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CONFCOMMERCIO-Imprese per l'Italia, Italian General Confederation of Enterprises, Professions and Self-Employment, is the largest business association in Italy.
Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia was established for this very reason: to give voice to people and enterprises, which today count more than 700,000, with almost 2,700,000 employees, making it the largest business association in Italy. With its well-developed and extensive network of associations, divided by region, profession and industry, Confcommercio protects and represents its members in dealings with institutions, promoting the role of market services, which is, within a services economy, with a contribution of 41% of added value and 43.7% of employment in Italy, the real engine of national economy.
From the small neighbourhood business to franchising networks, to media and large-scale retail operations, Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia represents enterprises of all sizes operating in different commerce sectors and along the whole distribution chain
The Confederation groups hotels, public establishments, travel agencies, tour operators, incentive services, camp sites, tourist villages, tourism-hotel residences, time-shares, bed & breakfasts, youth hostels, beach resorts, night clubs, marinas and boat hire enterprises and meeting planners. They are coordinated by Confturismo.
This area groups services for enterprises (including those providing advertising, ICT and consultancy services), services for people (from sports activities to insurance agents) and professional activities.
Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia dedicates particular attention to the transport and infrastructure sector. Its members include Italy's leading road haulage, shipping and logistics enterprises, which are coordinated by Conftrasporto, as well as port, rail and automotive enterprises.
Given the diversity of their size, partners and fields of operation, Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia has the growth opportunities facing its members at the heart. Its activities are based on the principles of transparency, consensus, pluralism, social responsibility for business activities and subsidiarity. In addition, it is committed to working towards greater fiscal equity, simplifying the administrative system and reducing bureaucratic procedures, guaranteeing safety and legality, ensuring easier access to credit, boosting innovation, productivity and the opening of markets. All this to reach its overriding target: growth for its member enterprises, and, with it, economic growth for the country as a whole.
The Presidents of Confcommercio from 1945 to the present
Confcommercio was established in Rome on 29 April 1945 by a group of free provincial shopkeepers associations from Central-Southern Italy and some professional associations.
At an assembly held the following year, northern associations joined the federation, and its first president was appointed.
In 1949, the remaining provincial associations joined the Confederation.
In the 1950s, foreign commerce and tourism became increasingly well represented by the Confederation, which in 1961 thus changed its name to Italian General Confederation of Commerce and Tourism.
The most significant events affecting Confcommercio in the 1960s and 1970s included the creation of social agency Enasco, an organisation providing services and assistance to shopkeepers, and the passing of Law 426 of 1971 on governing commerce sector.
The importance of European politics also grew during this period, and in 1981, the Confederation opened a representative office in Brussels.
This period also saw the launch of the BIT (Borsa Internazionale del Turismo – International Tourism Exchange), today the largest commerce fair in the tourism sector, created by Confcommercio, which made its debut in 1981. The Confederation's activity in the following years, which targeted growth in the area it represents, led to the recognition of the importance of the tertiary sector within the national economy. Consistent with this process, at the end of the 1980s, the Confederation adopted the new name of the Italian General Confederation of Commerce, Tourism and Services.
During this period and in the following decade, Confcommercio's commitment to issues of particular importance to its member enterprises and the national economy increased. These issues included taxes, the South of Italy, crime, the adoption of the euro and labour market reform, and were often tackled with the launch of important national initiatives promoted by the Confederation.
In 1993, Confcommercio was among the founding partners of Eurocommerce, the European association of retail and wholesale international trade.
In 1995, the Confederation celebrated its 50th anniversary with a series of nationwide events and initiatives, and a few years later, in 1998, Italy's Parliament approved Legislative Decree 114 – known as the "Bersani reform" – which launched the process of commerce sector reform.
In 1999, Confcommercio held the first edition of the Cernobbio Forum, which was to become one of the key dates in the Confederation's calendar on economic and social issues.
In 2000, Confcommercio created Confturismo, an organisation representing the tourism sector, with the objective of strengthening the unified representation of tourism enterprises and optimising the sector's strategic role in Italy's economic growth. Subsequently, Conftrasporto, the organisation that represents transport, shipping and logistics enterprises, joined Confcommercio.
In more recent years, the continued strengthening of the unions' role in the Confederation has gone hand in hand with the increasingly marked swing of the Italian economy towards the tertiary sector.
The need also grew to boost the unified representation of small and medium-sized enterprises, which in 2006, together with Casartigiani, CNA, Confartigianato and Confesercenti, led to the "Capranica Pact", which coordinated the five main associations representing these enterprises.
In 2009, the Confederation reformed its by-laws with a view to strengthening its mission as the unified representative of member enterprises and launching a significant organisational restructuring process. It changed its logo and extended its name, which became "Confcommercio – Imprese per l'Italia", Italian General Confederation of Enterprises, Professions and Self-Employment. This process has subsequently continued, with the objective of modernising Confcommercio's organisational structure, optimising its regional levels and promoting sector federations. In May 2010, the work of the "Capranica Pact" culminated in the establishment of "Rete Imprese Italia", an organisation coordinating tertiary enterprise activities and artisans.
In recent years, the activity of Confcommercio has been focused on "strong" union issues – such as taxes, consumption, work, infrastructure and legal issues – strengthening the Confederation's mission of representing Italian enterprises and increasing the role of the services sector in social dialogue and economic policy decisions.
All enterprises, small, medium-sized and large.
Which Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia represents, supports and accompanies along the path of innovation, growth and development.
Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia conducts three institutional activities: its signs national contracts in the tertiary, distribution and services, tourism, transport and logistics sectors, and other important collective bargaining agreements, which, in total, apply to almost five million workers; it protects and represents the economic and social interests of enterprises and entrepreneurs in dealings with institutions, political and economic organisations and trade unions; it promotes important management and professional training initiatives, technical assistance to enterprises, complementary social security and integrated healthcare tools covering more than 1.5 million workers, and credit consortia to facilitate access to credit.
In spring 2013, Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia established UNITER Srl, the first agency for enterprises accredited by the Italian Ministry for Economic Development to issue declarations of compliance for the start of new economic activities.
Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia is present through its representatives in national entities and organisations (including Censis, Cnel, Enasarco, Inail, Inps and Istat), in the network of Chambers of Commerce and on numerous ministerial steering committees.
At European level, the Confederation operates through its delegation to the European Union, its membership of Eurocommerce and its institutional presence in the EESC (European and Economic Social Committee). Through the Enterprise Europe Network, a structure coordinated by the Enterprise and Industry DG of the European Commission, the Confederation also supports European businesses by fostering international expansion and innovation.
Through the various levels of its organisation, Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia provides members with assistance and support in strategic areas for the management and development of business activities: advice on organisational, legal, labour and collective bargaining issues, social security, safety at work and union and tax assistance; fiscal services; quality certification.
It also provides specialist support on social security issues through 50&Più Enasco, and in the field of credit through Federascomfidi, the association that groups the Confederation's credit consortia.
Furthermore, thanks to special agreements with leading companies in the fields of banking, insurance, telecommunications, goods and other vehicles, ICT services, transport and energy, Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia offers its members access to a range of efficient and cost-effective services to support their operations.
Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia is present across Italy through an extensive network of associations, divided by region (provincial associations and regional unions), and at profession and sector level.
This structure enables Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia to respond to the specific needs of the business world, promoting a business culture based on the spirit of association, relationship and cooperation.
Furthermore, Confcommercio-Imprese per l'Italia has two organisations operating at national level in the sectors it represents dedicated to young people and women in business respectively: the Young Entrepreneur Association (Gruppo Giovani Imprenditori) and Women and the Tertiary Sector (Terziario Donna). These are two important components, not only within the network of associations, but also in Italy's economic and social fabric as a whole.
The Confederation has also developed a contractual welfare system for employees and executives, particularly in relation to training and professional qualifications, healthcare services and supplementary benefits:
Representation in European institutions
Delegation to the European Union
Avenue Marnix, 30 – 1000 BRUSSELS (Belgium) Tel. +32 (0)2 2896230 – Fax +32 (0)2 2896235
http://bruxelles.confcommercio.eu/ - email@example.com


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Tournament completed!
Share the victory to your followers by giving a shout-out.
Tournament Rules and Guidelines
All unsportsmanlike conduct directed towards other members, will result in a temporary 1 week ban from all SFD Tournaments. Repeat offenders will be dealt with accordingly.
your discord name on the server to include your CFN. This makes it easier to
find matches as well as TOs locating fighters.
1. The TO for this will be Manny
2. Firkraag will be streaming for us. The twitch stream will be linked here:
· Must be apart of discord group AND in Europe
· Participants MUST check-in before tournament starts or they will be kicked
o Check in is a full hour before tournament so you have time
GL Have Batman
Resultados Finais
|Campeão supremo:
|Oponente digno:
|Talvez na próxima:

subset: commoncrawl


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Is there any literature, especially when doing mathematics without the axiom of choice, that discusses using collections of cardinal numbers in place of individual cardinal numbers, when discussing cardinal numbers with certain properties?
That's a little vague, and I will presently give a few motivational examples that should help to clarify what I'm thinking of. But first, a quick definition of the translation between cardinal numbers and collections of cardinal numbers assuming the axiom of choice: If K is a cardinal number, then {L | L < K} is a collection of cardinals which is small and downward-closed. Conversely, if C is a collection of cardinals which is small and downward-closed, then there exists a unique cardinal K (to wit, the smallest cardinal that does not belong to C) such that C = {L | L < K}. So the correspondence between these two perspectives is straightforward —if we assume choice.
Now I'll consider some types of cardinal numbers. A weak limit cardinal is an infinite cardinal K such that L+ < K whenever L < K. A strong limit cardinal is an infinite cardinal K such that 2L < K whenever L < K. A regular cardinal is an infinite cardinal K such that Σi ∈ I Li < K whenever |I| < K and each Li < K. An inaccessible cardinal is an uncountable regular limit cardinal. A weakly compact cardinal is an inaccessible cardinal K such that the height of a tree is less than K whenever every level has width less than K and every branch has length less than K (the tree property). Etc.
Although these are all properties of an individual cardinal number K, they all refer to that cardinal only through the collection of smaller cardinal numbers. (The exceptions are the adjectives 'infinite' and 'uncountable', which are really only there to rule out trivial cases.)
If you don't assume the axiom of choice, then it's easy to still consider these conditions on a small, downward-closed collection of cardinals, but now this is more general than a collection of the form {L | L < K}. If you go beyond doubting the axiom of choice and drop the law of excluded middle (so doing constructive mathematics, in a moderate sense), you can get more flexibility by messing with the interpretation of 'downward-closed'; for example, the collection {0, 1, 2, …} of all finite (in the strictest sense) cardinal numbers is closed under taking decidable sub-cardinals but not arbitrary sub-cardinals and so gives a 'regular' collection of cardinals which is different from {L | L < ℵ0}.
I'm interested in understanding what regular cardinals and inaccessible cardinals should be in constructive mathematics. (Bigger than that, I don't really even understand them in classical mathematics.) It seems to me that they have to be collections of cardinals rather than individual cardinal numbers. But this perspective already makes sense in classical mathematics, especially without the axiom of choice. Has anybody studied this?


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Matchbox Kitchen's Hot Chocolate Cake
In contrast to the White Velvet is the new Hot Chocolate cake. Inspired by Mexican hot chocolate, a rich chocolate cake is lightly seasoned with a touch of cinnamon and chili powder. Layered in between is chili caramel sauce, infused with three types of chilies for a spicy flavor and hint of smokiness. It is then finished off a slathering of silky whipped ganache buttercream and garnished with caramelized sugar shards sprinkled with red pepper flakes. Not for the faint of heart, as this a decadent semisweet chocolate flavor with a noticeable hint of spice.
As a Valentine's treat, the Hot Chocolate cake is available in a petite 4 inches. To order, please visit our website.


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NARAL seeks to redefine 'choice'
The new head of NARAL Pro-Choice America is ready to redefine "choice." It's the right to end a pregnancy — and the right to start one, including access to pricey fertility treatment.
Once a baby is born, parents should have paid family leave to take care of them.
Story Continued Below
On the job for only a few weeks, Ilyse Hogue hasn't spelled out all the details of these ideas, and a representative for the National Abortion Rights Action League said the group is just beginning to think about broadening its policy priorities.
But Hogue says that 40 years after Roe v. Wade, it's time to take stock of what "choice" means, of what women need to be free to decide "how and when and with whom they have a family."
"Choice is a dynamic thing," she told POLITICO in an interview in her new office last week. "It's not like the definition of choice 40 years ago necessarily is the same definition. It will always be access to safe and legal abortion. … But that's the beginning of the conversation; that's not the end of the conversation."
That doesn't mean abortion isn't central to her mission. But she does hope that NARAL doesn't have to spend all its time going head to head with anti-abortion rights advocates who are sponsoring what she called "wackier and wackier bills" in the states. She doesn't want to dilute NARAL's message by focusing on extreme proposals — at least not on those unlikely to pass.
"I think the right's strategy is the death-by-a-thousand-cuts strategy," she said."They're just going to keep introducing wackier and wackier bills wherever they can, at the state level or the federal level.
"Our challenge is to make sure that we are holistically responding to that overarching threat without actually spending all of our time responding to crazier and crazier bills," she continued. "So we have the ability to actually put together a proactive agenda and do some offensive work as well."
Hogue took over from Nancy Keenan on Feb. 1 after Keenan stepped aside as president to make room for a leader who could rally a younger generation to take their abortion rights beliefs to the polls.


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Playing this video requires the latest flash player from Adobe.
Download link (right click and 'save-as') for playing in VLC or other compatible player.
I will describe some recent advances in the simulation of binary black hole spacetimes using a numerical scheme based on generalized harmonic coordinates. After a brief overview of the formalism and method, I will present results from the evolution of a couple of classes of initial data, including Cook-Pfieffer quasi-circular inspiral data sets, and binaries constructed via scalar field collapse. In the latter case, preliminary studies suggest that in certain regions of parameter space there is extreme sensitivity of the resulting orbit to the initial conditions. In this regime the equal mass black holes exhibit behavior reminiscent of "zoom-whirl" particle trajectories in the test-mass limit.


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Dario Cologna had the strongest finish to win the men's 30-kilometer skiathlon at the Sochi Olympics on Sunday, showing he's back to full fitness after a season disrupted by an ankle injury.
The Swiss cross-country skier pulled away from a quartet of skiers at the top of the final uphill section and then held off defending champion Marcus Hellner of Sweden on the final straight.
Cologna finished in 1 hour, 8 minutes, 15.4 seconds for his second Olympic gold medal. Hellner was 0.4 seconds behind to win silver, with Martin Johnsrud Sundby of Norway taking bronze.
Cologna is a three-time overall World Cup winner. He needed surgery to repair an ankle ligament in November and only returned to competition last month.


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The Musicians Guide To Fan-Funding
Emerging musicians are in an eternal struggle against two evils: funding projects and growing a fanbase. In the past, musicians have funded their own albums, and have used it as leverage to gain more fans. But artists on a fixed income may run into issues funding their own projects, which can have harmful effects on the quality of the final product.
Of course, the next option is to release a demo or EP and work on building a fan base, meanwhile shopping around for a record deal with a major or indie label. The benefit here of course is that all of the financing of the album is accounted for, but lets face it, this is not the easiest thing to pull off. Labels typically won't even look at you until you've crossed the 10,000-units-sold mark, and unfortunately that is becoming an increasingly difficult task to accomplish:
…in 2008 there were 1500 releases that sold over 10,000 album units. Out of that there were only 227 of them that were artists that had broken 10,000 for the first time. So in the whole year only 227 of the artists were artists that had broken what we call the "obscurity line." When you sell 10,000 albums, you're no longer an obscure artist; people know about you. You may not be a star yet, but you're in the game. That gets you out of the glut and into the game. We looked at the 227 and identified that only 14 of them were artists doing it on their own and all the rest were on majors and indies; a little more than half were on indies.
~Tom Silverman Founder, Tommy Boy Records
And more often then not, you as the artist are stripped of some if not all creative control, resulting in an album that may work for the fans, but doesn't work for you.
The only option left, is to find someone else to fund your project. Why not the fans? With digital distribution and social networking on the rise, fans have more music at their finger tips than ever before. Therefore artists are trying all sorts of unique ways to engage their fans, empower their fans and create their own community of fans surrounding the music. What better way to engage and empower the fans than fan-funding your next project?
What is Fan-Funding?
Fan-funding (or crowdfunding) is the simple concept of empowering the fans to raise money for you- to FUND your project. Typically this is done through an incentive system, in which the artist will set a monetary goal, and has a set amount of time to reach said goal. There are then different levels of rewards that vary based on the amount a fan contributes towards the project.
Not only does fan-funding give you the opportunity to fund a project where you maintain 100% of the creative control and ownership, but it can create a new level of excitement and personal connection between the fans, you and your music. Fan-funding can give you, the artist, the opportunity to share the journey of 'the road to the completed project' with all of your fans. And from a marketing standpoint, it gives you the means to create a more powerful, emotionally charged marketing campaign than ever before.
All fan-funding campaigns must contain 3 very important elements, which together have been labeled The Crowdfunding Manifesto by RocketHub co-founder, Brian Meece:
1. The Project
2. The Network
3. The Rewards
According to Meece, all three 'pillars' must be equally yet uniquely important in order for a campaign to be successful.
Past fan-funding projects have included raising money to produce full length albums, music videos, books, documentaries, and even touring and producing merchandise. The point is that if you have a network of fans, friends and family and have a project that you are dedicated about, no matter how big or small, you can use fan-funding to make that happen.
Reward Your Fans!
One of the three 'pillars' of fan-funding is the reward. An important part of the fan-funding process is the reward given to the fans who are willing to contribute money, which is not only an incentive for the fans to give the money, but is also a token of appreciation from the artist. However, fan-funding platforms such as the ones listed below, leave it up to you to establish creative rewards. In simple terms, the more valuable the rewards are to your fans, the more likely it will be that you achieve your goal.
Rewards vary based on how much money the fan is willing to contribute, so your rewards should also vary in greatness. While it is understandable for the smaller contributions to be met with a simple reward, such as receiving a signed copy of the album and/ or a T-shirt, you will find more success if you come up with some extremely creative and enticing reward opportunities. Here are a few reward ideas that may help you jump start your campaign and bring you one step closer to achieving your goals:
- For artists whose music is more focused on the lyrical content than the musical composition, offer hand-written and signed lyrics for a contribution of $50 or more.
- Are you also an artist? Offer an original piece of your own artwork (i.e. a painting, photograph or drawing) for anyone who contributes $100 or more. This is a great way to give people a constant reminder of your journey, and FYI - the cost of creating a piece of art can be fairly cheap, so the money they just gave you won't have to go right back into the reward.
- Any artist with an enviable level of talent, whether it be through songwriting, musicianship or even singing can give a music lesson to any fan who contributes $100 or more.
- For artists who have been around for quite a while and have a few previous albums, give contributors of $200 a USB stick with all of your albums (including the new one), which also grants them free access to any of your shows.
- Put on a killer live show and are about to go on tour to support the new album? Give your diehard fans who contribute $500 the opportunity to hang out before and after a show, and write the set-list for that show.
- For any fan loyal enough to contribute $1000, they get to spend a day in the studio with the artist during the recording process for the album and receive an executive producer credit on the album. Not to mention all of the goodies from each level of contribution up to the $1000 mark.
-Any fan who contributes $2000 has got to have a personal/ emotional connection with the music that is so strong, they HAVE to ensure that this project becomes a reality. Why not act upon that connection and offer a private concert in their home or even at a special event like a birthday or a wedding.
Tips For An Effective Fan-Funding Campaign
- A well-told, engaging story. The first step to getting people to believe in your campaign is a great story. No one wants to contribute money to someone who posts 'well… I failed at everything else in my life, so I figured, why not try music? Please give me money so I can make music :-)'
- Create a campaign video! Now that you've got the engaging story to explain your passion and why this project is so important, you MUST create a video and upload it to Youtube and Vimeo. When you encourage your fans and contributors to share your story and help spread the word, you have to give them an easy way to make sharing possible. Youtube and Vimeo videos are easily sharable through Facebook, Twitter, Myspace, Blogs, Email and any other possible place you can think to get the word out.
- Don't flat out ask for money, rather sell fans on the potential benefits of being apart of the journey.
- Update Often! Fans who have willingly contributed to your campaign, especially the ones who have contributed a lot of money, are looking to be apart of something special - a journey. You owe it to your contributors to update them often!
- Make the rewards for the smaller contributions ($5 - $100) very compelling. While you may be lucky enough to have fans who contribute more than that, the majority of the contributions will be for smaller increments of money. Make the $5 contribution reward appealing and you will have more contributors!
- Don't forget about your brand! This goes along with your story, your journey and even your rewards. Rewards are only beneficial if the fans want what you are offering, so make sure that if your fans want signed gear, you give it to them and not a generic photograph. Vice vera, if you are personable and quite likable, don't just offer signed albums when the fans clearly want to meet you in person!
(Some) Available Services
Kickstarter: A safe and reliable service, Kickstarter has created an all-or-nothing pledging system that requires artists to achieve their goal before any money changes hands. In other words, if you don't meet your goal, all pledges are cancelled. Kickstarter has cited three main reasons why this is so important:
Kickstarter is still in Beta, so all projects must be submitted in proposal form and reviewed by the Kickstarter team.
Fee: 5% of total funds pledged to all SUCCESSFUL campaigns
Successful Campaigns: Five Times August teamed up with Kickstarter in the early stages of the company, and successfully raised $20,546 (he had a goal of $20,000) in just 31 days!
Click here for more information about the Kickstarter campaign process.
Pledge Music: Similar to Kickstarter, Pledge Music uses an all-or-nothing pledging system, and is also still in Beta, so all projects must be approved before campaigns go live. However there are a few main difference:
- Artists can opt-in to giving a portion of their revenue to a charity of their choice.
- Unlike Kickstarter, the service's sole purpose is to fan-fund music related projects. The benefits of this is that Pledge Music has existing relationships with third-party music services (i.e. if you want your music on online stores such as iTunes, Pledge has strategic partners to not only help you make that happen, but get you a better price in the process).
- Pledge Music recently released a data capture widget that is free for all artists. This widget allows artists to collect email addresses, Facebook Fans and Twitter Followers in exchange for a track.
Fee: 15% of total funds pledged to all SUCCESSFUL campaigns
Successful Campaigns: Demark-based acoustic folk artist Tina Dico set a goal of €30,000 to be reached in 30 days. Tina had also established in the guidelines of her campaign that 15% of all funds earned after hitting her target would go to Amnesty International. Tina smashed this target by raising TWICE as much as her intended goal (over €60,000 in just 30 days!). Of course, that also means that Amnesty International recieved a contribution from Tina of €4,500!
Click here for more information about the Pledge Music campaign process.
Rocket Hub: Labeled as a 'grassroots crowdfunding platform' Rocket Hub is similar to Kickstarter and Pledge Music in that it is a well-established, all-or-nothing fundraising platform. Also similar to Kickstarter, Rocket Hub is open to more than just musicians, citing that their services are open to anyone who is a 'creative' (i.e. Musicians, Filmmakers, Authors, Painters, Photographers, Scientists, Social Experimenters, Actors, Comedians, Chefs, Designers, Developers, Inventors, Programmers, Architects, Journalists, Startup Founders, etc.).
However, unlike either of the previous services, Rocket Hub is a completely open platform, meaning that anyone can create a fan-funding campaign and there is no screening process before the project goes live.
Fee: 8% of total funds pledged to all SUCCESSFUL campaigns
Successful Campaigns: NYC-based musician Alfonso Velez had recorded his album, but after some financial hardships, ran out of money before he could make all of the last, and crucial steps to properly releaseing an album. Alfonso set up a campaign with a compelling story, a target of $6,500 and a goal to "master the record, manufacture 1,000 CD's, 100 Vinyl copies, 340 Digital download cards, 150 T-shirts and grab a publicist and tour support to get this record performed live in your town." Using RocketHub, Alfonso was able to surpass his target of $6,500 by raising $7,730!
Click here for more information about the RocketHub campaign process.
Other Fan-Funding Services You May Want To Explore:
Artist Share - IndieGoGo - SellaBand - My Band Stock - CASH Music - SliceThePie - Pledgebank MobIncentive
With this information, you should have all of the basics needed to start your own fan-funding campaign. Remember that in today's world of music, fans are no longer content with simply purchasing music. Through social networking and blogging, fans have established a new desire to connect with you, the artist, on a more personal level. Whether or not you decide to let the fans into your personal life is completely up to you, but if you are an emerging artist looking for a solution to the fan and funding evils of the industry, why not consider a fan-funding campaign? If executed properly, a fan-funding campaign can be your marketing, networking and creative outlet all in one.
Jon is the co-founder of MicControl, a music blogging network based on a music social networking platform. This article originally appeared on the MicControl Blog on August 13th, 2010. For guest blogging opportunities or for simply reaching out, Jon can be found on twitter and facebook.
What is your take on fan-funding? Leave some feedback in the form of a comment below. Good or bad, any suggestions or concerns are greatly appreciated by the community at large.


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I thought that was pretty scuzzy. SMS was kind enough to make the entire library of Talislanta books available for free as PDFs. That is a gift to the fans (but a conditional gift for personal use only).Steve Sechi on Facebook wrote:Hi all - just wanted to let you know that Scott Agnew has been removed and permanently banned from the Talislanta Facebook page for illegally selling print-on-demand versions of numerous Talislanta titles through Amazon.com (illegal, because he no longer had the license to manufacture and sell Talislanta books). After I notified Amazon of this, they agreed to remove all of the POD Talislanta titles from their site. Scott also did the same thing with the Atlantis book, causing Jerry Grayson of Khepera to contact Amazon as well. It was Jerry who discovered what Scott was doing, at which point he notified me. Hence the reason for removing Scot from this list. If anyone here happens to come across any POD Tal or Atlantis books being sold anywhere online, please let Jerry or me know. Thanks, and once again thanks to all of you for supporting the Talislanta game.
SMS says please keep an eye out for anyone else selling these illegal Print on Demand books and let him know about it.


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Hillary Clinton, in her memoir, "Living History," recalled the first words she heard out of Bill Clinton's mouth. It was the fall of 1970 at Yale Law School, and Bill (she thought that he resembled a Viking) was excitedly telling classmates about the virtues of his home state. "And not only that, we grow the biggest watermelons in the world!" he boasted as Hillary Rodham happened to walk by. Hillary asked a friend who he was. "Oh, that's Bill Clinton," the friend told her. "He's from Arkansas, and that's all he ever talks about."
Thirty-seven years later, on the Sunday before Labor Day, the ex-President and First Lady stood in a barn at the Hopkinton State Fair, in New Hampshire, and inspected the finalists in an annual pumpkin-growing contest—which inevitably led to talk about watermelons. Bill, in a pink checked shirt and white pants, reminisced about the enormous melons of his Arkansas youth as he admired the champion gourd, which, at a thousand and four pounds, sat triumphantly before them; he asked the grower, Bruce Whittier, detailed questions about the art and science of raising oversized fruit. Hillary smiled and chatted politely, but she seemed ready to move on to the cows and sheep.
Bill, now an expert, was asked how much water pumpkins need. "No, no, don't tell them," Hillary said. "It's a trade secret." Striking a pensive pose, arms folded across his chest, Bill paused for a second before overruling his wife. "Way over fifty gallons a day," he said, with genuine astonishment. Then, as he began to talk about the differences between watermelon- and pumpkin-growing, Hillary turned away to talk to the governor of New Hampshire and eventually left her husband behind in the pumpkin stall.
She was halfway to Jeff Jordan's Sheep Barn when Bill's ruminations turned into a full-fledged press conference. "I don't know what the latest record was, but the last record I saw was, like, two hundred and seventy-something pounds," the former President explained, as reporters thrust recorders into his face. "So that's like a quarter of the size of the winner here, a little more than a quarter. But that's a huge watermelon." Returning to the message of the day—that Hillary knows when to "stand her ground" and when to "find common ground"—he went on to offer a startling comparison between fruit competitions and serving in the White House: "When you grow a big pumpkin or you're in a watermelon contest, if you give it too much water and the skin breaks, you're eliminated. And if you give it too little somebody else beats you, because they got a bigger melon or a bigger pumpkin. So it's like, at the end, and in very tense circumstances, there are these constant judgment calls. You know, it's kind of like being President—you want to make it as big as you can without breaking the skin." With that, Bill Clinton may have aptly described his role in his wife's campaign.
After the pumpkin press conference, Bill noticed that Hillary and her entourage were out of sight. "Where'd they go?" he asked an aide. "Do they just not shake hands with as many people as I do?" Though Bill is a more loquacious politician and a more vigorous campaigner than Hillary, her aides have decided that his popularity among Democrats outweighs the considerable risk that he will overshadow her. He has become suddenly ubiquitous, especially in New Hampshire, which is set to hold the season's first Presidential primary, in January, and where Clinton nostalgia is a potent force. (Clinton's surprise second-place showing in 1992, behind Paul Tsongas, propelled him toward his party's nomination.) When he's not introducing his wife at rallies or sitting down for interviews with Oprah and Larry King, as he did last week, he is wooing old friends on her behalf. In June, Clinton met with ten Democratic activists whose endorsement Hillary covets. Kathy Sullivan, the former New Hampshire Democratic Party chair, who hosted the gathering, told me that after the meeting Clinton had just one question for her: "Do you think I helped Hillary?"
Although Hillary Clinton's candidacy insures that her husband's eight years as President will be central to the 2008 campaign, he also hovered over the two previous primary seasons, in each of which the field narrowed to a Clinton candidate and an anti-Clinton candidate. In 2000, Bill Bradley, the former New Jersey senator, characterized the Clinton Presidency as timid and accommodationist, while Vice-President Al Gore ran on Clinton's record. In 2004, Howard Dean ran on an antiwar message, but he tried to rally Democrats who believed that Clintonism was fundamentally unprincipled; John Kerry recruited people from the Clinton White House and associated himself with the centrist Democratic Leadership Council. Hillary's advisers argue that the obvious lesson of those two campaigns is that invoking Democratic resentment about Clinton's ideological and personal failings does not work. But his prominence this time makes the strategy irresistible. "The whole race is going to end up there," a spokesman for one of Hillary's rivals told me. "It has to, because that's what she's running on. She's running on Bill Clinton. If she were running on her Senate record or some new ideas for the future, rather than the nineties, it would be different. But her biggest strength is Bill Clinton, so the only way to attack her is to take that head on."
Barack Obama has been pondering his place in a post-Clinton world for several years. In the spring of 2004, a few weeks after he won the Illinois Democratic primary for U.S. senator, I visited him in Springfield. During a stroll from the Capitol, where he had served for eight years as a state senator, to his campaign office, downtown, Obama talked about the politics of Bill Clinton, saying, "The way a lot of the Democratic debate has gotten framed these days is you're tied to either this hidebound nineteen-sixties liberalism or, in some cases, nineteen-thirties liberalism, or, alternatively, you're this Democratic Leadership Council centrist who isn't willing to make big bold steps to deal with issues like jobs and health care."
For Obama, policy boldness represented not a break with Clintonism but the natural next step. "My suspicion is that if Bill Clinton were around here now he would be doing this," he told me. "He captured appropriately, I think, the mood of the country and a needed correction within the Democratic Party that was appropriate in the early nineties. Well, we have to do the same thing in 2004 that was done in 1992. And you can't assume that that just means you go back to 1992, because circumstances have changed."
In Obama's recent book, "The Audacity of Hope," he could be harsh about the Clinton years. He described some of Clinton's more calculated political moves, such as his criticism of the rapper Sister Souljah, as "clumsy and transparent," and he called the campaign-season execution of a mentally damaged man on Arkansas's death row "frighteningly coldhearted." Obama acknowledged some of the virtues of Clinton's centrism, but, discussing Washington's toxic political environment after the Republicans took over Congress in 1994—the year of Newt Gingrich's Contract with America—he wrote, "In the back-and-forth between Clinton and Gingrich and in the elections of 2000 and 2004, I sometimes felt as if I were watching the psychodrama of the Baby Boom generation—a tale rooted in old grudges and revenge plots hatched on a handful of college campuses long ago—played out on the national stage." Obama argued that the effect of the polarizing Clinton years was a stronger conservative movement that eventually "would take over the United States government."
This past June, on the way to a campaign event in Boone, Iowa, I asked Obama again about Clinton's legacy. "I think his basic instincts were sound in suggesting that we've got to break out of a lot of these false divisions that exist in our politics," he said. "Is government the problem? Is crime just a function of individual immorality, or is it institutional racism or poverty?" But he was also critical of the direction that his party had taken since the nineties, saying that a lot of Democrats had concluded that "the message of Bill Clinton and his electoral success is that we should split the difference with the other side on every issue." Choosing his words carefully, Obama went on, "I do think that for a variety of reasons, including some of the appalling tactics of the Gingrich Republicans and the conservative right, he was never able to make that full case to the American people in a way that would create a broad base of consensus for change. So, politically, you never had the capital, you never had the tools to actually deliver on that vision on big projects. What you would end up getting instead were great insights, but the applications were modest."
Obama may be right to believe that, in the wake of Bush's sharp drop in popularity and the new Democratic majorities in the House and Senate, a Democrat of bold ideas who presents himself as the anti-Clinton could be successful. The Party's interest groups certainly feel emboldened. There is little appetite for unrestricted free trade, a cornerstone of Clinton's economic strategy, starting with his support for the North American Free Trade Agreement during the 1992 campaign. The Service Employees International Union, one of the most liberal unions in America, has successfully pushed every Democrat in the race into supporting universal health care. And, with an economy that is producing historic levels of inequality and stagnant median wages, there is an opening for a more populist message. There is some evidence that such a message worked in 2006. Senators Jon Tester, of Montana, and Jim Webb, of Virginia, arguably won last year by challenging the Wall Street wing of their party.
But it's not clear that Obama is the right candidate for that message. He has made a fetish of the politics of consensus at a moment when his party seems to want confrontation. And although he has correctly diagnosed what alienated some Democrats from Clintonism, he seems at times more concerned with distancing himself from liberals than with embracing them. An outside adviser to Obama sounded exasperated as he described the complicated ideological terrain of the Democratic Party in 2007: "The frustration is that there is a revival of old-fashioned populism out there. Edwards is embracing it, and Clinton is embracing it, too. If Obama gets up and says something extremely populist on, say, trade, to appeal to the left-wing base of the Party or to the unions, wide groups of voters and insiders say, 'Oh, is he really a liberal candidate? We're no longer going to view him as a uniter who brings people together. We're going view him as a left-wing panderer.' "
The issue of health care has been particularly vexing. It has not proved to be the liability for Clinton that her opponents assumed it would. "At the S.E.I.U. health-care forum in Las Vegas, it doesn't go that well for Barack," the Obama adviser explained, referring to one of the numerous candidate cattle calls this season. "He tried to leave it at the highest level of principle, and then he's roundly panned. S.E.I.U. says, 'You're a joker.' They asked, 'What is your plan?' He did what all the experts said to do: just get up and say what your general view is, because if you release details you get hammered. The public reaction and the S.E.I.U. reaction was extremely negative."
In describing this dynamic, Obama's adviser became more and more agitated. "Then Hillary Clinton doesn't come out with any plan! Because she just says, 'I know a lot about health care,' they have let her go for months without a plan! And then her advisers, on background, criticize Obama's plan, even though they don't have one." He continued, "Coming up with a plan to solve America's health-care crisis is not an easy thing. We pulled a lot of all-nighters. And I'm, like, Why doesn't she have to come out with a plan?" (Clinton is scheduled to unveil a plan soon.) The adviser was baffled about why many experts in the health-care field believe that Hillary's experience in 1993 and 1994 is an asset. "I'm sure George Bush learned how not to invade Iraq," he said. "Should we then trust him to invade Iran?"
It is true that Hillary Clinton's unhappy experience with health care has been remade into a political selling point. During her first two years as First Lady, her five-hundred-person Task Force on National Health Care Reform, which worked in secret, came to symbolize everything that was wrong with her approach—arrogance, a lack of consultation with Congress, a final product that pleased no one. Its failure set back the cause of universal health care and probably cost the Democrats control of Congress in 1994. Now she uses what happened as a parable about hubris and lessons learned—a reminder that, more than any other candidate, she understands the limits of the American political system's capacity for sweeping change. "We came in and, largely propelled by a lot of the stories from back-yard meetings and living-room gatherings in New Hampshire, determined to do something about health care," she told a gathering of voters in Concord. "But we didn't have a good enough grasp of how to get it done. And if we had known then what we know now it would have been a lot different."
Much of Clinton's case for doing better this time rests upon the graduate degree in legislative politics that she feels she has earned since her election to the Senate, in 2000. Gone is the style that she brought to Washington in 1993, when she became the first First Lady to have an office in the West Wing—and faced ferocious criticism when she tried to use it. Now she talked about being "flexible" in working with the House and the Senate and about respecting the "prerogatives that the Congress wants to claim," and she scoffed at what she sees as the naïveté of her Democratic rivals. "When my colleagues who are running against me, who are all wonderful people, say things like 'We're going to make it happen!'—well, we've got to get the vote, and we've got to be able to make the persuasion. And that very often means you've got to compromise, which is not a word that people in a Democratic primary want to hear, because we all want to think that we can go in and do exactly what we believe in and make it happen. The fact is you can't. And I think we learned that as well. When Bill passed the deficit-reduction act, it was with one vote. And I'm glad he passed it with one vote, but it sort of set up a lot of the political problems to come."
Karl Rove recently attacked Clinton as a "fatally flawed" candidate, arguing that nobody who started the primary season with disapproval ratings as high as hers (they are in the high forties) has ever won the Presidency. She claims, however, that her faults, because they are well known, are actually a strength, and that nominating a candidate who is relatively unknown to the public would be a dangerous course. "The tactic used, effectively, will be to drive up the negatives of whoever our nominee is," she said at the close of her talk in Concord. "And it will all be fresh information. It will all be 'Oh, you didn't know? Let us tell you. Let us paint a caricature. Let us give you this picture.' Whereas I have the somewhat mixed but rather fortunate blessing of already starting with those negatives. And I mean for me that's a plus." Clinton's argument is that she offers electability, plus everything that voters loved about the Clinton era and none of the things that they hated. As she finished up, she said, "I'm running because I think I can win and I can take the White House back for us, and, frankly, build on the positives of the nineties and avoid some of the mistakes."
Obama may have decided that there is no percentage in trying to mount an ideological challenge to Clintonism, and that his case against the Clintons should be more subtle. Earlier this year, his campaign attacked Hillary for her association with a controversial fund-raiser named Sant Singh Chatwal. More recently, Obama has been the only candidate to raise, however obliquely, the sensitive subject of a Clinton dynasty. "I didn't come through the back door," he said, raising his voice and shaking his head, during a recent speech in front of a labor audience in Waterloo, Iowa, minutes after Hillary addressed the same forum. "I didn't come from some fancy congressional internship. My daddy wasn't in politics. I didn't inherit this."
One morning in mid-August, John Edwards's staffers were milling outside the lobby of the Sheraton hotel in Iowa City. Joe Trippi, one of the campaign's newest additions, was talking on his cell phone. "I'm getting on the bus to prep him," Trippi said. Trippi is best remembered as Howard Dean's Svengali in 2004, but he also worked for the Presidential campaigns of Ted Kennedy (1980), Walter Mondale (1984), Gary Hart (1987), Dick Gephardt (1988), and Jerry Brown (1992). His specialty is populist, outsider campaigns for candidates who bring with them a dash of anger. He joined the Edwards team in April, and has emerged as the campaign's chief strategist.
With Trippi's encouragement, Edwards has taken a turn to the left, and he has been attacking the Clinton legacy more and more frequently. During a recent speech on trade, Edwards charged that "triangulation and compromise won't fix anything" and reminded his audience that trade deals, like NAFTA, were the work of "Presidents from both parties." At a debate broadcast on the gay-oriented cable network Logo, Edwards sharply noted that "Don't Ask, Don't Tell," the Clinton-era policy effectively barring openly gay men and women from serving in the military, which Edwards would overturn, "is not just wrong now, it was wrong when it began." Edwards, more than Obama, seems determined to test liberal fealty to Clintonism.
On the last day of a week-long tour through Iowa, Edwards travelled from Polly Bukta's Annual Corn Boil, in Clinton, to the Scott County Democrats Summer Picnic, in Davenport. Edwards's blue campaign bus felt lived in, with stacks of papers strewn about and suitcases obstructing the aisle. Edwards doesn't have a day job, and he spends a lot of time campaigning, especially in Iowa, where he placed second in 2004, and where recent polls have often shown him in the lead. The conventional wisdom is that he must win the state's caucuses in January to have a chance at the nomination.
Edwards, in faded Levi's and a blue-and-white striped button-down shirt, exuded a sense of comfort that was missing during his last campaign, when, as he admitted, he lacked "seasoning" and "substance." As we talked, he twirled a bent paperclip between his thumb and forefinger, dropping it occasionally to gesture or to emphasize a point. Describing the Clinton years, he said, "I think they did a lot of good. You know, balanced the budget, helped create an economy that was showing significant growth. I think in general it was a period of prosperity." He added, "We're just in a different era. Things have changed."
In public, he subtly reminds liberals of what they found distasteful about the Clinton Administration but carefully avoids criticism of Bill Clinton himself, revealing another of the complications of running against Hillary. Edwards has heretical things to say about deficit reduction and free trade, two pillars of Clintonomics. "My view about the deficit is it's relatively not as bad as when Clinton took office," he explained. "It's about two per cent of G.D.P." (When Clinton took office, it was about five per cent of G.D.P.) "And, secondly, I just think that we have these other big structural problems that need to be fixed. I'm willing to tolerate some level of deficit, yes." Many liberals believe that Clinton's obsessive focus on deficit reduction was the greatest obstacle to achieving other big goals. Gene Sperling, Clinton's chief economic adviser and now a top adviser to Hillary, recently wrote that at the White House he fielded many complaints from "exasperated progressives" eager to vent on this issue.
The resentment among some Democrats toward Clinton-era free-trade deals is even stronger. "On trade, there's no question, there's still a huge amount of bitterness toward Bill Clinton," Thea Lee, the policy director for the A.F.L.-C.I.O., told me. Clinton's record "is just terrible," Douglas McCarron, the head of the carpenters' union, which recently endorsed Edwards, says. "Clinton gave us NAFTA. He gave us the World Trade Organization. He and his Labor Secretary really wouldn't say the word 'union' for two years when they were first elected." Clinton himself recently acknowledged the reaction. In a speech to the Democratic Leadership Council in late July, he said, "There is one problem that we all have to admit still divides our party and divides the country, where our position right now is not popular, and that is trade. There is a sweeping rejection of globalization and a withdrawal from more trade relations, not just in the United States but in virtually every wealthy country in the world." Trade is the core of Edwards's anti-Clinton attack, especially in Iowa, where there is considerable protectionist sentiment.
When a voter in Iowa asked Edwards for his thoughts about NAFTA, the candidate looked at him intently and made a thumbs-down gesture. Aboard his bus, Edwards told me, "I've always been against NAFTA." In his speeches, he has gone even further, declaring that he doesn't want "fast-track" authority, which limits congressional involvement in trade deals, and suggesting that he won't support free-trade deals unless labor and environmental standards are written into the text of the agreements. Clinton tried to improve labor and environmental rules, but he never allowed them to ruin an opportunity to open up new markets.
Edwards presents not only an ideological challenge to Clintonism but a tactical one as well. Describing the difference between him and Hillary, he said, simply, "She is the status quo and I am change." Edwards, who was the first candidate this year to present a detailed universal-health-care proposal, argued that Clinton learned the wrong lesson from her policy defeat. "For me, the lesson of the Clinton health-care experience is you can't compromise and negotiate with these people who stand between us and change—insurance companies, drug companies, lobbyists. I think she's got just the opposite conclusion. Or, at least, the way she responds seems to be an opposite conclusion: that the way to bring about change is you have to work with these people." He went on, "That's what we saw happen in the nineteen-nineties. And I think now we're going to have to actually take them on in a serious way, with the backing of the American people, and beat them."
Edwards dismisses Obama's argument that more consensus is needed in Washington. The difference between them, Edwards told me, is the difference between "Kumbaya" and "saying, 'This is a battle. It's a fight.' " When I asked whether he's a populist, he lifted a riff from his stump speech: "If it means you're willing to stand up for ordinary people, the kind of people that I grew up with, against very powerful, entrenched interests, then yes, I am a populist."
The terminal at the airport in Concord, New Hampshire, is small and shabby, and filled with seventies-era office furniture. Inside the main waiting room, the only relief from the stained carpet and the bare walls is a bright-colored mural of children's heads popping up from behind boulders, trees, and knolls. On a recent morning, a Secret Service agent, a Clinton campaign staffer, and I waited for Hillary Clinton to arrive as we watched helicopters take off and land at a National Guard base across the tarmac.
Hillary stepped out of her black S.U.V. in oversized sunglasses and a fitted sapphire jacket that gave her a vaguely martial appearance. She was followed by several Secret Service agents and accompanied by her travelling chief of staff, Huma Abedin, a strikingly attractive woman of Indian and Pakistani descent who recently showed up in a photo spread in Vogue. I went with Clinton to a small office; she took a seat behind a metal desk and joked about the ambience of the place. "We've got the dead bugs in the light fixture," she said, laughing and pointing.
Hillary Clinton's ideology has been one of the white whales of American politics. Conservatives once caricatured her as a virtual Marxist. More recently, antiwar Democrats have savaged her as a neoconservative hawk. During the first great ideological debate within the Clinton Administration, Hillary sided with the liberals who believed that the deficit hawks were sacrificing the progressive soul of the Clinton agenda in order to satisfy Alan Greenspan and the bond markets. "We didn't come here to spend all our time cutting deficits created by Republicans," she asserted at the time, according to Carl Bernstein's recent Hillary biography, "A Woman in Charge." But after the Gingrich revolutionaries won Congress, in 1994, Hillary became a fervent advocate of triangulation. She boosted the influence inside the White House of the unwaveringly centrist consultant Mark Penn, who is now the chief strategist for her Presidential campaign. By 1996, she was supporting her husband's decision to sign a welfare-reform bill after he vetoed two previous versions that she opposed. The legislation assured his reëlection.
Sitting across the desk, raising and lowering her voice in response to airplane engines whirring outside, she sounded like a candidate traversing the current political moment as adeptly as her husband did when, after his shaky early years in the White House, he shifted to the center and, in 1995, outmaneuvered Gingrich in their confrontation over the government shutdown. Whereas in 1999 and 2000 George W. Bush emphasized his independence from his father's Administration, Hillary showed no hesitation in discussing the Clinton Presidency as a joint venture. Speaking of a recent address she gave on the credit-mortgage crisis, she told me, "We had the same kinds of events in '92, in New Hampshire. And then, during the nineties, we didn't have these problems. And it's like déjà vu all over again. You know, here we are, with middle-class people worrying about whether they're going to keep their homes, and afford their health care, and send their kid to college." She spoke of her Presidency as an inevitability. "So, unfortunately, after making progress during the nineties on a lot of these bread-and-butter issues, I'm back to facing them again, and will have to deal with them as President."
But she looks at Clintonism as if it were a buffet—she takes only the parts she likes. When I asked her about what has changed since the nineties, she mentioned being "older and wiser" and "the learning process" and how "we have to look at the world as it is now." At a conference of liberal bloggers in Chicago last month, someone brought up four of Bill Clinton's policies and asked Hillary if she would renounce her support for them: welfare reform, NAFTA, the Defense of Marriage Act (which barred the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriage), and the 1996 Telecommunications Act (which weakened restrictions on media consolidation). She said that the positive aspects of welfare reform outweighed the negative; repudiated parts of the marriage act; distanced herself from NAFTA; and, on the telecom law, said, "You'll have to ask Al Gore," who championed it. Most pointedly, she has moved away from her husband's pro-free-trade rhetoric, making it clear that Edwards's attempts to distinguish himself will be difficult. "A trade policy without labor and environmental standards that are enforceable is just no longer feasible," she told me. Asked if NAFTA, which Bill Clinton cites as one of his most significant achievements, was a mistake, she replied, matter-of-factly, "I think that NAFTA didn't realize the benefits that were advertised." She added, "Well, you know, you don't remain static—you have to continue to evaluate what was and wasn't done." On the deficit, Hillary did not sound as hawkish as her husband. Is it necessary to get the deficit to zero? She wants it on a "declining trajectory," she said, but quickly noted the importance of her health-care and energy plans.
When I brought up Edwards's attacks on Clintonism as timid and tactical, she became more animated. She threw her head back and slapped the desk, clanking her watch on the surface. She rejected the idea that she is simply running for a third Clinton term, but she had a warning for an opponent who thinks he can defeat her by taking on her husband: "Any Democrat who rejects the only two-term Democratic President we've had since Franklin Roosevelt is rejecting an important part of how we are in a position to be able to run and win in the 2008 election. There was a lot of business taken care of in the nineties—you know, Democrats can be good stewards of the economy. In fact, given Bush and Cheney, better stewards than Republicans. Democrats don't take a back seat to anybody on crime and national security. Democrats have the biggest expansion of health care, with the Children's Health Insurance Program, since Lyndon Johnson. So why would we want to reject what we've accomplished? If I were not named Clinton, I would be saying, 'Good for us!' " She paused and added, "But, you know, that was then. This is now." ♦


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HACKED Slashdot
Monday, September 14, 1998
One day after the New York Times was hacked with a pro-Mitnick message, the web page of slashdot.org was hacked with a brief anti-Mitnick and anti-2600 message. We doubt the FBI has any interest in solving this one. To be honest, we sure don't. But the authenticity of this hack is in question as the group allegedly taking responsibility (H4G1S) has hacked pages in the past with pro- Mitnick sentiments and links to 2600, most notably the NASA hack of early 1997. Just further proof that in the world of web hacking, nobody's in control.


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Most Sussex and south east residents say giving to charity is important is an important part of their lives, according to a recent study.
More than 70 per cent of people in the region told researchers they thought giving to good causes is important, while more than 81 per cent said they would arrange a fundraising event for a good cause
The results come from a recent survey of 2,000 people carried out by the British Heart Foundation.
Most south east residents told researchers that their fundraiser of choice was getting everyone together for a coffee morning, whilst others favoured being bake-off inspired with a cake sale or holding a quizes.
When it came to who to invite to a fundraiser, more than two fifths of people in the south east said that family members came top of their guest list (44 per cent ) while more than a quarter preferred to raise money in the workplace (29 per cent).
Jacqulyn Bell, fundraising manager at the BHF, said: "We never cease to be amazed by the ways people come together to raise money for our fight against heart disease.
"Whether you choose to hold a coffee morning, hold a fashion show or sit in a bath of baked beans, you will help fund research that makes a huge difference to the 7 million people living with heart and circulatory disease in the UK.
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Come one, come all! Watch the death-defying feats of a human fly - Crazy Climber! Help him scale the world's tallest buildings while avoiding tumbling girders, a marauding bird, and the villainous Mad Doctor. Hurry up! The show's about to start!
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text: Ancestor Seekers by the Root Bound is a group of people that meet at the Lemon Grove Library once a month to share their genealogical data. We welcome beginners to advanced to attend. We meet the 3rd Wed of every month at the Lemon Grove Library from 6 to 8 pm. All are welcome to attend.


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Here we are at the end of January. Let the SAD (Seasonal Affective Disorder) begin. I always thought that this was a joke in the past, but maybe there is something to it. Boy, have I been cranky lately! Maybe I should go hop in the tanning bed and get some "light therapy"! Just kidding. I'll take a little sleepiness & crankiness over skin cancer. I just hope that Mr. Groundhog doesn't see his shadow next Monday and we have an early Spring! That would be very, very much appreciated! Hear that Punxsutawney Phil?
On with the plan. Nothing really special going on this week. Just keep on keeping on. Report cards are coming out Monday. Hockey continues, as does figure skating.
Sunday ~ Breakfast for dinner (omelets, sweet potato hash browns & toast)
Monday ~ Lemon Butter Tilapia, quinoa, sauteed okra & spinach salad
Tuesday ~ Bourbon Chicken, brown rice, steamed broccoli & salad.
Wednesday ~ Homemade Mac & Cheese w/quinoa pasta, baked beans, salad & veggies
Thursday ~ Herb Roasted Pork Loin roast, mashed potatoes, steamed sugar snap peas & salad
Friday ~ Homemade pizza (cheese & pepperoni) and salad.
Saturday ~ Pei Wei or leftovers
Baked Goods
Garlic Cheese Biscuits
Banana Bread
Manda over at Asparagus Thin is hosting this weeks' GF Menu Swap. 🙂
Filed under: Family, Gluten-Free, Gluten-Free Recipes |


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Kingred Enterprises necesitaba un nuevo diseño de página web y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 32 diseños de 12 diseñadores freelance.
We are a lead generation portal which helps inventors get the help they need to turn their ideas into reality. We connect Invention services companies to inventors to help them out.
People with inventions, ideas, designs, etc that they would like to further develop and bring to market.
Our goal is to get website visitors to fill out a form requesting more information.
I've attached 2 ideas for layouts, but am open to any creative ways to do this, as long as the calls to action and the form are above the fold. The typical form placement is a bit tired and I would like to see something different, but I wasn't able to come up with anything myself so the 2 mockups are traditional.
This page is going to be the homepage. It should have the following.
- Space for 5 or 6 button navigation menu. These can be named anything right now as we don't have titles for this yet.
- I need calls to action directing people to the form.
- Where it says brand mosaic, these will be images of various retail outlets where products can be sold. This is to show the inventors where their ideas could eventually be sold. You can get a sense of this at the following website. http://www.idea2invention.com
The form will have the following questions:
1) What category does your invention fall into? (dropdown box)
2) Do you currently hold a patent for your idea or invention? (dropdown box)
3) Are you over the age of 18? (yes and no button)
Then there will need to be fields for the contact information which is the following fields:
- Salutation (dropdown)
- First Name
- Last Name
- Email
- Address
- Address 2
- City
- State
- Zip code
- Phone Number
none currently
these site have nothing to do with invention but I like the layouts. I don't like the layouts of any invention sites out there so I would like mine to look differently.


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FARMINGTON — A Wednesday evening Board of Selectmen's meeting was filled with high emotions and tension as officials debated how to cut enough from the coming proposed budget to grant the smallest tax rate hike possible for residents.
Selectmen penny-pinched their way to minimize a budget they'd already reviewed and revised three or four times before.
Among many tough decisions, they opted to devise a merit-based system to determine town employees' raises for the future, rather than grant an automatic 3 percent bump, and heard from the Goodwin Library board the facility's hours may need to be shortened and some staff laid off to accommodate the "bare bones" proposal.
"We're in a budget crisis," Chairman Charlie King told members of the Farmington Public Library Association. "I mean, at this point, to even hold the tax rate, and even if we could level-fund, which is a decrease you don't think you can stomach, we're probably going to have to send people home."
Before a "buyback" — where selectmen in years' past have appropriated funds to buy against the total budget in an effort to lower residents' taxes — Town Administrator Keith Trefethen said the town portion of the rate could go up 70 cents for every $1,000. King clarified with a Town Meeting review of proposed warrant articles this March, and the potential for a buyback, the increase could be much less, from anywhere between 25 cents to zero. He said that depends on money to be placed in the "undesignated fund balance."
In 2012, the tax rate went up by just $1 to a total of $21 per $1,000 in Farmington. The town portion of that figure was set at $6.65 then and the local schools figure set at $9.87. The town of Farmington will host a deliberative session on the school's warrant articles next Saturday, Feb. 9.
Wednesday, selectmen crammed to finalize budget recommendations before passing them off to the Budget Committee for this weekend's hearing, to be held Saturday morning. Selectman Arthur Capello said he feared the current proposed budget wouldn't meet the committee's approval, with a pressing need for thousands more dollars to be cut.
In a public meeting with several department heads, including Police Chief Kevin Willey, Fire Chief Richard Fowler and Public Works Director Scott Hazelton, the group worked for almost four hours to decide on the most manageable cuts possible. Hazelton said he could postpone river maintenance to make a little more room, though he said some roads are in dire need of repair. At the same time, Fowler approved the reduction of the fire station's maintenance and repairs budget by a couple thousand dollars even though he has numerous times reported the old structure is in shaky condition with cracks in the walls and foundation.
When the public library board protested their assigned budget — where they supply some funds but the town provides the majority, members explained — King pointed out every department is making sacrifices in this budget cycle.
In the end though, the board allowed the return of about $11,000 to the library budget to try to make things easier for them. Association member Debbie Christie thanked the board for their decision, which brought the library's budget line to $281,117.
With their next decision to allow a merit-based raise system for town employees over a guaranteed 3 percent raise for all, Selectmen Jim Horgan and Joan Funk said they were staunchly opposed.
Funk said employees had been understanding in the past when the town needed to make cuts and Horgan argued they deserved it for their all their diligent efforts.
"The people are the most valuable resources we have in (the budget)," he said. "I don't care how pretty your equipment is out there. It doesn't work without the people."
The board decided by majority to place enough funds for all employees to receive 2 percent raises, with department heads to decide, based on a system to be determined, who would be deserving of raises ranging from 1 to 3 percent.
King expressed his concern for the residents in the community, struggling with difficult economic times already, he said. He added, to keep the tax rate as low as it has been in previous years, the board may need to also consider personnel cuts.
"We're currently trying to provide services we cannot afford," he told the board. "Anyway you slice it, we're giving the people at home a pay cut. We just gave a pay raise and everyone sitting at home is getting a pay cut to fund it and, … I am not OK with this, but I also understand the only way to get further in this budget is personnel cuts."
By the end of the evening, the board voted 4-1 to move the budget forward as amended, with King in opposition.
"I think the board has done an extremely good job of working diligently to try to get it into a framework that they can support," Trefethen said after meeting, noting this budget is still a "work in progress."
The Budget Committee will review the selectmen's proposed budget this Saturday at 9 a.m. in the Selectmen's Chambers at 356 Main St. A town budget public hearing will be held on Friday, Feb. 15, at 6 p.m. with a regular meeting scheduled for March 27 at 7 p.m. Officials stress the meetings are public and residents are encouraged to attend.


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Harvard won a share of its 11th Ivy title Tuesday night (photo Harvard Athletic Communications).
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. – The No. 7 Harvard women's hockey team earned a share of its first Ivy League championship since 2009 by defeating Yale, 3-1, Tuesday night at Bright Hockey Center. The Crimson, which played in its final regular season game of the year, tied Cornell with an 8-1-1 record in the Ancient Eight.
"It's a great thing for us," said Katey Stone, The Landry Family Head Coach for Harvard Women's Ice Hockey, on the Ivy championship. "It's nice to be able to have that for the seniors and everybody else involved with the program."
The Bulldogs kept it close with Harvard, despite the Crimson outshooting Yale, 38-12. Harvard needed a third-period goal from Kaitlin Spurling to close out Yale, which benefited from 35 saves from goaltender Jaimie Leonoff. The Crimson's Laura Bellamy countered with 11 saves in net.
Harvard opened the scoring in the fifth minute as Yale could not control the puck in its own defensive end. Yale goalie Jaimie Leaonoff sent a clear off the boards, before a Bulldog defender missed the puck in attempt to take it up the side, and Mary Parker made Yale pay for the miscue. She picked up the spinning puck in the right circle and fired past Leonoff, who had become set in the net, with a top-shelf rocket off the pipe and past the line.
Yale's Patricia McGauley answered six minutes later to even the score in the frame that saw Harvard take nine shots on net compared to Bulldogs' four. McGauley stuffed in a rebound once Bellamy stopped a Natallie Wedell attempt.
After a scoreless second period, Spurling's goal came at 4:30 of the third from below the left faceoff dot. The senior skated the puck from past center ice to the circle, where she snapped a shot at Leonoff. The Yale netminder got her glove on the puck, but it popped out and into the side of the net for the game-winner.
Bellamy made six saves on Yale during the next 13:58, before Harvard tacked on an empty-net score. Parker stole the puck on the Bulldogs' blue line and flicked in the tally once she crossed into the offensive zone with nothing but ice in front of her. Parker set a new career high with the two goals and now has five in her last five games, marking the best run of her freshman year.
Harvard is back in action this weekend for a three-game series against Dartmouth in the ECAC quarterfinals. The Crimson, which is the No. 3 seed in the ECAC tournament, hosts the Big Green at Bright Hockey Center Friday at 4 p.m., Saturday at 2 p.m., and Sunday at 2 p.m., if necessary.
Game Notes
Harvard is 64-7-3 all-time against Yale … The Crimson has won five in a row against the Bulldogs … The Ivy title was the first for Harvard since 2009 and 11th overall … Kaitlin Spurling has five goals in her last five games after scoring four times in the season's first 24 games … Katey Stone is now one win away from 400 for her career … This is just the second shared championship in league history.


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Silverburn has over 100 stylish shops for you to explore including Argos, Debenhams and Marks and Spencer.
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This Textured Ribbed Belted Midi Dress In A Rust Tone Is A Stylish Addition To Any Maternity Wardrobe. 78% Polyester, 22% Viscose. Machine Wash.


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Limited Edition Print - The Squad
Limited Edition Print - The Squad
Theres no checking stock without the Squad tagging along! The Squad is one of a Limited Edition Print of 125.
Small 43x21cm
(Please scroll down for postage & other information)
These rates are for delivery anywhere in mainland Britain. Please contact me for international shipping costs. Your artwork will expertly packaged, insured and delivered by courier within 2-4 working days.
Unmounted prints - postage & packing is £15
Framed prints - postage & packing is £35
PLEASE NOTE: If you prefer, you can pick your print up from my studio near Longhorsley, Northumberland. Please enter the promotion code INPERSON at checkout to get free shipping.
The original painting is scanned and printed by Paul Wright in Morpeth, an expert in colour correction, scanning and giclee printing. For the frames I use Alan Smith from Morpeth Chantry Framers. Alan is a perfectionist, I trust him completely with my work and he has never disappointed. Every piece is double mounted and framed individually by Alan and signed and numbered by myself.
This is a giclee print of the original artwork and uses top industry standard digital scan and colour reproduction techniques
It is produced in a limited edition run that will never be repeated
It is printed to the same size as the original painting
It is printed on the same high quality archival paper as the original painting, using the best quality pigment based inks
The prints are stable and lightfast, but as with all fine art, it should not be displayed in direct sunlight
Hand numbered and signed by myself, these beautiful prints will last and last, give decades of pleasure
My artwork tends not to be in standard sizes (as the subject dictates the shape and orientation) but I do encourage framing all your prints and originals. I can highly recommend my framer to create a beautiful complimentary frame for your artwork.
There are many options available, including hand crafted ornate frames to simple plain wood and everything in between. I trust his judgement as he has wonderful taste and decades of experience, but if you require something specific please let me know.


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Get a Free Estimate
(919) 680-1350
or fill out the form below
Few events are as satisfying as the time of year when your house has received a spring cleaning. Everything looks and smells its best. But it's a big job—one that takes hours of hard work and an extreme focus on detail.
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We'll work with you to develop a spring cleaning services strategy for satisfying every item on your spring-cleaning checklist. Then we will clean, shine and hand-wash our way through your home until we've exceeded your expectations—and set a new standard for what "clean" means.


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Powder Brush No.01
All orders will be fulfilled by Burberry Limited and shipped from the UK. When you place your order, you accept Burberry's Terms and Conditions and confirm that you have read our Privacy Policy.
Size Guide
Use the Size Guide to choose the best fit for your measurements.
In this window, you can find out the shipping and returns options for the selected item.
In this window, you can contact customer service for further assistance.
- Created with soft, natural bristles, the Powder Brush is suitable for all face powders. Designed to provide flawless application to the face and body, the rounded shape evenly disperses product for a quick and professional result, with a non-powdery finish.Application tip: Gently press brush into Nude Powder and lightly tap handle to remove excess product. Sweep brush across the T-zone to rid it of unwanted shine and to set your make-up.
- 49.4g/1.74oz
- 17.7 x 3.3 mm/7 x 1.3in
- Made in France
Item 39517261
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Kevin Grandia | October 2, 2012
By Kevin Grandia • Tuesday, October 2, 2012 - 06:00
Andrew Coyne,
the a former editor of Maclean's magazine, founding opinionator for the National Post and frequent political pundit on CBC, has a rather long history tying him to free-market think tanks in Canada.
According to the Canadian government's charity registry, Coyne has been a director for at least the last six years in a group called the Aurea Foundation. The Aurea Foundation was founded by Peter Munk, the head of Barrick Gold, and is a major funder of a small but influential network of free-market think tanks in Canada, including: The Fraser Institute, the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies, the Frontier Center for Public Policy, the Montreal Economic Institute and the MacDonald Laurier Institute.
Most of these groups espouse a philosophy similar to US free market think tanks like the Competitive Enterprise Instiute, the American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage Foundation. In fact, most of these think tanks and some of their Canadian counterparts have been a major focus of the DeSmog team's work dissecting and exposing the climate change denial machine.
Making this complicated for Coyne is that the fact that some of these Canadian think tanks have been used as sources of information for Coyne's articles and op-ed pieces without the disclosure by Coyne that he sits on the board of Aurea.
Some examples:
A 2010 Maclean's article on stimulus spending, in which Coyne cites a Fraser Institute article, with no mention that he sits on the board of the Aurea Foundation which has donated more than $1 million to the Fraser Institiute since 2006.
A 2009 Maclean's article by Coyne that cites an Atlantic Institute for Market Studies report commissioned by Macleans. No mention in the article that Aurea donated $100,000 to the Atlantic Institute the prior year. The same article also cites a study by the Frontier Centre for Public Policy which received $633,000 from Aurea in 2009.
The relationship between these think tanks, the Aurea Foundation and Andrew Coyne is a tricky one. I personally don't see anything wrong with such relationships as long as they are fully disclosed. To me, citing research to back an opinion where there is such a close tie is important especially for someone like Coyne who holds such a prominent position in Canadian media.
This type of disclosure is easy enough to do and I think adds to the overall trust a reader has in the writer. For example, Globe and Mail columnist Margaret Wente, in a 2011 opinion piece on nuclear energy quotes a group called Energy Probe of which she sits on the board. Wente dislcoses this in the article writing:
"The Japanese weren't expecting a magnitude 9.0 earthquake or a 33-foot tsunami, and they are the most experienced earthquake watchers in the world," says Norm Rubin, director of research at Energy Probe. "We are neophytes at this." (Disclosure: I sit on the advisory board, and am a nuclear agnostic.)"
Do I agree with Wente? Hardly. In fact over the years DeSmogBlog has written a lot in oppostion to her arguments. And the same goes for Energy Probe. But I do appreciate her openness and willingness to disclose such relationships.
The same can't be said for Coyne.
Coyne tweeted a link to this
Coyne tweeted a link to this but didn't comment, I think.
Meanwhile , George Monbiot is also writing about think tanks:
"…Over the last few years I have been trying better to understand how the demands of big business and the very rich are projected into policymaking, and I have come to see the neoliberal thinktanks as central to this process. These are the groups which claim to champion the free market but whose proposals often look like a prescription for corporate power…"
Andrew Coyne replied on Permalink
Not the editor
Just a correction: I was not the editor of Maclean's. Just an editor, and not much of one at that.
Peter Moss replied on Permalink
Flip of the Coyne
I believe it, you couldn't be an editor, if only because "Maclean's" doesn't have an apostrophe.
Andrew Coyne replied on Permalink
How terribly embarrassing...
How terribly embarrassing…
Peter Moss replied on Permalink
Alright, I am eating crow now
Alright, I am eating crow now, and it doesn't taste good.
Brendan DeMelle replied on Permalink
The crux of this post isn't about a missing apostrophe
Thanks to Mr. Coyne for joining the discussion in the comments. I've fixed the 'the' / 'an' issue in the post, as well as the missing apostrophe in Maclean's.
Peter, you wouldn't be the first to be confused about the apostrophe, especially since the Maclean's homepage is not even consistent. Their header banner places the maple leaf apostrophe after the s, as you can see from this screen shot of the homepage:
Mr. Coyne, DeSmog and our readers are far more interested in hearing about your response to the central argument in the piece - that you fail to disclose your role at Aurea and the subsequent financial ties to the very groups you often cite in your appearances. Do you plan to address this? Don't your viewers deserve full disclosure?
Peter Moss replied on Permalink
Thanks Brendan, I'm glad I'm
Thanks Brendan, I'm glad I'm not the only one confused about the apostrophe.
I too wish AC would be more forthcoming in disclosing ties to think tanks. I'm not sure Margaret Wente is the best example of transparency however. She's been caught numerous times plagiarizing other journalists and bloggers:


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Join Amy Detjen from Vogue Knitting and learn dozens of useful knitting tips as you create a custom-fit sweater with stranded colorwork.
This class is perfect for intermediate knitters who are ready to tackle garment knitting and colorwork in the round. Amy explains Elizabeth Zimmermann's "key number" system to adjust fit and adds techniques made famous at Meg Swansen's Knitting Camp. As you knit the included pullover sweater pattern, you'll learn how to trap stranded colorwork neatly, customize your sweater pattern with easy knitting math, and select the right colors and patterns for your yoke. Amy's irreverent sense of humor makes even the picky parts fun!
The included Sipsey's Folly pullover sweater knitting pattern is sized from women's Small to 4X (bust 37" to 61" or 94 to 155 cm). An alternative Gardener's Folly yoke pattern is also included.
If you're not delighted with your Bluprint experience, we'll make it right or give you a full refund.