text:
"We had no clue," said Joe Dittmar, a survivor of the attack on the World Trade Center, describing the decisions that some people who were in the building made that day."
"We had no clue," said Joe Dittmar, a survivor of the attack on the World Trade Center, describing the decisions that some people who were in the building made that day. "Each and every one of you knew way more about what was going on outside and inside those buildings than those of us that were right there."
Dittmar shared his experiences, emotions and the lessons learned during 9/11 at the Lexington Christian Women's Connection "Let Freedom Ring" guest night on Thursday at J. Smith Young YMCA. He stressed the importance of making good decisions and the impact those decisions can have on your life.
"Decision are critical in every aspect of your day-to-day existence," Dittmar said "The information you bring to the decision-making process affects that process in ways more important than you would ever know...My decision-making expertise was tried, tested and galvanized on Sept. 11, 2001. My ability to be here today is testament to making solid decisions."
Dittmar said was attending a business meeting on the 105th floor of Two World Trade Center on 9/11. He described when the first plane hit the North Tower, there was no indication that anything was wrong, except for a flickering of the lights. He told how people didn't want to leave, how many people remained in their offices after an announcement told them the incident had been contained to the North Tower. He remembered seeing colleagues waiting for the elevator at the Sky Lobby on the 78th floor and explained how making good decisions saved his life that day.
"I got down to the 78th floor and there was Mary (from the meeting) screaming out to me," Dittmar said. "She said, 'I'm not walking down 78 floors in these ... shoes'. Finally some common sense took over my brain ... and went back to the fire stairwell. It was probably the best decision I ever made in what is still my life because I was somewhere between the 75th and the 72nd floor when the second plane plowed into our building."
Dittmar described how it felt to be in the stairwell of the South Tower when the second plane hit between the 78th and 82nd floors.
"I have never felt anything like that in my life, and hope to never feel anything like it again," Dittmar said. "That (stairwell) shook from side to side, handrails (were) pulling away from the walls, steps (were) undulating like waves underneath our feet. We felt this heat ball going by us, we smelled jet fuel and this thing is just rocking back and forth."
Dittmar was one of seven survivors out of 54 people who attended the meeting on the 105th floor that day. He said he shares his experiences to keep the voices, spirits and memories of the 3,000 victims of 9/11 alive and to never be forgotten.
He said he wants people to understand that, although his experiences are extraordinary, you don't have to go through catastrophic events for a decision to impact your life.
"Every decision is important no matter how big or how small it might seem," Dittmar said. "A decision can change your life and the life of others in ways way beyond what you could ever imagine ... Making the right decision is not easy but if you trust yourself, your gut, your resources, your heart, your mind, your soul, and your savior, you can make a critical decision that can have tremendous, successful results. I am here today, alive and fortune to be able to share all of this with you because of the series of decisions made in the most critical of situations."
Sharon Myers can be reached at 249-3981, ext, 228 or at email@example.com. Follow Sharon on Twitter: @LexDisptachSM


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In the Ghetto and in the Concentration Camp
by Getzel Reiser
Translated by Melissa Rubin McCurdie and David Rubin
On Friday 27th June 1941 at 2 p.m. in Stolpce, after a difficult battle with the Soviets, the Germans occupied Stolpce. The shooting started at 8 in the morning and by 12 midday the town was already in flames.
The German tanks drove through the streets and the houses on both sides were burning. A few Jews stood and poured water on the cellars where their few possessions were hidden - they still thought that they would still need them. At dusk when the flames died down a little, it was noticeable in Yurzdike and Shpitalne Streets that a few houses had remained. When it got darker each one started to look for a corner where they could spend the night. At that time there was no particular fear of the Germans because, as it turned out, the tanks had moved on.
|Innocent Children
From right: Rachel Motzni, Yisroel Inselbuch and Tzivia Tunick
Early on Sunday morning, the Germans started taking us to work in small groups. Many had already tasted (experienced) their terrible beatings. Coming back from work we already heard the good news from Shpitalne Street, where they had taken out 72 men, stood them against the wall and shot them, before the eyes of their wives and children. They threw grenades into some of the houses and burned them together with the occupants. The number of corpses from that Black Sunday reached more than 200.
A few of the corpses from that Black Sunday were only found 6 months later when the Germans ordered the clean up of all the places of the burnt houses and they found human limbs, faces and rotten hands in the bottom of an oven[1]. The Chevra Kedisha gathered it all and brought it to the cemetery for burial.
A few days later, the Germans ordered the establishment of a Judenrat[2]. The first notice to the Judenrat was to establish forced labour. Men between the ages of 15-60 and women between the ages of 17-55 were forced to work.
Every day, quite early, 1400 Jews used to go out to the umshlagplatz[3] and from there to work. Each one had a number on a small square piece of cardboard. This indicated to which group of 100 this person belonged and this is how they arranged themselves, every morning, according to the numbers. Each one at his place.
The sonder-commando used to come and select skilled workers separately and hard labourers separately. They were divided into groups[4] according to the needs of each work place and these groups were sent to work under the supervision of German or Christian officials. Before they divided us into groups they used to count us every day. In this way we went to work every day but coming back from work as an entire group, was a big miracle. Many times, on our return, our group got smaller.
One day returning from work, they surrounded us on all sides and snatched 87 men from us (of free professions and other notable persons), who were pointed out by young non-Jews who were sitting with a German Gestapo man in a vehicle.
In the Ghetto it was said that they had been sent somewhere to work. Later women said
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that a Christian man brought regards from them that they are working in a soap factory near Orshe and they are asking that we send them food.
|Untitled Photograph of German soldiers standing among corpses
At that time no one knew exactly what happened to them. Only when the rains started, some people came across a pit in Akintzitze Forest by chance. Only through the clothing did they recognize Chaim Dvoretzky, Moshe Bogin, the Rav Shleime Chari, Leizer Leib Shleif[5] and the others who were shot there together.
A second misfortune happened on Friday before Rosh Hashanna 5702. Suddenly at 10a.m. we were informed at all work places that everyone must immediately go to the umshlagplatz. Everyone came and arranged themselves into their respective group of a hundred. The sonder-commander came with 20 Germans with loaded guns.
He started calling the numbers of those who should come out of the rows. He chose approximately 18 people and added another two who were sitting in prison. These 20 people were taken and shot at the cemetery where our workers prepared graves for them.
Heart-rendering scenes played themselves out when these 20 people were marched past their homes and took leave of their parents, their brothers, their sisters, their friends and their neighbours. A similar scene played out in Yurzdikke Street where Rachel Bruchansky walked past. She was Yehoshua the wagon owner's daughter, an 18 year old capable and beautiful girl.
Among the 20 people were people from Stolpce: Shleime Harkavy's daughter and her husband, the abovementioned Rachel Bruchansky, Benjamin Bruchansky (Michal's), Noach Berenshtein, Mottle the son of Odess Masha Tov, Dovid Matte Reiness, Avrom Tribuch, Yehoshua Inzelbuch (Beryl Shoshe's son) and many of the refugees (escapees) who came into Stolpce. Harkavey's son-in-law, Yitzchak Weinrib worked in the command and was well acquainted with some of the main murderers, so he asked for mercy for his wife. When this did not help, he stood by his wife, of his own free will, and perished leaving a two-year-old orphan.
Zissel Rudztisky, Eli (Eliya), Yossel Ber's son, Shaul Meckler his brother-in-law and Beryle Tunik, Sholem, Yashke the butcher's son - this group was sent by the commander to a field to dig up potatoes for the command (the German command). Each one of them was longing to bring a few potatoes home to still their hunger.
The German noticed this. He informed their guard in their command and the murderer Reichel came down and he ordered them to be arrested. In a flash this information came to the Judenrat and at the same time to Nechama Tunik, Beryl's sister who worked at the German air force base. Because of her request a high-ranking officer of the commander came immediately, asking for them to be set free. They ordered him to run to the place where they took them to be shot but he came to the grave five minutes too late.
The Judenrat also tried to intervene on behalf of these three with the command and because of that, they arrested the whole Judenrat for 24 hours. The Press's son Witenberg, Witze Press's Yirmiahu Prass, the members Zeev Tunik, Tanchum Shulkin, Alter Yosselevich, Yehoshua Weinreich, Beryl Moshe Reisser, and Leibe Kumock.
In 24 hours they were chased three times from one cellar to another. In the corridor stood two rows of thugs and they beat them murderously with rubber truncheons. One tried to intervene with the Mayor Vanye Avdjez and he said faithfully that according to the information he received from the commander, he guaranteed that within 24 hours they would be released. The next morning they indeed freed them.
Coming back from there beaten and sick, they had to return to their work early. It had to remain a secret that they had been tortured.
Herschel Radunski, the grandson of Schmerel the Shames, worked at the air force base. He did something wrong. The murderers ordered him to dig a grave for himself next to the window. Through a miracle he then saved himself.
At this time we got to know from Swierzne that the murderers selected 30 people including the Rabbi and shot them (with the accusation of sabotage). In the meantime, tragic messages came from Turetz that there had been a massacre there. They had sent a few of them to work in the mill in Swierzne.
Before Pesach we found out that on Shoshan Purim[6] in
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Baranovich, there was a massacre - 4,000 Jews of the 12,000 Baranovich residents had been shot.
Among us various versions circulated, they said that we will also not be spared. A large number of ignorant and helpless Jews consoled themselves. Others used to tell of what they heard from the Germans at their places of work, that such things could not happen in Stolpce, because here almost everyone goes to work. And there is a lot of work. We are useful Jews and we have earned enough to survive the war.
In the meantime one needs to get ready for Pesach. The community baked Matzos at Shoshe Aginsky's house. At her house was an oven to bake matzos[7] from year to year. Near her house they put up a gate to the Ghetto. They began to talk about locking the Ghetto.
The boundaries of the Ghetto, it was determined, would extend from the yellow church, along the length of Yurzdikke Street and on the right side which was Potshtoveh Street[8]. The entire length of Potshtoveh Street was cordoned off with barbed wire along the pavement on the right side, and the middle of the road was left free for traffic, but unfortunately not for us Jews. We owned the small sandy street at the beginning of Yurzdike Street until after Yakov Leib's blacksmith shop.
In the meantime, we were confused, all the while preparing sheds to live in. Some others put up barricades.
Dr. Yechiskel Sirkin and the family of Velvel, the ferryman, occupied Yakov Leib's old blacksmiths shop as their home.
Velvel and his son Reuven were already dead after an attack by Latvians. Alter, the teacher, built a new barrack next to the blacksmith's shop. In this way, everyone was occupied keeping watch over the tradesmen and improving the ovens themselves and the plates on the ovens. Each one was planning to make a bunker, a little hiding place under the oven, or just a generally concealed cellar each for his own family, in case of need, heaven forbid, one should have a place to hide oneself.
Even though life in the Ghetto was materially very difficult, you would see in the evenings, young couples going for a walk. Saturdays, some of them went to pray. Sundays, they didn't work for the Germans, but of their own free will, they worked to make the Ghetto more habitable for them. With the permission of the authorities, the Judenrat built a two-story house in the Ghetto. Another house was built from the remaining old bricks from the burned out houses in the form of a long trench that had, in the middle, a corridor with many small rooms.
In each little room, there was a family with a separate oven on which to cook. The women used to argue in the common corridor. The children would fight with one another and the parents were also drawn into the conflict.
The urge to want to live was very strong. We didn't hear of any instances of suicide. The enslavement was great. The cold detachment and calculated lack of communication of the Germans prevented us from thinking of evil, because each one used to think that it couldn't get worse than the present and perhaps at the price of need and pain, they would save their lives. In addition, they received words of comfort from the Shtetl Rabbi, Rav Yehoshua Lieberman Of Blessed Righteous Memory[9] Being enslaved to their work, and bound to their families, no one wanted to think about anything bad. Some knew that there were a handful of youth that were occupied with various secret plans. They were even preparing weapons in secret for an uprising or preparing to escape to the forest. At that time, one had hardly ever heard of Partisans. Perhaps a few people did know something about them.
Suddenly, the 26th August 1942 arrived. At 2p.m. we were informed as quick as lightning, at all workplaces, through the Judenrat, that everyone must come to the Ghetto immediately. It became chaotic as each one ran to ask the Judenrat. They themselves were also shocked. It didn't take long and everyone was standing in four rows. The sonder-commander gave a half an hour to collect some possessions - we were travelling for work for not longer than 6 weeks. They counted out 500 men who had to march to the train station immediately. We were divided into two groups 270 men to Baranowicz and 230 to Minsk. We arrived in Baranowicz late at night. We slept the night at the station in Falesk in the room where the canteen once was.
Early the next morning, a German in Gestapo uniform arrived. He chose 30 tradesmen: cabinetmakers, builders and carpenters. He took us to Potshtoveh Street in the service of the SD where we were arranged and sorted again, they left 9 men in that service and the remaining 21 men were sent to Kolditzeve.
A new chapter begins for the Stolpce people in Baranowicz. We are still naïve and remain waiting until breakfast. Then we will receive an order, where (to go) and what to do.
In the meantime, at breakfast, we meet up with Jews from Baranowicz, Lechevicz, Meitshet and Horredicz.
We heard from them that they had a similar experience to us. At first they took the men, and then shot the women, children and old people. We understood that this was not a good sign. It's
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hard to believe and as we are still here as guests and strangers, we don't think about anything.
The first day after work, they took our 9 men to the Baranowicz Ghetto. The Judenrat, whose head was Mulye Yankelevicz, established a place for us to sleep, in the quartermaster's office opposite the Jewish Council right at the gate at Sadoveh Street. From here we went together with the Baranowicz Jews, four in a row, to and from work, guarded by a Gestapo patrol.
In the meantime, we came to know the details of the first massacre that took place on Shushan Purim in Baranowicz.
On the third day after our arrival in Baranowicz, on 29 August 1942, the work details were encircled as they marched out to work and about 700 men were sent away to Molodetsneh. At the action, heart-rending scenes are played out. One girl was shot in the middle of the street for wanting to step out of her row. After working for a few weeks, we were longing to meet with our 240 Stolpce brothers, who worked in Aleph Tet. (Organization of Tet Aleph Dalled Camp) at the Falesk station.
In return for our skilled tradesmen's work we received permission from our superior to go and meet them. He gives us the final instructions: arrange ourselves in threes in three rows and march close to the pavement. We came, saw everyone and marched back in the best order without any patrol. In Alef Tet camp, we met another group of 80 men that were brought from Stolpce on the 11 Sept 1942, Erev Rosh Hashana 5703.
In the meantime, we find out about a current resistance initiative that was organizing itself in the Baranowicz Ghetto. The work details that were returning from their work, were smuggling in weapons. More than once, these groups were thoroughly searched when they returned from work to the Ghetto. The Judenrat decided to build a bakery on Arle Street in an unfinished large house.
To this end, the Judenrat turned to the superior of the SD to select 2 specialists to complete the building of the bakery. The purpose of building the bakery was: firstly, under the oven, they prepared a big bunker for machine guns; secondly, by bringing flour into the Ghetto instead of ready-baked bread, it would be easier to smuggle more weapons into the Ghetto.
All these plans were disrupted on the 22 September 1942, the day of the second massacre in Baranowicz, which took place exactly on the morning after Yom Kippur. The bloodbath lasted for a week and two days later, we heard that on the 12th Tishrei 5703, corresponding to 23 Sept 1942, the first massacre took place in Stolpce where we lost our dearest and best[10].
On the first day of Succoth, they made the Baranowicz Ghetto smaller. After the working day, they brought the remaining Jews back into the Ghetto on Potshtoveh Street. The next day, which was Sunday, we didn't go to work. The weather was beautiful, and the will to live among the survivors became stronger even in the worst moments.
From the chimneys in the Ghetto, smoke is rising again. Women are peeling potatoes, baking latkes, the young people are walking in the street, and the mood was a little better. Early the next morning, everybody was again standing next to the gate in their rows. It was noticeable how many of these work details had become depleted.
The important work details together with the SD, marched to work. The remnants of the people huddled together, one to the other. They were trying to smuggle themselves into the departing rows but were unsuccessful, as they were beaten back under a hail of rubber truncheons and sticks.
At that moment, a man came from the field commission and asked all the remaining inmates to arrange themselves in fours. A sense of urgency arose and everybody was pushing themselves to be first. Seventy percent were women, and the man from the field commission added 300 men and they went out through the gate.
Immediately, began the murder of the elderly and children. Approximately 600 people were murdered, amongst them, elderly men, women and children. When we returned to the Ghetto at nightfall, it again became very quiet as if nothing ever happened. It didn't take long and the chief executioner, whose name was Amelung, may his name be erased, was preparing his plans to travel home on leave at the end of December, so he wanted to finish off the Baranowicz Ghetto.
On 17 December[11] quite early, a disturbance began again in the Ghetto. Some were already running to the barbed wires. The Ghetto was surrounded by police and the first gunshots were heard, and the first victims were already lying on the ground. The work details at the gate were being sorted. The more skilled workers were left behind and were transported to the workshops and Baranowicz now remained Jew-free.
Next day, we read about it on the placards all over the town. In fact, there remained in the Baranowicz environs another 800 Jews but they remained confined at their work places day and night. Approximately 200 Jews, most of whom had free professions, were sent into hell of Kaf Tzadik at Kolditzeve. This was a good 17 km from Baranowicz and there they found 21 people from Stolpce. Later, they brought another few skilled workers from Stolpce to that place. There the Jews were undertaking a hunger strike. Every week, a Minyan[12] of Jews would die there.
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The Colony S.D. numbered 113 Jews. They put them in the house of the newly evicted baroness on Potshtoveh Street across from the workstation so it would be easier to guard. There we stayed for 10 months.
In the meantime we received information that the group of 250 Jews, in the direction of Fledboi, was already liquidated.
The oldest among us, Goldberg of Blessed memory, prepared a plan of escape for us. He was in contact with Christians from the town and with Partisans and almost every day he would travel into town. He had many opportunities to escape into the forest but he wanted to lead us all out together. Frequently he claimed that the way is secure. He had even organized four non-Jewish guides, which would cost half a million Roubles.
He used to say that he had money for this purpose. But we needed to stay united. In the meantime we got to know that amongst us are two friends of whom we needed to be wary. The Germans found a doubt in their Jewish ancestry and any day they could be freed. We started to hide our activities from them. On the other side, a young group was established who collected guns, which engaged in various complicated exercises but they were capable of gathering some weapons.
They did not want to take in any new partners and held secret meetings. At any moment they were prepared to escape. Goldberg tried to come to an arrangement with them but they denied it completely. Everything was useless.
In the last days of October 1943 we received information that the last few Jews from Aleph Tet are being taken to Kolditzeve. There they found 240 people from Stolpce and a few from Baranowicz. In the vehicles in which they transported the Jews to Kolditzeve, they transported tar for heating on their return journey. To unload the tar they took our workers, who told exactly that they found photographs in the vehicles of families from Stolpce.
For this purpose they set up ovens in Kolditzeve heated with straw and they chased the Jews into the ovens and burnt them.
Hearing this shocking news, we became frantic, what does one do?
Goldberg called a meeting of 7 people to decide what to do. We decided that on the coming Sunday 17 November at nightfall we had to escape. Each evening when he returned from the town he used to give us a report that everything is in the best order. He already had four guides. The fifth guide would have to be appointed by a comrade from amongst the youth. On Tuesday the comrade travelled to town and returned satisfied. Everything is in order. In the meantime at noontime young comrades discussed with us that we cannot wait until Sunday because it will be too late. It would have to happen immediately on 3 November and we cannot wait until everyone returned from work. The first ones left as soon as it started to get dark in the evening.
It became noisy, a lot of chatter: Noah went, Zalman, Hillel, Feleh, Soveh, Chana, Zaturnsky and his wife and a 6 year-old child.
Our messenger ran to inform them at the workstation and from there a few also escaped. It became disorderly there and people stopped working. A German came in and he was shocked. A strong guard of White Russian police encircled the workstation and our house across the street. Those who were brought from the workstation were badly beaten. Immediately there arrived a chief thug with his retinue and he issued an order that we should arrange ourselves in two rows and he shouted: You want to run to the Partisans, you yourselves want to become Partisans. Such swine.
He counted us, 77 remained and 36 had escaped. His order was to send everybody to Kolditzeve the next morning.
After he left it became chaotic and a cry broke out, we all already knew what Kolditzeve was. It is better to die here than to live in Kolditzeve.
The guard outside told us sternly; Go to sleep. We remained in the beds and we spoke quietly. Some said they are sending us there to get rid of us. Others again said that there would be a selection. Nevertheless the night was a sleepless one and one of farewells.
In the morning quite early everyone was already dressed and waiting not knowing for what. A few looked through the windows in fear to see if the vehicles are coming to transport us to the pits in Baranowicz. Around 8 in the morning, one of the thugs came to us quite calmly. He ordered that all the skilled workers go to the workstation to pack up tools to prepare themselves because in the afternoon we are going to Kolditzeve. The unskilled men would remain in the house another shock.
The last ones were afraid that they would be regarded as useless and that they would shoot them all.
Some wanted to commit suicide. The only thing that they could think of was to go up
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to the attic and hang themselves. I thought to myself would I be able to allow such a death? No. I controlled myself and I felt that I would not be able to carry out such an act. I became hopeful again as usual that if my fate is to die then I want to experience the taste together with my dearest and best.
In the meantime there came news from the workstations that Simcha the carpenter cut his throat with a knife he already knew the taste of Kolditzeve. For 45 minutes he suffered and it was shocking to see until they appealed to the head hangman that he should shoot him in order to alleviate his pain.
In the afternoon they packed us into three trucks, counted us and we left. An hour later we were already in Kolditzeve. They pushed us through a gate guarded by White Russian police. The place was fenced off with barbed wire. There we met up with 130 heavily guarded emaciated Jews, depressed, torn apart and hungry. With joy they ran out to welcome us. They were living in a horse stable.
Approximately an hour later at 6 in the evening we heard a loud whistle calling everybody to line up on the parade ground in three straight rows and they counted us - there were over 200 men. All this had to happen at a fast pace. For the smallest wrongdoing one would be hit on the head with a rubber truncheon. We heard an order: Run to the kettles and go in rows to the kitchen. Next to the kitchen there stood before us 500 arrested Christians and then it was our row. At a distance there stood a commandant who took care of the arrangements.
When it was our row's turn to receive the little bit of watery radish with beetroot, rubber truncheons were raining down on our heads.
As we were returning from the kitchens they counted us again and in this way they continued to count us six times a day. After the last count they locked us in a barrack for the whole night.
The people pushed together on the bunks. There was still not enough place. Some of us snuggled up between acquaintances on a bunk and the remainder laid themselves out on the cold earth. The people of Kolditzeve said that our coming here did not augur well for us. The mood was a depressed one. The camp looked like a railway station. You had to be dressed at all times, prepared for all kinds of trouble, stand here and run there. The night was a difficult one and you could choke from the air.
We barely survived to see the next day. As soon as the door opened everybody ran out to catch their breath. They were already ringing and everybody is standing in formation.
4 November 1943
They count us in case someone remained lying fainted in the barrack - it is no excuse for them because a Jew does not have the right to die a natural death.
After the counting we go to the kitchen for breakfast a little water with a paste made of flour to thicken the soup. We swallowed it quickly, again parading again counted and they swore at us insulting our mothers a few times. The commandant announced: All skilled building workers to their work. The remaining ones were chased back into the barracks. We were taken to a big building. Here they were building a huge prison. We are set to work. We would have been satisfied working hard with bricks and mortar and eating absolutely nothing as long as we were allowed to live. But this didn't last long.
At 10 a.m. a policeman arrived. He ordered us to stop working and to arrange ourselves in the rows. He leads us back to the camp. As we came nearer we saw all the Jews standing arranged on the parade ground shocked and confused. We joined their rows. A commandant runs up and says: Whoever has money and watches should give them up immediately. And if we find them on anyone he will be shot immediately. Those who were standing there before us had already surrendered everything. From a distance we see a group of murderers with rubber truncheons and sticks in their hands, approaching us. Our feet are breaking from fear. A moment later rubber truncheons are raining down on our heads. They begin collecting useful ones and tell them to arrange themselves in 3's - one behind the other.
A hundred meters in front of us they put together the un-needed ones in a group. There came an order, nobody wanted to be the first. A hail of rubber truncheons and sticks hit them on their heads until the young Rabbi from Slonim put himself in the front and our Leib Ahre Gruness (Shaye Gruness' son) placed himself in the second position in the first three. The cry is huge. The heart is petrified and everything became dark before our eyes.
We stood like this in the cold field in a cutting wind, frozen and shivering.
Our lives became terrible. We hear a cry to those who were chosen to die - March. They go proudly. They are fulfilling the mitzvah of sanctifying the Holy Name.
When their figures disappeared on the other side of the gates they told us to take the kettles and go to lunch. On our way the chief says We have now finished with the Jews. You 100 men are no longer Jews. You will beat off the mark of shame that you carry. You will put a badge on like all the other obstinate ones, a white stripe 15cm x 5cm on your right breast
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back to back with the same stripe at the back. We expect honest work.
In the meantime a few tailors go to the chief to try to save the tailor Leibovitch, showing that without him, it would be difficult to manage the workshops. The chief, not thinking long, climbs into the vehicle and brings back Leibovitch. He climbs out of the transport half-dead and shaken. He was already naked, lying with his face in the ground in the third group of six waiting to be shot, when the chief went to bring him shouting out Leibovitch! Leibovitch got up and ran to him shocked and the chief told him to get dressed and he ran to the heap of clothes but didn't find his own things. He grabbed short small clothes and boots. When he returned to the barracks, he fell in a faint. They tried to revive him and put cold compresses on him and he came to six hours later.
The same also happened to the young boy Gorelik. Lusia, Yisrael Moshe Mowsowich's daughter from Swierznie, worked for the chief and pleaded for her cousin Gorelik, whom the police found cutting boots with a knife. He was severely tortured and he lay unconscious for 48 hours.
These two incidents showed us exactly what reviving the dead really means.
Here begins our new and final chapter in Kolditzeve. Instead of our clean beds in Baranowicz, here we had a wooden bunk with a pile of straw and a camp of lice, fleas and mice. We ate the meat of dead horses. We endured a few lonely terrible days and everything struck us anew.
Once, returning from work, we started discussing an escape to the forest as a group. We started making plans of how and to where (we would escape).
At the end of December, it was decided that we would wait until the coming of the dark nights and then we would quietly cut a hole in the wall under the wooden bunk that leads into the tannery. From there, opening the door that leads onto the barbed wire, a stretch of five metres. We would cut the wires and go across the mud. In the planning it looked fine and good but in reality, what kind of difficulties! People gave different opinions. What? To go to a certain death, then its better to wait here was also a consideration. However, after a long and difficult discussion, it remained agreed upon by everyone that we must escape.
In the case of us being caught, we should prepare little bottles of poison. Barre Neifeld took the responsibility of preparing the poison. There was a panic where to find little bottles. They were also producing little bottles in the town. There was a shoemaker who always kept a little bottle of poison in his pocket. Once, the bottle opened in his pocket and poured over his foot. His pants were burned and his undergarments, and his foot began to rot. The plan of escape was postponed.
Later, there was another delay. They brought a dentist and his wife and child to us in our barrack who had been in hiding the shtetl of Gorodzie with Arian papers. They complained to them in the barrack, that they had no connection with Jews, and they were detained by mistake and they will certainly free them. In the meantime, it disturbed our plans.
However, we felt that the earth had begun to burn under our feet. Before this, a few of our workers talked with some of the policemen[13] that we should organise together and run away from here. Twelve police agreed. It was agreed upon that at a certain time they would occupy the whole courtyard under their control. We would harness horses and wagons loaded with guns. They would put down dynamite and immediately after leaving, everything would explode together with the murderers.
However, during the last days, the police retracted from the plan, not wanting to risk the lives of their families.
In the middle of March 1944, a Jew from Baranowicz was arrested. They questioned him about what we are talking about and what we do in the evening hours when everybody gets together. When they saw that he didn't want to say anything, they beat him to death with rubber truncheons.
A day later, a tailor from Slonim, who was at the head of our organized plan, was arrested. Fearing that our plan would be thwarted, at midday, we held a secret gathering and everyone decided to go to the forest immediately.
On 22 March 1944, the carpenters knocked out a wall, and at 11p.m. we left the compound. In pre-organized groups, we ran in different directions. We crawled one after the other, on our stomachs, in deep mud which doesn't freeze even in winter. We travelled rapidly, wanting to put as much distance between ourselves and the murderers as possible.
Our feet were breaking from weakness, but the impetus drove us and gave us strength. We could hardly
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believe and were afraid of the thought that we were free. We imagined that this was all a dream. We went past a non-Jewish house and we wanted to know where we were, but we were afraid to ask. Two of us decided to go and ask. The peasant answered that we are only seven km from our camp. According to our judgment, we should have been 25 km away. It appears that we got lost because the area was unfamiliar to us. The day began to dawn and we didn't know where to hide, and wondered where to spend the day until we came to a small hill. There we found pits and decided to stay until nightfall.
Our group numbered 32 people. At midday, we heard a few shots. Later, we became aware that the murderers were running to look for us and they came across another group of ours of 17 people. In that group was a man from Stolpce, Moishe Raizer, Yakov the painter's son. There, a shoemaker was provoked, seeing the murderers from a distance, so he shot himself with a revolver that he had and in so doing, revealed the whole group. Our group remained until dark. Two of our group volunteered to go and get information from the peasant's house, which could be seen from a distance. They told us we could confidently enter the house.
A watchmaker from among us promised the peasant a watch if he would give us all a piece of bread, and two boiled potatoes. We swallowed it down, stilled our hunger a little, and we hid ourselves in a horses stable huddled together until 11p.m. The peasant showed us the way and we allowed ourselves to continue our journey. Some of us already had swollen feet and couldn't walk but the impetus carried us and in a few hours, we came to a small wood. From a distance, we again saw a peasant's house and went to the window to ask directions. The peasant told us that today, three thousand Cossacks from Horredicz who served the Germans, passed through looking for us. He advised us to stay over somewhere in a little wood and not to dare move out. The peasant also gave us a bread for everybody. We debated what to do and decided to stay over in the little forest.
The next night, we went by chance into the same house and the peasant told us that the Cossacks had already turned back. He again gave us bread and we went away. During the night, we came to a place where, quite early, we suddenly met a patrol of two Partisans. They didn't receive us very nicely and kept on asking us what we are doing here and from where we have come. When we told them our story, they interrogated us: how did we manage to stay so long in Kolditzeve helping the Germans to produce armaments in order to fight against the Partisans. When we heard them speaking, we were shocked and frozen; not enough that the Germans are murdering Jews, should Partisans also shoot Jews!... After a short exchange with them, they asked us if we could perhaps give them a watch or a little money. With that it appears, they were pacified and we were overwhelmed with joy, that we were able to buy ourselves out with this. Later, we got to know that according to Stalin's decree of 1943, nobody was allowed to be shot in the forest.
In order to reach the right Partisans, we still had 50 km to go until the Naliboke plains.
After seven days of suffering from cold and hunger, wandering the whole night with our last strength and swollen feet, we reached the first patrol of Bielski's Partisans. This was at 2 o'clock at night, 1 April 1944.
There we met two Jewish Partisan groups: In Beilski's group there were 1200 people exclusively Jewish, in Zarin's group there were 600 Jews. In both groups there were people from Stolpce.
In Zarin's were: Yaakov Levin his wife Sonia and their son Dutke, Daniel Horenkreig, with his wife and two daughters, Peishe Epshtein from Swierzne and Pekker Yaakov with his son Joshua, Meishel Tunik Etke's son. (Yaakov Pekker and Meishel Tunik died just before the liberation in a battle with the Germans. His son Joshua Pekker fell as a hero in the War of Liberation in Israel). Eliezer Reizer and his son Yisrolik, Dovid Slutzak with his wife Freda, Mendel Eisenberg, Eli Bruchansky (Shimon Chatzkel's son) and his sister, Sholem Ruditzki, Etel Uskern, Isser the carpenter's son from Uzde[14].
In Bielski's group were: Malbin who recently lived in Novogrudek, Yone Bernshtein, Tamar Amrant-Rabinowicz, Luba and Chana Axlerod, Rivka Kantarowich, Tsvi Stolevitski (Eliakum the scribe's son), Esther Bercowicz with her brother, Beryl Krinitzner (Berel Faive's wife), Yaakov Koshtzewicz (Yisroel Akiva Rosovsky's son-in-law who lived in Rubzevich), with his daughter Lieba Tzuker and her husband Zalman Aginsky. Nine of the people of Stolpce in our group, that means, the group that worked in Baranovich at the S.D. labour camp until the transport to Koloditzeve in November 1943. Baruch Ozer Akun's three sons who were carpenters: Zalman, Hillel, Beryl and Mosie Sargovich (Hillel the carpenter's son-in-law), three carpenters who were not born in Stolpce (refugees), two brick layers, Getzel Reiser and Moshe Reiser Yaakov the bricklayer's sons.
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These are the Stolpce people we met in Kolditseve; Leib Aaron Gruness, Velvel Slutsak a leather worker, Yoseph Charne (the Swierzne leather worker), Chaim Kaplan (Shifra the bathhouse attendant's son), Yona Bernshtein, Yaakov the bricklayer's two sons Nochum and Eliahu and their brother-in-law Meir the tailor.
A few words about Velvel Slutzak; he worked as a tanner as a very skilled tradesman and the police were exceptionally pleased with him. He was a strong man. Once he did not complete a job exactly at the appointed time so the Germans came to ask about the work so he asked them: leave me and I will finish the work in the late hours after my workday. From the beginning they agreed to this but later they reconsidered: no we must punish him. Two White Russian policemen approached him from behind as he sat working grabbed a 15 cm long needle for leatherwork from the table and pushed the needle into his shoulder. He almost fainted but from shock he asked for a little water and wanted to continue working. He felt he was being drenched with blood and he came to the barrack. There Dr. Levinbuk tried to stem to flow of blood but he became sick and in great pain he passed away.
It is worthwhile to note the following about Chaim Kaplan: he was the man responsible for the carpenters. He could move around more freely than others. He used to be able to go to the nearby villages with a pretext that he is going to provide and prepare material for the work. Once when he was returning from the village the police noticed he is carrying a bread in his sack so they called him to come over to them. They set a big angry dog on him until it tore him to death.
Quickly they instructed two Jews to cover his body with snow. He lay there covered until the snow began to melt in spring then the police again took two Jews, told them to dig a grave in the middle of the yard and they buried him there.
While Leib Aaron Gruness was walking in the first row with courage in the last death march, he took up the command casually calling out Shema Yisroel
God our King we will revenge for the spilt blood of Your servants.
Seated from right: Feiga, Freidl Reiser,Toibe and Yossef Russak, Getzel, Shaul-Ber, Minah, Leib Meir Reiser
Standing from right: Eliezer and Sara Yessel Reiser
Translator's Footnotes
[Page 325]
by Shmuel Leib Aginsky
(may his memory be blessed)
Translated by Libby Raichman
In 1941, when the Nazis confined the Stoibtz Jews to the ghetto, the hardship and the suffering was enormous. The Germans beat and killed, and life was intolerable. A few Jews tried to run into the forests, but they were not familiar with the area.
In the Stoibtz ghetto there were those who smuggled in guns and bullets. We hid them in Leizer Zaretzky's cellar - in total 13 guns and 2000 bullets.
I turned to the gun collectors and explained to them that being experienced and knowing the route to the Partisans, I was prepared to go with them to the forest. It was decided that at 12 midnight, they would bring the guns to the back of the stable of Yankel Berel, the carpenter, that bordered the fence of the ghetto.
Leizer Zaretzky the wheelwright, cut the wires of the fence and Yosef Harkavy and I went out first.
We were really lucky, and fifteen men and three women left the ghetto. We followed the Setzkiye Highway to the Zadvoriye railway line. As we had to cross the tracks, our friends sat down to rest near Kaveloyishtshinne Street while Yosef Harkavy and I went to survey the surroundings.
At a distance we noticed a few Germans and along the length of the railway line and peasant guards were also standing there with sticks in their hands. So, we lay down next to the line and as soon as a train came into view, we crossed the line behind it. We were noticed, and they tried to find us with flares, but we had already reached the nearby forest.
We avoided the wide roads where the Germans marched and travelled. We walked the whole night until we reached the former Russian border. There we stopped in the forest for the whole day, and at night we passed through the village of Prushvenovve.
Not far from there, in a hamlet, lived an old Christian lady, a good acquaintance. I went with Yosef Harkavy and Ezriel Tunik's son Hirshel, to find out from her from what was happening in the district.
When the old Christian lady saw us, she came out looking fearful and did not answer our questions. We noticed however, that 3 revolvers were protruding from the second room of her house. We loaded our rifles and I said to Ezriel: switch on the flashlight! To our astonishment, there were 3 Jews there: one from Stoibtz and 2 from Warsaw. Shniur Bernshtein, the son of Itshe Bayle Etkes, recognized my voice. The other 2 were Yosef Reich and Hershel Possesorsky. They told us that they had been working for the Germans at the railway station and fled into the forest, taking with them 5 pistols that they stole from the Germans. By accident, Possesorsky was wounded in the foot, from his own loaded revolver. They had been lying close to the old Christian lady who brought them medicine from Uzre. We decided to go on our way together. We made a sort of stretcher from wood for the wounded man. We walked for 4 kilometers until we reached Mogilne. Approaching the Niemen River, we saw that the bridge had been burnt down so we made a sort of raft out of wood that carried the wounded man and the women across the river. The men crossed the river naked. We did not go into the village. We lay behind the village of Motetzky the whole day and gathered food. At dusk we went back into the village and from there, arriving in the first village, we took a wagon for the wounded man. In this way we went in the direction of Pesotshne. In this village, we met up with the Partisans. They allocated us, 3 to a house. They gave us food and allowed us to rest for a day, and then we went on our way to Zshukov's military detachment. When the Partisans at the detachment learned that Jews were arriving with guns, they received us with joy. After resting for a couple of days at Giltzik's Partisan detachment, we told them that we wanted to turn back to Stoibtz again, to rescue people and bring more guns.
A group assembled, consisting of 6 people from Stoibtz and another 6 Christians and eastern-Jews -- that meant Jews from eastern White Russia. We reached the village of Prushvenovve travelling in 2 wagons and went to a peasant farmer with whom we were acquainted. He asked us: how did we travel into the village that has been full of Germans for the past 2 days.
Somehow, we left the village and travelled into a thick forest. We remained there for a night and a day. Our group was displeased with me why did I bring them to the Germans? So, Harkavy and I proposed that we should take a vote who wants to go to Stoibtz and who wants to turn back. Only 6 voted for the proposal to go to Stoibtz. The other 6 acquired a horse and cart and turned back to the detachment.
On the way to Stoibtz, we sent a pregnant Christian woman to Stoibtz with a letter to Yakov Levin. He
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wrote to us, that after we left Stoibtz another slaughter took place. They only left behind necessary Jews. They would have liked to join us, but it was impossible to cross the railway line. However, we spent 2 days and 2 nights near Artzechier village, and nobody came. On the last night we went into the village and took 6 horses and pelts and wagons and took them to the detachment.
We sent a letter with the Christian woman to tell them where we were. Yache Altman forwarded the letter to her husband Kushe Altman in Baranovicz and as a result, 50 Jews from Baranovicz joined us in our detachment in the Yoveshtzer forest. Amongst them were also a few Jews from Stoibtz.
In January 1943, a Stoibtz group left to free Jews and acquire guns. The group found itself in the village of Faharelle, 12 kilometers from Stoibtz. The courageous partisan Possesorsky, dressed up as a peasant farmer from the village, with bread, a piece of butter and eggs and reached the Swerznie sawmill. Jews worked there and he said that he wanted to buy wooden boards. After giving the German guard a couple of eggs, the guard then allowed him into the sawmill. At lunch time, the Jews took Possesorsky into the camp.
A heavy snowfall and a storm that night, gave the Jews an opportunity to cut the wires of the fence and 250 Jews went free. Half of them went to other forests and those remaining came to us. As soon as we heard about this, riders were sent out to bring in, those who escaped. In the meantime, we harnessed all the horses that were in the village and went out to meet the escapees and put them into the wagons.
We took 30 wagons from the peasant farmers in the village with the promise that they would be returned. The promise was fulfilled.
When the Germans found out what had happened, we had already travelled 50 kilometers deep into the forest. When we arrived at the detachment, the managing committee called us together and complained because we had brought 125 people, and not one gun, to which we answered and stressed, that we would not send anyone back, but that we would go out in groups and find ways to acquire guns. At the head of one of the groups was the famous partisan Possesorsky.
On the way he met a partisan belonging to a group of Murder-Commandos. Possesorsky had a German farm-hand with him who he took from the Germans when he fled into the forest. The commander demanded that he hand over the farm-hand. To this Possesorsky replied: You are a hero to take away what is mine; to show courage, take from a German but not from me. The commander gave him an ultimatum of 5 minutes, and if not, he would put a bullet into him. Possesorsky did not believe that he would shoot him. That murderer shot him dead.
At the head of one group stood the young hero Ozer Mazze, who always advanced ahead under a hail of bullets, until he fell. When they received some arms, the Jews who were freed formed a company of fighters.
Stoibtz Jews were not able to sit idle and they again sought means of freeing Jews from murdering hands. A group of Stoibtz fighters organised themselves; their leaders were: Lachovitzky, and Vishniyo from Baranovicz. They were well-informed and very familiar with the roads to travel and their destinations.
At a distance of 100 kilometers from the camp, a large group went out, but on the way, we separated into 2 groups: Lachovitzky with 6 residents from Stoibtz, went towards Baranovicz, and my group remained to provide food for the detachment.
The first group came to the cemetery in Baranovicz. There they met a Jew who advised them to go to the bathhouse where they would find another Jew who would help them.
So, they left their guns in the attic of the prayer house at the cemetery. The Jew at the bathhouse received them well and gave them a room in their camp. Israel Machtey (Reuven the tailor's son), undertook to go into the enemy camp, so he put on a dark fur and a fur hat and smeared his face with soot to look like a railway worker. He went to the Palyesse railway station, where Jews from Stoibtz worked. He had in his possession, 4 hand grenades and a revolver. It was a matter of life or death.
On arrival at the railway station, at 8 o'clock on a winter's night, he approached the German, the guard, and said that he worked on the trains and that he had come from Stoibtz where a Jewish woman had given him tobacco for Hirshl Tunik (Feige's son), and that he wanted to deliver it to him.
They allowed him to go into the kitchen and he gave Hirshl the tobacco, and a letter, telling him that he should take a certain group of Jews out.
During the day, only 7 people left work and came to us, to the place where we were. The 7 were: Hirshl Tunik with his 2 sons, Leibe
[Page 327]
and Fyve, the 2 brothers Meir and Elimelech Machtey, Aharon Melamed and my son Tzvi Aginsky.
We did not rest, and we again organised a group of 8 members from Stoibtz. I was the guide of the group and Yosef Harkavy was the commander. The others were: Boaz Akselrod, Moshe Esterkin, Kushe Altman, Moshe Vineshtein, Shniur Berenshtein, Avraham Shulkin.
Our task was to burn down the sawmill in Stoibtz (that belonged to the Jew Kitayevicz) but was now managed by the Germans and Kitayevicz was now very useful to them.
They were called the heroic 8, whose aim and task was to rescue Jews. We were given the freedom to leave for 12 days. On the way we came across a camp of Germans and our situation was very bad. We were already 3 kilometers from Swerznie and 5 kilometers from Stoibtz. Somehow, we quickly and stealthily crept into a farmer's barn and lay there for a whole day. The Germans rode through endlessly the whole day, a day that seemed drawn out like a year.
We could hardly wait for nightfall. At 11pm we left the barn on our way to the railway line. Yosef Harkavy and I went to spy out the area and those remaining lay in wait. The two Germans who stood on guard, did not notice us, so we returned to our friends and crossed the railway line and made our way to the Stoibtz-Mir Highway and entered the Krugletze forest. From there we sent a peasant farmer to Stoibtz. He promised us that he would go as far as the Stoibtz sawmill and see what was happening there, but he did not return very quickly. The Germans beat him severely and arrested him. When they released him, he came immediately and told us, how the Germans are guarding against partisan attacks.
We decided to go to the Nalybokke forest, and to our misfortune we came upon a camp of a hundred Poles. They disarmed us but we immediately turned towards the Stalinske Brigade and when we showed our papers and where we were going, they returned our arms and our papers from the Polish headquarters and they also added that they would not hinder us and would help us in any way they could.
We went looking for Jewish groups in the small forests. We were told that Jews from Mir were in the Birshtanne forest. On our arrival there, amongst them we also found a few Jews from Stoibtz. They asked us to take them away from there, because, from amongst the village peasants close to the town, they sensed great hatred towards them. It was impossible to take everyone, as we ourselves did not know where we were going. About 12 Stoibtz residents came with us like: Yakov Levin with his family, the two Akselrod sisters, Horenkrieg with his family, Maishl Tunik (Etkes), Eli Bruchansky and others. We led them to the Nalybokke forest. We promised the remaining Jews that we would return quickly and take them out, because we had to get permission from the Russian military detachments to bring in more Jews into the forest. After travelling for about 50 kilometers, we learned that a group of 300 fleeing Jews, including women and children had arrived from Minsk. When we found their camp, we presented ourselves to their commander Zorin, and described what our task was. In answer to our request to allow the Stoibtz families to remain with him, he explained, that without guns, he could not keep anyone because they themselves have no rifles. So, we gave him two of our rifles and promised that we would bring additional guns for his division. In this way we managed to leave our Stoibtz people temporarily in Zorin's division.
We were a group of 8 Jews, well-armed and provided with papers of recommendation we arrived at the Rubzevitsh district and looked for Jews in the forests. I knew the area well so I went to an acquaintance, a farmer, and he indicated to me, the places where Jews could be found. When I arrived there, all the Rubezhvitz Jews with whom we were acquainted, rejoiced. They told us that quite close to them were a few Stoibtz Jews. There we met: Rivkah Kantorovicz, Sholem Ruditzky, Yankel Shmerkovicz (Berre Izis son-in-law), and Chilke, a refugee who lived in Stoibtz. They complained that the Russian partisans came often and tortured them. They were naked and barefoot. At night we went to a village and brought them clothes, bread and meat from there, and we promised to come and take them away from there.
As we made our way around the forest, we informed the leaders that there were groups of Jews in the forest. The commander of the entire district assembled the Jewish detachments, and the order was given to take in the Jews in the small groups, into their divisions.
Wagons were sent out to gather the Jews in the small forests. We still tried to cross the railway line to unite with our divisions, but we were showered with a hail of bullets. We left for the Stalin Brigade where we were welcomed as good guests. We used to carry out the most difficult tasks. Maishl Esterkin remained in the camp
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and 7 men from our group left in the direction of Chotevve. Hundreds of white Poles went out to fight with the partisans. A group of 30 partisans were surrounded; their guns were taken from them and thrown into a cellar. As we were of the last, 2 Russians told us that we were in danger, so we began to run into the forest. I was the first to run to the left and 2 more after me. The others ran to the right and fell into the hands of the bandits. They fought until their last bullet and fell like heroes. Regrettably, there we lost 5 Stoibtz heroes: Yosef Harkavy, Boaz Akselrod, Kushe Altman, Maishl Vineshtein, Shniur Bernshtein as well as a Christian.
Avraham Shulkin and I and another Christian, crossed over a huge swamp and on arriving at the detachment (division), we found no one because everyone went to fight against the Poles. Only women and the sick remained.
After a few days, we, a group of friends, went out to look for our Stoibtz friends, but we did not even find their bones.
The Red Army soon liberated all the partisans. Avraham Shulkin fell at the front lines of battle. I found my 16-year-old boy Tzvi, who I left in the forests.
I came to Stoibtz again and stood devastated on the graves of our most beautiful and best relatives and friends. The town had been burned down. We felt like living orphans at every step. Every step was dipped and soaked in Jewish blood. We looked for a way to run further. In Poland we did not find any peace for our broken spirits.
We came to the Land of Israel to fight for our own land. My son Tzvi Aginsky joined the Jewish Army as a volunteer and was wounded. Now he has the rank of Reserve Officer in the brave Jewish Army.
Sitting from right: Tanchum Esterkin, Moshe Esterkin, Shlayme Aginsky
Standing from right: Getzel Reiser, Moshe Borsuk, Shmuel Leib Aginsky, Mendl Machtey
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
Boeing's Dreamliner is "not reliable" an Airbus executive alleged Friday.
Airbus' sales chief John Leahy made the comment Friday at an event marking the 1,000th delivery of an A330.
"What they've got is an architecture that is not mature and that will eventually become mature. It's going to take a lot of time, a lot of money, a lot of cancelled flights. And maybe redesign quite a few systems onboard," Leahy said, according to this AFP report.
Leahy's comments comes a week after a 787 operated by Ethiopian Airlines caught fire while parked at London's Heathrow Airport. Investigators on Thursday recommended that the U.S. aviation authorities consider instructing airlines to disable the 787's emergency locator beacon, which is believed to have started the fire. The Federal Aviation Administration previously grounded Boeing's 787 for three months earlier this year until Boeing redesigned the jet's lithium ion battery system.
Leahy and Airbus celebrated the 1,000th delivery of an A330 aircraft. It's a milestone reached by only three other widebody jet programs: Boeing's 747, 777 and 767.


text:
WALTHAM, Mass. – The Brandeis University women's basketball team shot better than 50 percent from the field for the first time this season, hitting 32-of-63 (50.8%), to handle visiting Simmons College with ease, 69-37. Twelve different Brandeis players got into the scoring column as the Judges evened their record at 5-5, while the Sharks fell to 1-6 on the campaign.
Brandeis was led by junior guard Kasey Dean (Southbury, Conn./Pomperaug), who scored a game-high 12 points on 5-of-10 from the floor. Dean also finished with a game- and season-high six assists, two shy of a career-best. Her six assists were one fewer than the entire Simmons roster.
Sophomore guard Mikaela Garvin (Providence, R.I./Hope) just missed joining Dean in double figures with nine points off the bench on four-of-eight shooting. Five other Brandeis players scored between six and eight points. Rookie Niki Laskaris (Swampscott, Mass./Swampscott) led Brandeis and tied her career-high with six rebounds. The Judges also had a balanced attack on the glass, with four different players grabbing four boards and two others with three as they owned a 41-35 rebounding edge. Brandeis was also unselfish with the ball, as three players had three assists each. The Judges had 24 assists on 32 baskets.
Simmons did not have a player score in double figures, but senior Liz O'Connor (Milton, Mass./Milton) just missed a double-double with nine points and a game-high nine rebounds. O'Connor also led the Sharks with four assists and a blocked shot. Sophomore Olivia LaCroix (Manchester, N.H./Manchester Central) also had nine points off the bench for Simmons. The Sharks struggled from the field, hitting on just 12-of-56 (21.4%).
Brandeis never trailed in the contest, scoring the first six points of the game, four coming from Dean. Simmons kept the score close in the early stages of the game, as the Sharks were within five at the 9:30 mark after O'Connor converted a traditional three-point play to make it 19-14. The teams traded buckets on the next two possessions, so the score was 21-16 with 8:50 left in the first half. The Judges held Simmons without a field goal the rest of the way, allowing them just four free throws, on a 16-4 closing run. A bucket at the buzzer by rookie Samantha Mancinelli (Durham, Conn./Coginchaug) made it a 37-20 lead at the break for Brandeis, as the Judges outshot Simmons, 50 percent to 25.9 percent. Dean had 10 of her 12 points in the first half. The Judges didn't let up in the second half, when they started on a 16-3 run, and led by as many as 34 points. Brandeis outscored the visitors, 32-17, in the second 20 minutes, outshooting them 51.7 percent to 17.2 percent.
Done for the semester, the Brandeis women will return to action with an inter-session game on December 31 at 1 p.m. against Husson College, one final tune-up before University Athletic Association play begins against New York University on January 5 at 2 p.m.
Simmons is off until Jan. 3 when they travel to Mount Holyoke College at 6 p.m.
- 30 -


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Presenting Diaghilev and the Golden Age of the Ballet Russes, the V&A's major autumn exhibition, on view from September 25, 2010 until 9 January 2011. The Excellently extraordinary show explores "the world of the influential artistic director Serge Diaghilev and the most exciting dance company of the 20th century. Diaghilev combined dance, music and art in bold ways to create 'total theatre'. A consummate collaborator, he worked with Stravinsky, Chanel, Picasso, Matisse and Nijinsky," according to MuseumPublicity.com. "Treasures on show will include Picasso's huge front cloth for Le Train Bleu, as well as original costumes and set designs, props and posters by artists and designers like Léon Bakst, Georges Braque, Jean Cocteau and Natalia Goncharova. These will tell the story of a company which began in the social and political upheaval of pre-revolutionary Russia and went on to cause a sensation with exotic performances that had never been seen before."
Excellently Theatrical: The "Diaghilev and the Golden Age of the Ballet Russes" Exhibition at London's Outstanding Victoria & Albert Museum


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In his most recent book Philip Cooke aims "to investigate the various ways that the Resistance movement in Italy has impacted Italian politics, society, and culture over the period from 1945 to the present day" (p. 3). The research focuses in particular on the relationship between Italian politics and the culture of the Italian Resistance, seen as two interwoven strands that contributed to the formation "the DNA of modern Italy" (p. 3). Regarding his methodology, the author claims to use "a holistic approach that bridges the gap between historical and cultural analysis" (p. 3). The resulting work is an examination of various "vectors of memory" – partisan associations, political parties, key individuals, historiography, literary texts, memoirs, films, monuments, songs, and so on – that have been used to transmit the Resistance legacy. The volume follows a chronological order and is subdivided into eight chapters reflecting the major junctures of Italian post-war history.
The first chapter is devoted to the crucial period between 1945 and 1948. The legacy of the struggle against the Nazis and Mussolini's Social Republic is marked from the outset by various strengths and weaknesses. Neorealist cinema, most notably "Roma, Citta Aperta" by Roberto Rossellini, is a powerful medium through which the Resistance is painted as the redemption of the entire Italian people thanks to a collaboration between Catholics and Communists. The Resistance is described as a unified national liberation movement, while the reality of a civil war between Italians is overshadowed. This same interpretation is found in the press and in the country's collective memory which advances a rhetorical and interpretive paradigm, still in vogue today, of the Resistance as a sort of second Risorgimento. However Italian literature, unlike that of the French, fails to create a national epic out of the Resistance. Rather what dominates the published works during this time are "short stories" (p. 33), which mirror the strong regional differences characteristic of the Italian Resistance.
In the political sphere signs of crisis are quickly seen: the early fall of the government led by Italian Resistance leader Ferruccio Parri in November 1945; the disappearance the following year of the Action Party (PDA) that had inspired the liberation movement; the arrest of hundreds of former partisans, in particular Communists, at the start of the Cold War which placed the Resistance itself on trial; the splitting off of Catholics and actionists from the predominantly Communist National Association of Partisans of Italy (ANPI); and the ouster of the Communist Party (PCI) from the government in 1947 with the accusation they were plotting an armed revolution ("Plan K"). While the author lays to rest the idea that there ever was "a secret army of communist partisans" (p. 26) ready to take power, he does recognize the strong tensions within the PCI that resulted from friction between the strategy of party leader Palmiro Togliatti who sought official recognition of the party by collaborating with the other antifascist forces and the persistence of revolutionary ideas among the partisan base. This latter tendency continues even after the end of the war, as evidenced by the killing of "class enemies" that occurred mainly in the region of Emilia.
The next two chapters are dedicated to the periods running from 1948 to 1955 and from 1955 to 1960. It is an era which continues to be characterized in the prevailing historiography as dominated by "anti-antifascism" and the crisis of the Resistance in the context of the political hegemony of the Christian Democrat Party (DC).[1] The author highlights the vigor shown by the anti-fascist culture and he rightly draws attention to two aspects: the effective mobilization of the actionist culture, under the leadership of Piero Calamandrei, in defense of the Resistance and the rediscovery of the Resistance on the part of the Catholic Church thanks to political figures and ex-Partisans such as Paolo Emilio Taviani, Enrico Mattei and Giovanni Gronchi, who was elected President of the Republic in 1955.[2] This also allows him to burst the myth of a Communist monopoly of the Resistance.
In the 1950s "the process of erasure of the Resistance legacy" (p. 39) is halted, however the Resistance is not yet "released from the customshouse" (p. 81). For this we must wait until the 1960s, the era analyzed in the fourth chapter. Here the author does not differ in opinion from collected works on the period. The turning point here is the so-called "Tambroni Affair," sparked by the decision of Prime Minister Fernando Tambroni, a Christian Democrat, to allow the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI) to hold its national conference in Genoa, a stronghold of the Resistance movement. The choice led to massive demonstrations in the summer of 1960 against Tambroni. The subsequent fall of his government paved the way for the Socialist Party (PSI) to enter the ruling majority and solidified the hegemonic assertion of the Resistance culture as a second Risorgimento and heroic war of liberation. The Resistance thus enters the Pantheon of the nation. Proof of this are the celebrations of the twentieth anniversary of the Liberation in 1965, organized by a committee that included representatives of the PCI and transmitted on TV for the first time.
To challenge the official canon of the Resistance, broadly reflected in cinema and historiography, are literary works such as "I Piccoli Maestri" by Luigi Meneghello[3], with its ironic tone, and "Il Partigiano Johnny" by Beppe Fenoglio.[4] In the second half of the Sixties, with the rise of the student movement, it is primarily the Italian youth who begin to condemn the patriotic recasting of the Resistance in official ceremonies and instead rediscover the movement's revolutionary and class origins.
The years 1970–1978, subject of the fifth chapter, represent the period in which the anti-fascist culture had its greatest influence on society, as evidenced by a peak in construction of monuments dedicated to the Resistance and in the diffusion of partisan songs. At the same time, this era is marked by heightened political competition played out around the claim of a monopoly on the memory of the Resistance: On the one hand there are the political parties, from DC to PCI, which used the Resistance to defend government institutions threatened by terrorist challenges from both the right and the left and on the other hand is the "militant anti-fascism" that promoted the idea of a "betrayed Resistance" (given their revolutionary aspirations were blocked) to radically challenge these institutions. The author offers an effective analysis of the attempt to appropriate the memory of the Resistance by the young extra-parliamentary left, some of whom then opted to continue the armed struggle in the image of the partisans.
The sixth chapter, covering the years 1978–1989, traces the period between the election as President of the Republic of the Socialist leader Sandro Petrini – a prominent figure of the old anti-fascists; charismatic and pugnacious, in the front lines of the defense of the Resistance – and the transformation of the PCI into the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) as result of the fall of the Berlin Wall. The author links this transformation to repudiation of the past and the abandonment of the Resistance by the party that had been its most tenacious guardian – a conclusion I find much too drastic. More convincing is the assertion that the weakening of the Resistance legacy in the 1980s is a result of the anti-communist campaign of the Socialist Party led by Bettino Craxi set in a cultural context that is marked by the rediscovery of the theme of civil war and the memory of Salo. This is demonstrated by the success of Carlo Mazzantini's book, "A Cercar La Bella Morte"[5], with its humanization of young fascists who went to fight for Mussolini thinking they were preserving the "honor" of the nation.
The last two chapters deal with the period from the end of the First Republic to today. Anti-communist criticism of the Resistance gains acceleration, driven by the desire for political legitimacy of the New Right which rose to power in 1994 under the aegis of Silvio Berlusconi. Above all the National Alliance (AN) – Gianfranco Fini's party formed from MSI in 1995 – called for "reconciliation" between the old rivals, placing both fascists and anti-fascists on equal footing characterizing both as acting with patriotic intentions. It is during this time that on television, in newspapers and in book stores rampant revisionist history finds inspiration in the works of Renzo De Felice (although Cooke discusses De Felice only in passing) and the extraordinary success of the journalist Giampaolo Pansa, the "Dan Brown of Italian history" (p. 181). The anti-fascist front manifests two contradictory positions: one faction of the PDS, with Massimo D'Alema and Luciano Violante at the helm, accepts the demands of reconciliation and the revision of memory while another faction is instead mobilized to defend the Resistance. The latter reaction is demonstrated by the "both antifascist and anti-Berlusconi" protest (p. 156) organized in Milan on Liberation Day, April 25, 1994, and in the revival of Resistance songs, starting with "Bella Ciao," covered by bands like the Modena City Ramblers.
The last part of the book is marred by some shortcomings on the part of the author, who doesn't take into consideration the politics of memory developed over the last decade resulted in new days commemorating World War II. Particularly surprising is the lack of any reference to the fundamental work of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, President of the Republic, to revive the memory of the Resistance. On the whole, however, the work is very valuable, and its final appeal to Italian historians to make the fruits of their labor more accessible to the general public should be embraced. Philip Cooke certainly proves that it can be done in quite an excellent manner.
Notes:[1] See for example Giovanni De Luna / Marco Revelli, Fascismo/Antifascismo. Le Idee, le identitá, Firenze 1995.[2] Among those who have supported a similar view as the author see: Cristina Cenci, Rituale e memoria. Le celebrazioni del 25 aprile in Le memorie della Repubblica, in: Leonardo Paggi (ed.), Le memorie della Repubblica, Firenze 1999, p. 325–378; Filippo Focardi, La guerra della memoria. La Resistenza nel dibattito politico italiano dal 1945 a oggi, Rome-Bari 2005.[3] Luigi Meneghello, I Piccoli Maestri, Milano 1964.[4] Beppe Fenoglio, Il Partigiano Johnny, Torino 1968.[5] Carlo Mazzantini, A cercar la bella morte, Venezia 1986.
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Redaktion: hsk.redaktion [at] geschichte.hu-berlin.de. ISSN: 2196-5307


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Issue Type: Bug Created: 2009-08-27T09:08:52.000+0000 Last Updated: 2010-01-04T20:27:16.000+0000 Status: Resolved Fix version(s): - 1.10.0 (27/Jan/10)
Reporter: Marius Mühlberger (tracer) Assignee: Dolf Schimmel (Freeaqingme) (freak) Tags: - Zend_Mail
Related issues: Attachments: - replyTo.patch
Adding a reply-to address (via setReplyTo()) and sending the mail results in sending the mail to the given address additionaly to TO/CC/BCC.
Posted by Jachim Coudenys (coudenysj) on 2009-09-08T05:39:43.000+0000
The setReplyTo() function uses _addRecipientAndHeader, but should work like setFrom(), where only the header is set.
Posted by Jachim Coudenys (coudenysj) on 2009-09-08T06:40:39.000+0000
This is the first patch I make, so I hope it's a good one.
The patch fixes the the Reply-To header functions. It's acting like the ReturnPath functions.
Posted by Benjamin Eberlei (beberlei) on 2009-09-18T06:35:38.000+0000
Are you doing this on windows and using the Sendmail Transport.
Posted by Jachim Coudenys (coudenysj) on 2009-09-18T07:11:39.000+0000
I am, but this has nothing to do with the fact that the Reply-To address is added to the receivers list, I think.
Posted by Oliver Baltz (dewoob) on 2009-10-05T12:46:46.000+0000
I'm experiencing same bug with SMTP under Linux! The Reply-To address must not be added to the list of recipients, but just to the headers.
Posted by Dolf Schimmel (Freeaqingme) (freak) on 2009-10-15T19:17:20.000+0000
Issue fixed. Thank you for reporting.
Posted by Satoru Yoshida (satoruyoshida) on 2009-10-15T22:35:03.000+0000
Thank you, Dolf. And I add some fix at trunk SVN r18566: 1) from tab code to 4 spaces. 2) from $name = $this->_filterEmail($name); to $name = $this->_filterName($name);
Posted by Jachim Coudenys (coudenysj) on 2009-10-16T00:10:32.000+0000
Was the patch useful? Just to know if I should create other patches in the future...
Posted by Thomas Weidner (thomas) on 2009-10-16T00:40:55.000+0000
Patches are always usefull.
Even if te committer does not use it, he will always look at your sugestion and become an much better idea of what your problem and solution is.
It also gives you a better understanding of the framework.
And when you also add unittests to your patch, then the committer can use it completly without changes.
Posted by Dolf Schimmel (Freeaqingme) (freak) on 2009-10-16T10:04:24.000+0000
Yes, the patch certainly was useful as I hardly know anything about Zend_Mail (I did use it once though!). For some reason however your patch was pretty mangled up by which it was hard to see what actually did change, that is why I only used it as a reference. So please; do attach a patch too in future where possible, it is always appreciated!
Posted by Michael Sheakoski (michael) on 2009-12-27T23:02:21.000+0000
This issue still exists as of v1.9.6. Seems like the patch never made it in.
Posted by Satoru Yoshida (satoruyoshida) on 2010-01-04T20:27:12.000+0000
Hi, Michael, It seems that possibly you might misunderstand about the Next Minor Release, for me.
the Next Minor Release means not 1.9.x but 1.10.0 . I hope this comment could help you. ;-)
Have you found an issue?
See the Overview section for more details.


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Production Blog
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Find every cartoon that mentions math. This is a great recourse for math humor for math teachers.
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Like the Cartoon Guide to Statistics and the Comic Guide to Calculus, Comic Math lets you learn math while enjoying anime style cartoons. Our first math comic series will give you techniques to use on SAT math.
Zara is the hero of our math related cartoon. You'll forget you are learning about mathematics as you follow her story in our webcomic.


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Here's the latest horror about the Fall River drowning. Don't let this be the pool you care for, make sure your operators are trained, certified, conscientious and not driven to look the other way.
State pools often stay open after failed tests
Health inspectors' findings ignored; water quality frequently bad.
State-run pools came under intense scrutiny this summer after Marie Joseph drowned in a Fall River pool where the water was so cloudy her body went undetected for two days. State-run pools came under intense scrutiny this summer after Marie Joseph drowned in a Fall River pool where the water was so cloudy her body went undetected for two days. (George Rizer for The Boston Globe)
By Peter Schworm and Ben Wolford
Globe Staff | Globe Correspondent / September 11, 2011
State-run swimming pools regularly failed water-quality tests over the past five years, but have nevertheless often been kept open in defiance of powerless health inspectors and at likely risk to the public.
Of 175 inspections of public swimming pools and spray decks operated by the state Department of Conservation and Recreation, two-thirds documented at least one water-quality violation, and a still-higher proportion reported a variety of other health code infractions, according to a Globe review of state inspections from 2006 through last year.
The inspections noted chemical imbalances that can cause dangerously murky water and a range of health problems, from water-borne illnesses to skin and lung irritation. But because the local and state inspectors who evaluate pool safety work for the state Department of Public Health and have no authority over DCR pool managers, warnings often went unheeded. In at least 30 instances, pools remained open with violations that under state policies warranted immediate closure.
The findings alarmed safety advocates who said the high rate of inspection failures is a stark indictment of the 47 pools and other water facilities run by the DCR, which came under intense scrutiny this summer after a Fall River woman drowned in water so cloudy it concealed her body for two days on the pool floor.
"It really shows that the pool managers are doing a pathetic job,'' said Thomas M. Lachocki, chief executive of the National Swimming Pool Foundation, a nonprofit group that trains and certifies pool operators. "If you're not maintaining water quality, the risk of disease goes up, as well as the risk of drowning.''
State officials say they are working to address the problems, and that in May they struck an agreement for yearly inspections and better compliance from pool managers.
"I think the department acknowledges that this number of violations is not acceptable to us,'' said Edward M. Lambert Jr., commissioner of the DCR.
Richard K. Sullivan Jr., the state's environmental secretary and former head of the DCR, acknowledged that a lack of meaningful oversight created a self-policing culture and a "belief that the system ran itself and didn't necessarily have to open itself up to inspection.''
A 2001 opinion by the state attorney general's office declared that health inspectors had no legal authority over the pools, and oversight splintered.
Sullivan said the Patrick administration has made a concerted effort to improve pool water quality by stepping up training and pouring millions of dollars into upgrades.
Water quality, and managers' response to problems, have shown gains in recent years, according to inspection records. In 2006 and 2007, just 15 percent of pools passed a water-quality inspection. Over the following three years, that figure climbed to 36 percent. In many cases, pool managers agreed to close when water quality was poor.Continued...
Still, there have been notable exceptions. An inspector "strongly recommended'' closing the Olsen spray deck, a water park for small children in Hyde Park, in July last year because the chlorine level was 25 times what is allowed, according to the inspection records. But managers did not immediately close it, the inspector wrote.
In 2008, a state inspector found far too little chlorine in a Brighton pool, and recommended it close until the problem was corrected.
"Pool was not closed,'' the inspector wrote.
In Fall River this summer, investigators concluded the murky water prevented lifeguards from seeing 36-year-old Marie Joseph slip below the pool surface. Three pool employees resigned over the incident, which sparked widespread outrage, and a Fall River health inspector was fired for approving the pool for use while Joseph's body lay at the bottom.
Some safety advocates say that incentives to keep pools open, particularly during hot spells, can be intense. And though some pool managers have voluntarily closed to clear up safety issues, some may feel "too much pressure to let things go,'' said Thomas Carbone, president of the Massachusetts Health Officers Association and director of public health in Andover.
In 2006, an inspector who found that a Lowell pool had five times the maximum allowable amount of chlorine noted in a report that "DCR management is forcing the pool manager to keep the pool open even when there is no clarity in the pool and the pool chemicals are dangerously out of balance.''
Strict oversight is the only cure for such problems, critics say. Before the attorney general's 2001 ruling, that oversight had been long provided by health inspectors, said Suzanne Condon, associate commissioner of the DPH.
There was a "lack of consistency in terms of addressing violations,'' Condon said.
In recent years, some cities and towns that had sent local health inspectors to state-run pools, simply stopped.
"We don't have jurisdiction to tell them what to do, and they don't have to listen to us,'' said Amanda Wilson, director of health inspections in Worcester, which stopped inspecting state pools this year. "So it was sort of a waste of time.''
Michele Hlavsa, chief of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Healthy Swimming Program, said an analysis of more than 120,000 pool inspections in four states found that 12 percent had serious violations, such as a lack of disinfectant in the water.
"It's troubling,'' she said. "What's happening when the pool inspector is not there?''
Nationwide, hospitalizations for three common waterborne diseases cost the health care system as much as $539 million annually, the CDC estimates.
In Fall River, the pool opened for the summer on a Saturday in June, but by the next day it had turned murky. The chlorinator had shut off, and pool staff were balancing the water chemistry manually, a DCR investigation found. Yet the pool stayed open.
Unable to correct the problem, managers closed the deep end of the pool at 3:30 p.m. on June 26.
But Marie Joseph had already drowned, 12 minutes earlier.
The next day, as Joseph's body lay on the bottom, pool staff reported no problems.
"Good opening weekend,'' a DCR operations report stated. "No incidents or issues reported and facility looks great.''
Globe correspondent Matt Byrne contributed to this report. Peter Schworm can be reached at email@example.com.
© Copyright 2011 Globe Newspaper Company.
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Colorado Springs infant snatched from crib at foot of parents' bed
Christopher Enoch Abeyta was seven months old when someone took him from his crib at the foot of his parents' bed in the early morning hours of July 15, 1986 and disappeared.
Since then, a nasty legal battle has erupted in El Paso County District Court between the parents and sister of Christopher and his father's former mistress, Emma Corrine Bradshaw of Castle Rock.
It is an untidy story that revolves around a longstanding affair between Bradshaw, now 66, and Christopher's father, Gil Abeyta, now 72. A lawsuit and a counterclaim have been filed in El Paso County District Court.
Several of Christopher's family members have openly said they believe that Bradshaw had something to do with the infant's disappearance. Bradshaw claims that she had nothing to do with Christopher's disappearance and that the family's baseless and relentless pursuit of her got her fired and is now is making her life miserable.
Much of what is known about the evidence the Abeyta family believes implicates Bradshaw as Christopher's kidnapper is found in an e-mail that the boy's sister, Denise Alves, wrote to Bradshaw's boss, Robert Spicer, on Feb. 13, 2013. The letter was submitted as an attachment to Brashaw's lawsuit.
The e-mail explained to Spicer that Emma had been arrested about seven years before Christopher Abeyta's disappearance for stalking and harassment of another married man she was having an affair with. When the Pueblo potter "wanted to break things off with her, she threatened his children."
In a separate case two years later, Charles Raymond Trent, then 40, filed a police report on May 14, 1981 claiming that someone had punctured his waterbed in his bedroom, causing it to leak onto his floor and through the roof. It caused between $1,500 and $2,000 in damage. There was no sign of forced entry, he told a Pueblo police officer. He added that it could have been Emma Bradshaw, his girlfriend, the police report says.
"The victim said he has been trying to get rid of her," the officer wrote in his report.
Emma Corrine Bradshaw denied she was the one who slashed the bed.
Two days later on May 16, 1981, Bradshaw called 911, according to a police report. Bradshaw told a police officer that she had recently received a series of anonymous phone calls. The caller, a man, repeatedly made an obscene statement and then would say, "Keep away or something else will happen!"


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Did you know come April of 2010, it's going to be more expensive to remodel or repaint your home? The EPA has established new regulations with regards to the removal of lead paint which will affect homeowners with homes built anytime pre-1978.
Our home is near Grant High was built in 1929. From now on sanding or remodeling will have to adhere to new rules. An overview is available at Homesavvi in a January article titled Lead Paint. Oregon.gov has TIPS FOR REMODELING AND FIX-UP that you will want to read before undertaking your next DIY project. Interior designers and contractors have been studying the new rules for some time.
Here are some tips that stand out for me:
- The Oregon Lead-Based Paint Program certifies professionals who inspect homes for the presence of lead-based paint and others who can identify or remove lead paint hazards.
- If you choose to hire someone to do the work, be sure you are dealing with someone who will use lead-safe work practices and who is registered with the Construction Contractors Board. Please see the list of certified companies to identify abatement professionals that test or work on individual residential properties.
- DO NOT Power blast, dry scrape or dry sand because these practices create lead dust.
- DO wear personal protective clothing and equipment, such as eye protection, rubber gloves, and a respirator.
I'm certain the painting contractor will charge me more to comply.
Bev & Mike
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