconscious constituents.55 Throughout the midŸ1850s Virginia's Whigs experienced a steady decline that left many former members isolated and without effective political organization. From 1852 to 1856, the Whigs split into factions, and some members simply crossed over to the Democratic Party. Many Virginia Whigs temporarily drifted to the KnowŸNothing Party, mainly because of its support for internal improvements.56 Many prominent Whig leaders, including the Jacksons of Parkersburg, were reluctant to support KnowŸNothing candidates because of their antiŸCatholicism.57
Other former Whigs, particularly in the eastern counties, became vehemently proŸsouthern and virtually indistinguishable from "fireŸeating Democrats." For western Whigs, including Jackson and his father, the ideological extremism of proŸsouthern Whigs and Democrats was wholly unacceptable. The historic antagonism between eastern and western Virginia was only intensified by the East's growing preoccupation with secession.58
Western Whigs, who were politically isolated due to the disintegration of the party, looked for other means to express their opposition to the current leadership of the state. Following the demise of the KnowŸNothing Party in the election of 1856, many former Whigs, KnowŸNothings, and a few Republicans drifted together into a coalition known as the Opposition Party.59 Many conservative westerners were in a state of political suspension without firm attachments to any political group. There is little information concerning the political activities of Jackson or his family during these years, because none of them held political office outside of Wood County.60 With the decline of the Whig Party, the Jacksons appeared to withdraw from state politics.
The political confusion and party realignments occurring in Virginia during the midŸ1850s culminated in the gubernatorial election of 1859. This election produced a vigorous challenge to the Democratic leadership from the Opposition Party, as well as a renewal of the sectional conflict within Virginia. The Jacksons' inactivity in this campaign resulted from the choice of candidates and business interests at home.
Slavery and the continuing eastŸwest controversy were the key issues in the 1859 election. The choice of candidates reflected both parties' awareness of these issues. The Opposition Party held its nominating convention on February 10, 1859, and selected William L. Goggin for governor and Waitman T. Willey for lieutenant governor. Willey was a native of Monongalia County and a friend of the Jackson family. Goggin, an easterner, was well-known to western Virginians, but less acceptable as a candidate than Willey.61 In contrast to Willey, Goggin was outspoken in his defense of slavery. Western members of the Opposition Party disapproved of his emphasis on slavery and argued that it should not be the principal issue in this campaign. Although Jackson and his father publicly supported the Opposition Party, the choice of Goggin was a disappointment to them. Western leaders like the Jacksons were most concerned about the Wise administration's indifference toward internal improvements and allegations of corruption.62
For Virginia Democrats, the choice of gubernatorial candidates was complicated by factional rivalry within the party. The election of 1859 evolved as yet another phase of the struggle between Robert M. T. Hunter and Henry A. Wise for control of the Democratic Party. Hunter, long associated with the state's rights wing of the party, became more moderate after the death of John C. Calhoun. Wise was the more conservative of the two, and believed to be proŸwestern following his advocacy of internal improvements at the Reform Convention of 1850.63 Western Whigs and Democrats frequently supported Wise in preference to Hunter, since the latter was considered an opponent of the West. In the General Assembly's election of a United States Senator in 1852, Jackson and Bennett rallied western Whigs in an unsuccessful effort to elect Wise instead of Hunter.64 Western opposition toward Hunter continued to be the pattern until the gubernatorial contest of 1859.
Competition for the Democratic nomination was intense, and each faction advanced a candidate who reflected its particular views on major issues. The incumbent Wise faction ran Judge John W. Brockenbrough, while the Hunter group supported John Letcher. Although well-known in the western counties, Brockenbrough had never been popular in the region. More than a decade earlier, General Jackson and Jonathan M. Bennett tried unsuccessfully to block his appointment as judge of the U. S. District Court for western Virginia. Brockenbrough received the appointment to the federal bench instead of several well-qualified westerners.65 Additionally, Wise lost many westerners' confidence by the late 1850s. Several of Jackson's friends and political allies, including Gideon D. Camden and Jonathan M. Bennett, supported the Wise candidate, but many conservative former Whigs crossed over to support Letcher.66 Ironically, these conservative western Virginians backed the candidate of the "Hunter Democrats," a complete reversal of the political pattern of the previous decade that enabled Letcher to defeat Brockenbrough for the Democratic nomination.67
The outcome of Virginia's gubernatorial election of 1859 gave John Letcher a clear victory over his opponent by carrying all of the counties that comprise presentŸday West Virginia, except for the valley counties of Morgan, Berkeley and Jefferson. Undoubtedly a more attractive candidate for western Virginians than Goggin, considering their respective views on slavery, Letcher received a 4,345-vote majority from this area, while the same region had only given Wise a 348 vote advantage over Thomas Flournoy in 1855.68 The candidate of the Opposition Party made a strong showing in the election but Letcher's triumph was a victory for the conservative interests in Virginia, especially in the western counties. Slavery and secession issues hurt Goggin more in the west than Letcher in the east.69 Neither Jackson nor his father declared publicly any preference for either candidate. Although both men supported the Opposition Party, they disliked Goggin and took no active part in the campaign.70 While neither party offered an acceptable candidate and a satisfactory platform, the business affairs of the Jackson family provided the real reason for their apparent disinterest in state politics.
Throughout 1859-60, the most dramatic developments in Virginia revolved around events in state and national politics: the HunterŸWise contest, the 1859 gubernatorial election, John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry, and the presidential election of 1860. Nonetheless, business affairs in the western counties held greater interest than politics for Jackson. Early in 1859, oil was discovered at a site along the Little Kanawha River in eastern Wirt County.71 This discovery turned the region known as Burning Springs into a booming center for land speculators and "wildcatters" within a few months. The oil boom was well underway by the end of the year, and Jackson and his father were involved from the beginning.
Jackson's involvement in business affairs during this crucial stage in state and national politics reveals his personal interests and priorities. Aside from serving as a presidential elector in 1860, there is no evidence that he left the western counties during these months. Jackson and his father had business and personal acquaintances in Wirt County that enabled them to invest profitably in land speculation early in the oil boom. Jackson's cousin, William L. Jackson was presiding judge over the Nineteenth Judicial Circuit when oil was discovered.72 It was on Rathbone's land, the largest landowner in the vicinity of Burning Springs, that the earliest and most productive wells were located. Peter G. Van Winkle, one of General Jackson's earliest law partners, was married to Rathbone's daughter and provided another link between the Jackson and Rathbone families.73 Business and personal ties with the Rathbone family proved to be a valuable asset.
By the time the Burning Springs oil boom reached its peak in late 1860, Jackson and his father were major investors in land speculation and oil drilling. Parkersburg became the commercial center of the Wirt County oil fields.74 As "oil fever" spread and larger numbers of "wildcatdrillers" descended upon this region, the advantages enjoyed by the earliest investors became more obvious. The elder Jackson never invested in any of the drilling operations at Burning Springs, apparently content to limit his activities to land speculation. His oldest son, however, was involved in almost every phase of the oil boom. One of the earliest partnerships was formed to construct a toll road from Parkersburg to the drilling area in eastern Wirt County. Included in the partnership were Johnson N. Camden, Arthur I. Boreman, William P. Rathbone and Jackson, although General Jackson may have been a silent partner. The purpose of this undertaking was to gain control over the transportation of oil taken from Burning Springs. Completed within a few months, the toll road failed to give the partners control over the transportation of oil because of the availability of other methods and routes of transportation.75
Jackson's activities at Burning Springs, as previously indicated, were not limited to a single phase of the oil business. He entered into six separate partnerships for different purposes, but usually with the same partners. Jackson formed one of the earliest drilling companies in the area in partnership with Gideon D. Camden and his nephew, Johnson N. Camden. Their agreement involved only a ten-acre site and was not profitable financially.76 His other partnerships were with William L. Jackson, William P. Rathbone and Peter G. Van Winkle. "Jackson, Camden and Company," proved of short duration, lasting only three months.77
The Burning Springs oil boom developed at a decidedly inopportune time considering the impending disruption of the Union. In comparison with political events occurring between 1859-60, the discovery of oil in Wirt County would seem to have held little importance for Jackson; yet this was not the case. Jackson observed his customary balance between his business and political interests, treating neither as separate nor exclusive endeavors; politics served business whenever possible. To determine Jackson's personal priorities, it is necessary to infer conclusions from his actions. Aside from a trip to Richmond in 1860 to cast his electoral vote, Jackson demonstrated no overriding interest in state or national politics in 1859-60 because business affairs at Burning Springs absorbed his interests.
Even the outbreak of hostilities in 1860 did not entirely upset these business relationships or Jackson's interest in commercial activities. Jackson and several of his partners occasionally speculated on property and various business ventures long after his appointment to the Federal bench in 1861. Yet, the war and his duties as a Federal judge caused Jackson to subordinate his business activities and to play a more passive role in these partnerships. Throughout the war, Jackson continued to exhibit a keen interest in the commercial affairs of his family and their business associates in western Virginia. Indeed, this pattern of behavior was remarkably consistent over the remaining forty-seven years of his life.
1. Charles Jackson, "The Jackson Family," Parkersburg News, 4 February 1926.
2. Stephen C. Shaw, Sketches of NorthŸWestern Virginia (Parkersburg: George Elleston, Job Printer, 1878), 6.
3. Judge McComas sponsored Jackson's application for admission to the Bar of Virginia and later testified as to his competency to practice law.
4. Ritchie County Order Book, Vol. I (1843Ÿ45); Ritchie County Minute Book, Vol. I (1843Ÿ48); Letter from L. H. Summers to Jacob C. Baas, 22 Jan 1973, author's possession. Mr. Summers, former clerk of the Ritchie County Circuit Court, was especially helpful in locating materials pertinent to Jackson's career as prosecuting attorney.
5. In Wirt County, the following men were members of Bar and County Court: Arthur I. Boreman, James B. Blair, James M. Jackson, John Jay Jackson, Jr., Peter G. Van Winkle and James G. Stringer. James C. Rathbone was the County Surveyor. In Ritchie County, James G. Stringer was the first county attorney, and he was succeeded by James B. Blair. All of these men, except Rathbone, were residents of Wood County. Hardesty's Historical and Geographical Encyclopedia (Chicago: H. H. Hardesty & Company, 1883), 297Ÿ98.
6. Minnie K. Lowther, History of Ritchie County (Wheeling: Wheeling News Lithograph Co., 1911), 430; Hardesty's Encyclopedia, 297.
7. There is no evidence that the Jacksons carried on extensive business activities in Ritchie County. Entries in Volumes I and II of the Ritchie County Deed Books (1848Ÿ52) show three land transactions between the Jacksons and James B. Blair, but nothing to compare with their activities during the Burning Springs "oil boom" in Wirt County.
8. Wirt County Deed Book, Vol. 4, 596.
9. Louis Reed, "Footnote to Judge Gideon Draper Camden," West Virginia History, 26(April 1965): 191.
1O. The Jacksons' landholdings in these counties amounted to over one hundred acres from 1848-56. As indicated previously, the greater part of these holdings were in Wirt County.
11. John Jay Jackson, Sr. to Andrew Jackson, 22 Sep 1821 and 12 Apr 1823, Andrew Jackson Papers, Microfilm 1113, West Virginia Univ. Library, Morgantown, WV.
12. Charles H. Ambler, Francis H. Pierpont: Union War Governor of Virginia and Father of West Virginia (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1937), 51.
13. Ibid.
14. Charles H. Ambler, Sectionalism in Virginia from 1776 to 1861 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1910), 266.
15. Parkersburg Gazette, 9 May 1851.
16. L. H. Summers to Jacob C. Baas, 22 Jan 1973.
17. Henry H. Simms, The Rise of the Whigs in Virginia, 1824Ÿ1840 (Richmond: The William Byrd Press, Inc., 1929), 184, 188.
18. The election was held in May 1851. Neither the Parkersburg Gazette nor the Parkersburg NewsŸSentinel reported much activity with regard to this campaign. Aside from advertisements furnished by the candidates, there was virtually no coverage of public speeches, debates or political rallies.
19. The ThirtyŸFifth State: A Documentary History, ed. by Elizabeth Cometti and Festus P. Summers (Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1966), 252.
2O. Journal of the House of Delegates, Virginia, 1852, passim; hereafter referred to as House Journal.
21. Ibid., 167, 172.
22. "Minority Report of the Special Committee on the Subject of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad," Documents of the House of Delegates of the State of Virginia, 1853, No. 78, 3.
23. Virginius Dabney, Virginia: The New Dominion (Garden City: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1971), 219.
24. Ibid., 220.
25. Daisy E. Fultz, "Virginia Politics as Reflected in the Letters and Papers of Jonathan McCally Bennett, 1845Ÿ60," (M.A. Thesis, West Virginia Univ., 1936), 9.
26. Shaw, Sketches, 6.
> 27. I.F. Boughter, "Internal Improvements in Northwestern Virginia," (Ph.D. Diss., Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1930), 241Ÿ45.
28. Fultz, "Letters and Papers of Bennett," 10.
29. Boughter, "Internal Improvements," 250.
3O. Dabney, Virginia, 221.
32. Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1850Ÿ1851, 70; hereafter, acts of the Virginia legislature will be referred to as Acts, followed by specific year.
32. John Jay Jackson, Jr. to Jonathan M. Bennett, 12 Jul 1851, Jonathan M. Bennett Papers, West Virginia Univ. Library, Morgantown, WV.
33. Harvey M. Rice, The Life of Jonathan M. Bennett: A Study of the Virginians in Transition (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1943), 52.
34. Wood County Deed Book, Vol. 17, 169.
35. Peter G. Van Winkle to Jonathan M. Bennett, 26 Mar 1853, Bennett Papers.
36. Acts, 1852Ÿ53, 153.
37. Minter Bailey to Jonathan M. Bennett, 7 Feb 1852, Bennett Papers.
38. Fultz, "Letters and Papers of Bennett," 11; Thomas Swann to Jonathan M. Bennett, 10 Apr 1851, Bennett Papers.
39. House Journal, 1852, 535.
40. Fultz, "Letters and Papers of Bennett," 11.
41. Dabney, Virginia, 221; Boughter, "Internal Improvements," 269.
42. Parkersburg Gazette, 2 Apr 1853.
43. House Journal, 1852, 379, 456.
44. Ibid., 413.
45. Parkersburg Gazette, 19 Mar 1853; The Western Virginian, 15 Mar 1853. 46. House Journal, 1853, 109Ÿ10.
47. Ibid., 268.
48. Rice, Life of Bennett, 70Ÿ72.
49. House Journal, 1852-53, 320.
50. Ibid., 354.
51. "Majority Report of the Special Committee on the Subject of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad," Documents, House of Delegates, Virginia, 1853, No. 78, 3.
52. "Minority Report of the Special Committee on the Subject of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad," ibid., 4.
53. Rice, Life of Bennett, 70.
54. House Journal, 1853.
55. Ambler, Pierpont, 52, 62.
56. Henry T. Shanks, The Secession Movement in Virginia, 1847Ÿ1861 (Richmond: Garrett and Massie, Publ., 1934), 51Ÿ52.
57. Rice, Life of Bennett, 61Ÿ75.
58. Ambler, Pierpont, 62, 65.
59. Roland L. Sevy, "John Letcher and West Virginia" (M.A. Thesis, West Virginia Univ., 1961), 29.
60. Actually, James Monroe Jackson was the only member of the family holding a political office at the time. He was elected prosecuting attorney of Wood County in 1856. Atkinson (ed.), Bench and Bar of West Virginia, 97Ÿ98.
61. Sevy, "John Letcher," 29.
62. Fultz, "Letters and Papers of Bennett," 34; Shanks, Secession Movement in Virginia, 59.
63. Sevy, "John Letcher," 24.
64. House Journal, 1852, 73.
65. John Jay Jackson, Sr. to Jonathan M. Bennett, 20 Dec 1845, Bennett Papers; Fultz, "Letters and Papers of Bennett," 16.
66. Shanks, Secession Movement in Virginia, 101.
67. Ibid., 64Ÿ65.
68. Francis N. Boney, John Letcher of Virginia (Tuscaloosa: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1966), 118.
69. William G. Bean, "John Letcher and the Slavery Issue in Virginia's Gubernatorial Election of 1858-1859," Journal of Southern History 23(1957): 46.
70. Shanks, Secession Movement in Virginia, 61; Shaw, Sketches, 7.
71. Eugene D. Thoenen, History of the Oil and Gas Industry in West Virginia (Charleston: Education Foundation, Inc., 1964), 73.
72. Reed, "Footnote," 193.
73. Thoenen, History of Oil and Gas, 14.
74. Festus P. Summers, Johnson N. Camden: A Study in Individualism (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1937), 89.
75. Thoenen, History of Oil and Gas, 21.
76. Wirt County Deed Book, Vol. 4, 596.
77. Summers, Camden, 90.
Volume 50
West Virginia History Journal
West Virginia History Center


text:
A crisis far worse than the fiscal cliff
Munich RE is an insurance company: what progressives often consider a methodical, calculating, machine using cold, heartless data to maximize profits. In a report to fellow insurance companies, Munich RE noted that the number of weather-related losses had quintupled over the past thirty years. In October, the company said, "Nowhere in the world is the rising number of natural catastrophes more evident than in North America."
This was not some tree-hugging environmental group: this was from the folks that pay out for catastrophes, and they know the score.
Story Continued Below
( PHOTOS: Fiscal cliff's key players)
You think the wrangling over the fiscal cliff is painful? Just wait until we feel a few more Hurricane Sandys.
New York Governor Andrew Cuomo testified about Sandy this week, stating: "This is a 50-to-60 billion dollar event" — and he was referring just to the New York portion of the recovery costs. In New Jersey, Governor Christie predicts costs to be $40 billion. We spent $16 billion on Hurricane Irene last year. And Hurricane Katrina cost the U.S. economy an estimated total of $250 billion. Hurricane damage makes the fiscal cliff look like a speed bump. Estimates for recovery from future events are in the trillions.
Over the next few years, recovery from catastrophic weather will either explode the deficit or implode domestic spending … or both. After all the necessary, life-saving FEMA spending, we're going to long for today's debt-to-GDP ratio.
We are racing to the tipping point. Right now. Not in a generation. Today. 2011 set a new record for carbon dioxide emissions. We are warming the planet – we're melting the ice sheets and rendering land unable to grow food. We're seeing rising ocean levels, droughts, floods, hurricanes, power outages, food shortages, and the price spikes and resource depletion that come with all of the above.
The New York Times reports that taxpayers insure coastal buildings to the tune of $527 billion through the National Flood Insurance Program, which has liabilities of $1.25 trillion - second only to Social Security. That's insanity, especially when we know what's coming. A real cliff. An environmental and financial cliff.


text:
Click To Enlarge
The comfort and durability of Rocky Mountain deerskin is nowhere more appreciated than in this American made glove. Versatile and tough. For horseback or ATV, for farm or construction, and all types of work and play. The seamless palm pattern provides unmatched comfort. Form fitting-sizes 7-12 including half sizes. Made in the USA.
- Item #: 3-YG-498-D


text: What are the benefits of having a central humidifier? When in heating mode, people are confined indoors with unusually dry air for extended periods each year. Humidifiers help the right comfort level of humidity, and properly maintained levels of humidity are beneficial for your respiratory system. Whole-house humidifiers work like old-fashioned room humidifiers. They distribute moisture into the air, making harsh, dry air much easier to breathe. And whole-house humidifiers help make the whole house comfortable, no more lugging a humidifier from room to room, spilling water on the floor as you go. Back To Frequently Asked Questions


text:
Privatizing Water
On April 8, 2000, Robinson Iriarte de la Fuente, a U.S.-trained captain in the Bolivian army, lifted his rifle and fired into a barricade line of protestors. The previous evening, Bolivia's President Hugo Banzer had imposed martial law and called in the military to clear the streets in Cochabamba, the country's third largest city. Despite the crackdown, thousands of people-retired workers, middle-class students, street children, small-scale farmers-had stormed the central plaza to continue their months-long demonstration against the government's privatization of the city's water works.
The World Bank had threatened to withhold $600 million in debt relief if Bolivia did not privatize its water utilities. So in September 1999, Cochabamba signed over control of its aging, inadequate waterworks to Aguas del Tunari, an international consortium led by the U.S.-based corporation Bechtel. Water bills in the average household rose in one month by 35 percent. Meanwhile service generally remained sporadic, with water running less than four hours a day in many parts of the city. In response, the Coordinadora for the Defense of Water and Life, a coalition of labor organizers, environmentalists, and social activists, organized a general strike that shut down the city.
Iriarte's shot instantly killed 17-year-old student Victor Hugo Daza, enraging the protesters. Hundreds more were injured. With the violence growing, the executives of Aguas del Tunari fled the city. Government officials called an emergency meeting and rescinded the water contract, saying the company had abandoned its 40-year, $2.5 billion concession.
The protesters declared victory. The Bolivian government returned control of the water system to the utility, and has involved the Coordinadora. "The people-not the leaders-said no to privatization of water because it is a resource we cannot live without," said labor organizer and head of the Coordinadora, Oscar Olivera, at a speech a few days later in Washington, D.C. But Cochabamba's water troubles are far from over.
Privatization of state-run industries and utilities has long been a prescription of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). But privatization "shock therapy," intended to help indebted countries lure investment from international corporations, has only recently been applied to public water systems. When world leaders at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992 recognized water as an "economic good," they were acknowledging the failure of governments to provide clean drinking water to more than 1.1 billion people. This international commodification of water has opened the door for corporations to prospect for profits from a crucial resource that many consider to be a human right.
"Water is a public trust and it is the responsibility of governments to see to it that all of their people have access to a safe and adequate supply," said Sandra Postel, director of the Global Water Policy Project in Amherst, Massachusetts. "But they haven't done this, so how will the job get done? Can the private sector be a helpful partner?" The answers to these questions are certain to be the center of fierce debates in the future, as more and more governments are now turning to privatization as a means to attract much-needed investment in aging and inadequate water systems.
There are now 36 countries-all in Africa, Asia, or the Middle East-that are water stressed, meaning that they do not have enough fresh water to meet the industrial, municipal, and food production needs of their people. Seven more countries-including Ethiopia, Iran, and Nigeria-will join the ranks of the water stressed by 2015.
With more and more demand for water and fewer available supplies, the water industry estimates that potential returns in the global water market could run around $1 trillion. The untapped market is vast: private companies currently provide less than 10 percent of the water services worldwide. The two largest water corporations, Vivendi and Suez Lyonnaise des Eaux (both based in France), each draw annual revenues of roughly $10 billion from water and wastewater services. Together they provide water to more than 200 million people in more than 120 countries.
While countries with generally well-run public water utilities like the United States have been slow to privatize water systems, many developing countries-faced with rapid urbanization and deteriorating water systems-are looking to the corporate sector for assistance. The World Bank estimates that providing infrastructure to meet increased demands for water in the next decade will cost more than $60 billion a year. Privatization has offered some governments the chance to attract the private capital and expertise needed to build and expand expensive water systems, and help connect the millions who currently make do without piped water.
Many poor communities currently rely on questionable water sources and expensive, small-scale private suppliers. In Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire, poor families pay 5 times the municipal rate; in Dhaka, Bangladesh, they pay 25 times; in Cairo, Egypt, 40 times. Privatization of the water utility in El Alto, Bolivia-where poor families currently pay more than 10 times as much for their water from tanker trucks than wealthier residents with piped water-is connecting poor communities to the municipal water system and reducing their water bills.
"In many countries water is a paternalistic sector-people expect water delivered at a low cost or for free," said Keegan Eisenstadt, a hydrologist with U.S.-based consulting firm Development Alternatives. "But as cities grow, this expectation makes it difficult for public utilities to raise enough money to maintain current systems, let alone build additional infrastructure." Managed carefully, privatization can help utilities improve their services by providing the capital and expertise needed to, for example, repair leaks in water mains, expand connections to unserved communities, or improve billing systems. But where governments have failed to provide adequate oversight, the results have been explosive.
Privatization schemes around the world have resulted in drastic rate increases, significant job cuts, fewer environmental safeguards, dropped conservation initiatives, and halted service to poor or remote communities. "Because the companies are motivated by profit and not public service, they have no incentive to supply the poor with water," says Maude Barlow, a leading opponent of water privatization with the advocacy group Council of Canadians, in her report Blue Gold.
In Tucuman Province in Argentina, a Vivendi subsidiary was forced to cancel its contract after large rate increases and poor water quality led to a general strike against paying water bills. In Ghana, where the average income is barely over $1 a day, massive protests broke out after the government nearly doubled water rates to prepare for privatization under pressure from the International Monetary Fund. In Atlanta, Georgia, the city council has threatened to cancel its contract with Suez after numerous cases of water contamination, and a decline in efficiency (the company has significantly cut staff to reduce its operating costs).
"The potential advantages of privatization are often greatest where governments have been weakest and failed to meet basic water needs," finds the Pacific Institute for Studies in Development, Environment, and Security in its thoughtful new report on water privatization. "Unfortunately, the worst risks of privatization are also where governments are weakest, where they are unable to provide the oversight and management functions necessary to protect public interests."
"Water privatization can foster corruption and result in rate hikes, inadequate customer service, and a loss of local control and accountability," said Wenonah Hauter of Public Citizen, a public advocacy group based in Washington, D.C. After years of lobbying from groups like Public Citizen, local unions, and other organizations, in November the city of New Orleans, Louisiana, turned down bids from Suez and Vivendi for a 20 year, billion dollar water contract.
"There is little doubt that the headlong rush to private markets has failed to address some of the most critical issues and concerns about water," said Peter Gleick, lead author of the Pacific Institute's report, "The New Economy of Water." Privatization may leave poor and under-served communities neglected, undermine conservation programs, or degrade ecosystems through efforts to tap new water sources. Still, the report concludes that private control of some elements of water provision-especially contracts with strong public oversight and the participation of affected parties-may help provide basic water needs for people and ecosystems, improve the efficiency and productivity of water systems, and facilitate equitable access to water for poor communities.
"How do we mobilize the capital needed to put in the pumps, pipes, and wells that are needed, and do it in a way that is fair, affordable, and environmentally sound?" asks Postel of the Global Water Policy Project. "Ideally, I'd rather the corporations stay out of it," she says. "They are motivated more by profits than public service, and they are accountable first and foremost to their shareholders, not the public. But that means governments need to step up to the plate."
Back in Cochabamba, the future of the city's water system is uncertain. While the Coordinadora's water cooperative has established new connections to a number of underserved communities and set up a huge new water tank, the system is still in disrepair and the utility is saddled by debts. New foreign investment looks unlikely, and 40 percent of the city remains without water service. And Bechtel is suing for breach of contract, demanding $25 million for its lost investment. But the Cochabamba water war has struck a chord around the world and raised serious questions about who will control water.


text:
The links below are collected here to help you locate more information in searching for prior art or in making money with your invention. The Akron-Summit County Public Library provides these external sources for informational purposes only, and inclusion on this page does not imply endorsement of individuals or of their services.
United States Patent and Trademark Office
The official United States Patent and Trademark page offers full text information on current and past patents and trademarks. It also has information on how to apply such as the necessary forms and fees.
European Patent Office
The website for the European patent office is the place to start if you are looking for information on foreign patents. It covers both European and non European patents.
United States Copyright Office
The official United States Copyright page offers information on how to get a copyright as well as historical information on current and past United States copyrights.
Google Patent Search
Google's patent search offers full text to current and past United States patents using the familiar Google search interface.
Akron-Summit County Public Library's Research Databases
Use this site to link to indexes of magazine and newspaper articles related to your industry. You will need an ASCPL library card to access.
World Intellectual Property Organization
Alphabetical list of intellectual property offices worldwide.
AkronScore Chapter 81
Offers help to start a small business or to make a small business more profitable including individual counseling, mentoring, workshops, and seminars.
Lorain Community College's Fab Lab
Provides a collection of commercially available machines that can be used to "conceptualize, design, develop, fabricate and test" your invention.
Small Entrepreneur and Economic Development (SEED) Legal Clinic
Low-cost legal and business assistance provided by University of Akron School of Law students with faculty supervision.
About.com's Market Assessment page
(Caution: lots of advertising on this page. Scroll down to get to the actual content and links.)
Information on the purpose and process of a marketability assessment (or invention evaluation), where to look for an invention evaluation, and what to seek in an evaluation professional.
Inventors Digest Magazine
The magazine dedicated to educating and inspiring independent and professional inventors. Check out their "Resources" section online for loads of great links, or read the print version in the Library's Magazines and Newspapers section.
Akron Makerspace
Akron Makerspace is a community-operated place where people can meet and work on projects. They provide an environment for people to educate, create and share amongst themselves and others within the domains of technology, art and science.
Many (but not all) consumer products companies accept submissions for new products. One way to find these companies, and the part of their website which lists the submission guidelines, is by doing a simple google search on the company name and the phrase "idea submission." For instance "proctor and gamble" "idea submission," ignoring the ads which will appear in a shaded box before the actual search results.
Often times, the first or second hit on the results page will be a link to that company's webpage for submitting an idea. Be sure to read any notices, guidelines, and FAQs before you send off your invention.And be aware that most companies will want your invention to be patented or patent-pending before you send them a submission.
Austen Bioinnovation Institute
Provides a forum to submit ideas for new medical devices.
Review the USPTO's scam prevention advice before making any move to submit your invention to or work with any firm offering promotion assistance.
Another service the US Patent & Trademark Office can offer is to list patents for sale or license in the Official Gazette. The list is published the second Tuesday of each month, and costs $25 per listing. Follow this link above for more information: http://www.uspto.gov/patents/publications/odmservices.jsp#lpsl.
Akron Inventors' Club
Craig Miloscia
Optic Lingo, Inc
43 East Market Street, Suite 203
Akron, OH 44308
TILE Techno Innovative Leaders Entrepreneurs
TILE is an entrepreneur/innovator group that meets once a month to foster the spirit of innovation and networking. Meetings are usually held on Tuesday evenings in the CBA building on the University of Akron campus. For more information, contact:
Craig Miloscia
Optic Lingo, Inc
43 East Market Street, Suite 203
Akron, OH 44308
OHIO SECRETARY of STATE is where you would go if you want to incorporate your business, check for the availability of a business name or get a state registered trademark.
(614) 466-2655 (877) SOS-Ohio
(614) 466-0562 TTY Toll-free:
(877) 644-6889 E-mail the Agency
180 East Broad Street, 16th Floor
Columbus, Ohio 43215
SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT CENTER serves Summit, Medina and Portage counties. Part of the nationwide network managed by the Small Business Administration (SBA). They offer one on one counseling as well as a variety of seminars and workshops, many free of charge for the entrepreneur or small business owner.
526 S. Main St., Ste. 813 (The Akron Global Business Accelerator)
Akron, OH 44311


text:
By Rosalind S. Helderman, Tuesday, November 27, 2012
A trio of Republican senators has introduced legislation to allow young people brought to the United States by their parents illegally to receive legal residency if they seek higher education or enlist in the military.
The measure, sponsored by retiring Sens. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Tex.) and Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.), as well as Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), would offer a Republican alternative to the so-called Dream Act, providing a pathway to permanent residency — but not citizenship — to young adults who have completed military service or higher education and have worked at least four years.
It would not provide any special path to citizenship for such immigrants.
The proposal comes as an increasing number of Republican voices have called for the party to soften its hard-line opposition to illegal immigration in the wake of massive November electoral losses driven, in part, by poor performance with Latino voters.
Hutchison and Kyl insisted that their bill was not a response to the election results. Instead, they said it represented a year of behind-the-scenes work to come up with an alternative to the Dream Act that would allow such young people to remain in the United States without allowing them, as Kyl said, "to jump ahead of anybody in the citizenship path."
They said they were moving ahead with the legislation now so that it could get a public airing before they leave the Senate when its term concludes this month. However, they said they were not optimistic about the chances for movement on the issue during Congress' ongoing lame-duck session, given the fiscal issues that will occupy most of lawmakers' time in coming weeks.
The measure, dubbed the Achieve Act, would extend a new visa to people younger than 28 who were brought to the United States before age 14. It would be available to those without serious criminal records and who agree not to access government benefits, including federal student loans.
The visa would allow young people to complete schooling or military service. It could then be transferred, first to a work visa and then, after four years, to a visa allowing for permanent legal residency.
Though the group said they have held productive conversations with Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), who has been working on his own alternative to the Dream Act and has become a leading voice within the GOP in immigration reform, they indicated that he was not prepared to sign on as a co-sponsor.
The measure was also introduced without Democratic sponsors, despite repeated calls from Democrats for Republicans to work on bipartisan immigration legislation.
Kyl — who held a joint news conference with Hutchison on Tuesday to unveil the proposal — offered harsh words for President Obama for his June decision to declare that his administration would stop seeking to deport those who would have qualified under the Dream Act.
"The administration has unfortunately chosen . . . to take the law into its own hands, choosing to ignore current law because it didn't think it was good policy," Kyl said. "Those of us who strongly believe in the rule of law believe that in our country, if you don't like the law, change it, or seek to change it. Don't violate it."
Though the proposal will most likely be dismissed by some in the Republican camp for offering amnesty to illegal immigrants, a senior Democratic aide, who is not authorized to speak publicly about still-evolving legislation, suggested that the retiring Republicans should be given little credit for advancing the idea on the eve of their departure from the Senate.
"It's not exactly a profile in courage for two senators — who happen to turn into pumpkins in about a month — to weigh in on a bill that's been around for a decade and that they've opposed for nearly as long," he said. "It'll be interesting to see if members of their party will be willing to continue the conversation they've waited far too long to start."


text:
This is the place to ask questions about boot camp and training: what to expect, will your spouse change, will it work, how to get through it, when will your spouse write ... and the gazillion other questions you may have. :)
There are no posts in this forum.
Use this control to limit the display of threads to those newer than the specified time frame.
Allows you to choose the data by which the thread list will be sorted.
Order threads in...
Note: when sorting by date, 'descending order' will show the newest results first.
Forum Rules


text:
PIRSA:11120083 ( MP4 Medium Res , MP3 , PDF ) Which Format?
What the Higgs is going on at the LHC?
Speaker(s): Natalia Toro, Philip Schuster, Andrew Haas, Damian Pope
Abstract: What is everything in the universe made of? What was the universe like billions of years ago? These are eternal questions that humans have pondered throughout the ages. Today, we are on the verge of potentially making revolutionary breakthroughs in answering them. The Large Hadron Collider (LHC) at CERN is a 27-kilometre long underground experiment located on the Swiss-French border near Geneva. It smashes subatomic particles together at vast speeds in an effort to learn more about the fundamental building blocks that make up everything around you. It is the biggest, most ambitious scientific experiment in human history. On December 13, the LHC announced the latest findings in its search for the last undiscovered particle in our current model of subatomic particles. This particle is the near-mythical 'Higgs Boson' — the particle thought to be involved in giving other particles their mass. This educational event, geared towards high school students, teachers and the general public, followed CERN's announcement and discussed its findings and implications in clear, accessible language. Host Damian Pope and PI Researchers Natalia Toro, Philip Schuster, and experimental particle physicist Andy Haas of New York University participate in an informative and interactive discussion.
Date: 13/12/2011 - 12:30 pm
URL: http://pirsa.org/11120083/ Share:


text:
Nature's Most Amazing Whole Food Vitamin Supplement
The exact Seasilver formula is now available from a new company, SeaAloe. Keep reading...
What happened to Seasilver?
Back in 2003, the Seasilver Corporation and its principals were found to have used non-approved marketing materials that included testimonials and assertions that the product could treat, prevent and or cure diseases, statements which are not legally allowed when marketing natural products. After several years of appeals, the fines, penalties, and financial responsibility were too much for the corporation and owners of Seasilver to bear, and the business closed. Recognizing the value of the product and formula, several former marketing employees, distributors, and manufacturing executives came together to keep this formula alive by opening a new company called SeaAloe.
Despite being an entirely new company with a different name, and no ownership by, or involvement with, the former owners and principals of Seasilver, the word of mouth spread across America that this groundbreaking formula lives on as SeaAloe. SeaAloe is the exclusive home of the authentic Seasilver formula, accept no imitations or substitutes!
With SeaAloe, you get:
|SeaAloe is the best choice I have made in 38 years of practice. Not only for my own personal health program, but also as the supplement that I am able to recommend to my patients with confidence that there is none better to be found.
|Dr. William M. Coburn, DC
Fallbrook, CA
Our Guarantee
SeaAloe is enjoyed daily by thousands of people across America and has a 90 Day Money-Back Satisfaction Guarantee.
If you are not COMPLETELY satisfied, simply return the empty bottle(s) within 90 days for a full, 100%, refund on your initial purchase price.
Because we offer a very protective guarantee, we suggest you use SeaAloe to its full capacity before making your decision. If you still aren't satisfied, simply return the bottles to us within those 90 days and we will refund the entire amount immediately!


text:
Recent Posts
Support This Blog
Researching and writing these posts take a considerable effort in time and energy. If you enjoy them please consider supporting this blog via these two options:
Swag Bucks is a paid to search engine. I have tried several and it's the best one out there. It costs you no money to sign up and you will earn "Swag Bucks" that can be used to buy a wide variety of rewards, including cash. Join here.
Tom Wood's Liberty Classroom: Learn the history and economics they didn't teach you via videos course and asking questions of the experts. Annual subscription required. I highly recommend Wood's work. Join here.
Thanks for your support!
Tag Archives: unfunded liabilities
Debt Ceiling Hypocrisy, Hysteria & Our Financial Mess
The debt ceiling of $14.3 trillion will only last another two to three months at the current rate of government spending. It has been raised seven times in the past half-decade. The newly elected Republican House has some worried that … Continue reading
Posted in Economics, Government Tagged Austan Goolsbee, borrow, congress, currency, cut spending, Debt ceiling, democrat, depression, dollar, economy, financial crisis, glenn greenwald, government, harry reid, how large is the US debt, hyperinflation, hypocrisy, hysteria, inflate, inflation, interest rates, joe biden, Laurence kotlikoff, Laurence O'Donnell, libertarian, national debt, Obama, peter Schiff, politics, Rand paul, recession, republican, Robert gibbs, solutions, striking at the root, Thomas Jefferson, Timothy Geithner, tyrannical, tyranny, unfunded liabilities, will the US pay off its debt Leave a comment


text:
We're engine fanatics who appreciate big horsepower with stump pulling torque. Even so, we also understand all of that grunt requires a well balanced drivetrain to make it last. And while modified 10- and 12-bolts, along with the stout 9-inch rears have its place, this month we're focusing on Strange Engineering's S60 rearend.
If you didn't already know, the S60 is a proprietary casting that's designed to use Dana 60 components. This means 35-spline axles become the norm, which adds to the strength factor, making the S60 comparable to a 9-inch and considerably stronger over the 12-bolt. Best of all, you get your choice of differentials, such as the Traction-Lok, Truetrac, or a Locker.
Depending on your needs, Strange offers the S60 in a number of configurations ranging from the bare housing to a complete bolt-in assembly; ours was ordered for an early A-body Chevelle for the street. If you're looking for more of a dragstrip application, then you'll be happy to know that Strange also offers axles from their Pro Race line, a choice of larger axle studs, along with their Pro Lightweight spool.
All said and done, the S60 is a great alternative to the 9-inch by costing significantly less and without sacrificing any strength whatsoever. Add in the variety of options to choose from and you have a setup that'll grow with you for years to come. So, follow along as we show you what you can expect to get for your hard earned bucks.
S60 Highlights
- All Strange S60's are cast from premium Nodular Iron.
- Nodular Iron caps help reduce deflection, which also helps to extend gear life.
- Strange designed its castings to fit GM A-Body, G-Body, late-model F-Body, and leaf spring applications.
- 35 spline axles are standard in S60 rearend assemblies.
- Tubes come fully welded (360 degrees) around casting.
- The giant 9 ¾-inch diameter ring gear offers increased strength over OEM gears for the most demanding applications.
Pro Touring Street Floater Kits
When it comes to hardcore corner carving, piston knock-back can be a big time issue with braking. To combat this, Strange Engineering offers an optional Pro Touring Street Floater kit, which was a joint effort with Wilwood Brakes. Imagine if you will, traversing through a series of turns, followed by a long straightway. As you setup for the next turn and get on the brakes, you have no pedal pressure and have to start pumping the pedal to get it back; not exactly the most secure feeling in the world. To combat this, Strange Engineering offers a complete Pro Touring Street Floater kit that comes with chrome-moly spindles, chrome-moly hubs, 35-spline drive plates, and will work with 3- and 3 ½-inch diameter tubes. This package will require a quality shop to machine and fit the floater assembly, but it's well worth it by keeping the brake feel consistent.


text:
Petition drive begins to recall San Diego Mayor Filner
SAN DIEGO – The campaign to oust San Diego's embattled mayor is underway.
Volunteers armed with clipboards and petitions fanned out through the coastal city Sunday, hoping to collect thousands of signatures needed to authorize an election that could recall Mayor Bob Filner.
The mayor is facing sexual harassment allegations.
Campaign spokeswoman Rachel Laing says Filner has abused his power and left City Hall is disarray and must be removed from office.
The 70-year-old former congressman has resisted numerous calls to resign.
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi says Filner should step aside and spare San Diego the pain and expense of a recall election.
Filner is set to return to work this week after undergoing behavior therapy.
More than a dozen women have publicly accused Filner of making inappropriate statements or advances.