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Sony's share prices dropped today by 11% on the heels of another quarterly loss. This is the biggest drop for the company since 2008.
just more and more bad news about this industry today ):
Poor poor Sony, with all the talk of ps4 I figured their shares would go up, Guess Sony is still a sinking ship.I really hope all 3 companies can get it together and get the Industry growing again. maybe if there wasn't the idiots blind loyalties to to buying one companies machine and dogging the others the industry would continue to grow. don't get me wrong there is nothing wrong with favoring one machine over the other cause I make it clear i favor my 360 over the rest of my consoles but at least I own them all. There have already fan boys who just wrote the 720 off in favor of the ps4, but I really have to ask why? I plan on doing the same thing next gen as this gen and that is to own all 3 consoles.
Sony should just quit the tv business or find a way to lower the costs and price competitively to Samsung and LG( LG which make crappy and poor build tv's but price point is everything with the economy being in the dumpster). Sony is now firmly in the black though which is a good thing and is sure to post a profit in Q4, and the Xperia Z seems to get alot of positive response and hype.
Its taking time for Kaz to turn the company around after Howard Stringer but if anyone can do it is him, the man has a vision and Playstation is a keystone to that which is good news for gamers.
PS3 is gonna have a killer year compared to 2012, the game's industry in general is gonna have a much better year, then the very lackluster 2012. Which only had a few remarkable title's in Journey,Walking dead,Far cry 3 and Dishonored there are more but not many.
No surprise the company as a whole is still in the red. Kaz said that the playsttion division whould save them but PS3 and Vita sales where lower than expected. Showing the ps3 still trailing the 360 by over 1.5ml and vita having its sales forcast cut again by 3ml.
If the PS4 doesnt take off it could be even worse news for Sony


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In an elementary school in Nashville, Tennessee, Mexican children ask, "Where were the Hispanics with Martin Luther King, Jr. in Memphis?" An Egyptian girl at the same school wonders which water fountain she would have drunk from during Jim Crow. In Memphis, black political and business leaders invoke slavery's legacy to reject Latino claims for minority set-asides in municipal contracts, arguing that Latinos' recent arrival makes them no match for four-hundred years of black oppression. Across the US South, immigrant-advocacy groups borrow heavily, sometimes directly, from a civil rights playbook, mapping the 2003 Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride onto the original Freedom Ride and in 2006, rallying in spaces politically memorialized during the civil rights movement.
Banner from the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride website, 2003.
How do we make sense of these entanglements of a South contoured by a historical black-white binary, de-jure segregation and de-facto racism, and a South stretched into transnational flows of bodies, cultures, and capital? In the contemporary South, who can invoke and be part of its past, and to what ends? How do and should the interpretations of southern history affect present actions, and who can access these meanings to interpret and intervene in the present? These questions are pressing in the nuevo South, which has experienced rapid Latino population growth since the 1990s.1 In a South where many argue the past is not dead or even past, how contemporary events are narrated through historical frameworks makes for contentious terrain. From southern history's obsession with the Civil War to African American history's extensive writings on Jim Crow and resistance, from debates about southern convergence with the nation to reflections on the South's "recent" globalization, versions of the South's past are mobilized to interpret or challenge its present.2
As the economies, populations, and cultural practices of southern states have "gone global"— from foreign direct investment to NASCAR to flexible labor—the framework that southern history offers for understanding the present has splintered, particularly vis-à-vis Latino migration.3 As new immigrants seek a "usable past" within which to place and make sense of their experiences, they implicitly call into question how southern histories are mobilized to define and interpret the present, how specific southern pasts are rendered accessible and meaningful, and how new groups gain or lose legitimacy as "southern."4
Drawing on more than ten years of research on community change, racial formations/politics, and immigration to southern cities and towns, we call for a deeper historicization of immigrant experiences and of responses to immigration.5 Historicization is key, since migration studies often treats immigration to the South as either so transformative that it replaces local and regional historical geographies of race, place, and labor or so different from past practices that no connection to them can be made. Much work in southern studies remains heavily influenced by black-white visions of the plantation South, Civil-War South, Jim-Crow South, and civil rights South, perspectives that render immigration invisible. Recent demographic reconfigurations of the South, however, call for new approaches to not only the South's present but also its past and future. Because of the tight riveting of race, place, and region in the South, a deeper historicization of immigration and responses to it can enliven southern studies through discussions about the racialization of new Latino populations.6
In this essay, we place southern studies alongside studies of immigration to the South, highlighting their disciplinary, methodological, empirical, and political differences. Although these fields have yet to speak to each other in sustained fashion, they are enmeshed in many southern locales. To illustrate this point, we discuss three moments in which the politics of an immigrant presence and a southern past entangle. We conclude by reflecting on how southern history is and is not put to work to understand and intervene in the politics of the nuevo South.
Re-visioning Southern Immigration
In the last two decades, the geography of Latino migration to and within the United States has become increasingly complex. What was once a phenomenon associated with gateway cities like Los Angeles, Chicago, Miami, and New York has morphed into a national trend. In the South, Latino men and women from across the United States and Latin America have come for reasons ranging from debt crisis and peso devaluation in Mexico to civil unrest in parts of South America, from cooling economies and growing anti-immigrant sentiment in Texas and California to the pull of construction jobs for the 1996 Atlanta Olympics. Within southern locales, Latino communities are notable less for their size than for the speed at which they developed. Although small in comparison to Latino populations in gateway cities, since the 1990s the South's Latino populations have been growing faster than in other areas of the country.7
The broad contours of Latino population growth in the South are simple to document; but the processes and particularities of Latino migration are more complicated than aggregate statistics reveal. Latino migration includes documented and undocumented residents, US-born and foreign-born migrants, seasonal laborers who move among agricultural sites throughout the South and permanent residents who put down roots and begin families. Equally important, Latino populations, especially in southern cities, include men and women who have moved from other US cities, as well as individuals from across Mexico and many parts of Central and South America. In this way, while much commentary, academic or otherwise, discusses Latino/Hispanic migration or "the Hispanic/Latino community" in monolithic terms, there is much national, economic, political, and linguistic diversity among Latinos in the South.
Adding to this complexity is the uneven temporal and spatial dispersion of Latinos. Certain southern states, most notably Texas and Florida, have a longstanding Latino presence and influence. Among so-called "new destinations," Georgia and North Carolina experienced Latino settlement and population growth before many other southern states and have been "ahead of the curve" in terms of local impacts of and responses to immigrant settlement. Latino migration became a notable trend in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Alabama five to ten years later, as industries such as meat processing and the fast-food and hospitality sectors turned to immigrant labor. In the present economic recession, anecdotal evidence suggests that Latino migration to the South is waning but that return migration is not necessarily increasing. The trends we address in this article, thus, are not reversing, though the pace of immigration and character of immigrant settlement may be changing in ways not yet apparent.
|Stan Schnier, Immigrant workers at the final celebration of the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride, Flushing Meadows Corona Park, New York, New York, October 4, 2003.
Across southern spaces, Latino population growth has also been highly uneven. Until Hurricane Katrina and the need for cheap immigrant labor to rebuild New Orleans, for instance, Louisiana had little Latino population growth. Within the historic "Black Belt," increase in the Latino population has been much smaller, raising questions about the links among race, poverty, and immigrant settlement across the South. Even in states that have notable Latino population increase, there are rural, urban, and suburban differences, with cities typically having a wider range of nationalities and occupational skills represented in their Latino populations. In the neighborhoods of small southern towns and rural areas, Latino residents often overlap more with long-term black and white residents than they do in southern cities, but are also more concentrated in one type of work, such as poultry processing or agriculture. Studying Latino migration to the South necessitates attending to a demographically, geographically, and temporally uneven phenomenon that has only recently come onto the radar of scholars of the South.8
Although these changes are reconfiguring southern landscapes and social terrains, no one can deny the historical and on-going power of a black-white binary in contouring the South's material and metaphoric spaces. How new immigrants alter this racial binary remains unclear, as does where the South itself fits in discussions of immigration. Many migration scholars argue that immigration has long shaped US racial/ethnic politics and cultural life, particularly within its cities.9 Outside Florida and Texas, however, the South has been a space of exception, a place where national trends of immigrant settlement and labor have been presumed not to apply.10
One of the challenges of historicizing immigration to southern locales, then, is the gap between southern studies and studies of immigration to southern locales, between work on the South's history, culture, and politics and work on its recent immigrants and their reception. Part of this gap reflects differences between the two fields. Much of southern studies emerges from the humanities. With strengths in textual studies, historical analysis, and material culture, southern studies utilizes related methodologies (e.g., literary criticism, archival investigation, musicology, and discourse analysis) to engage such topics as local and regional identities, cultural production, and the idea of the South itself (plantation South, the postbellum South, the segregated South, and so on) as objects of study. In contrast, studies of immigration to the South draw heavily from the social sciences, particularly geography, sociology, anthropology, and political science. Although some new work engages the cultural politics of immigration and identity in southern locales, most utilizes social-science methods such as surveys, participant observation, interviews, and secondary data analysis. Through these sorts of distinctions (which work more as heuristic devices than absolute differences), southern studies and studies of immigration to the South stabilize their objects of analyses in ways that further the gap between the two fields.11
Southern studies, at least in its more traditional manifestations, and studies of immigration to the South are also driven by different political projects. Southern studies operates through a powerful discursive formation: a South contoured by a black-white binary; reshaped by the experiences of institutionalized racism, racial struggle, and violence; and in a more positive vein, authenticated through particular cultural practices (e.g., biscuits, barbecue, the blues). Studies of immigration to the South, by contrast, coalesce around a political project of drawing attention and legitimacy to immigrants' presence, needs, and contributions, setting aside contextualization or implications with regard to the South's historical and cultural geographies of race. Insofar as each pursues an implicitly celebratory project (the uniqueness of the South vs. the significance of immigrants' needs and contributions), they seek to protect the purview and integrity of the subject that they construct.
Although southern studies and studies of immigration to the South have yet to speak in a sustained dialogue, within many southern locales, the worlds they examine increasingly entangle. In places where long-term residents and new immigrants interact, the South's history of a black-white binary, racial discrimination, and struggles toward racial justice intertwine with new demographic realities in ways that change both the politics of immigrant reception and experiences and the local and regional contours of racial politics. To understand these sites of entanglement, southern studies and migration studies must be brought together in an interdisciplinary framework that can account for the empirical reality of their overlap. The remainder of this article examines three vignettes, illustrating some ways of approaching these new demographic and representational realities. Through them we consider how the story of immigrant settlement reconfigures understandings and mobilizations of the South's past to comprehend the present and impact the future.
Nashville: Old Water Fountains in New Times
Nashville, like many southern cities, began to experience notable immigrant settlement in the mid to late 1990s. As its downtown "revitalized" and its bedroom communities expanded into adjacent counties, a booming residential and commercial construction industry developed across the city, attracting immigrant labor. At the same time, Nashville's service economy grew and created new demand for low-wage workers. The Music City in the late-twentieth century offered much to Latino migrants: readily available work, relatively affordable housing, and, at least initially, little open hostility toward immigrant residents and neighborhoods. Although Nashville had a small but politically visible refugee population dating to the Cuban crisis and including older Vietnamese and Kurdish communities, as well as newer groups from a range of global hotspots, the arrival of Spanish-speaking immigrants, both directly from Latin America and secondarily from other US locales, quickly dwarfed the city's refugee population, becoming the dominant image of Nashville's 'new sonido.'12
|Stan Schnier, A woman at the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride holds a sign that asks "What color is an immigrant?", Flushing Meadows Corona Park, New York, New York, October 4, 2003.
Recent Census estimates suggest that almost twelve percent of Nashville's population is foreign born, slightly below the national average of 12.5 percent. Across Nashville-Davidson County, approximately eight percent of the population is Hispanic or Latino, a percentage that has grown rapidly in the last ten years.13 Immigration has become a hot topic in Nashville, evident in the defeated 2008 referendum on English-only legislation and an overall reconfiguration of the city's low-wage labor market. Nashville's politics of immigrant settlement often play out most intensely in less publicized, everyday spaces, from the corner store to the classroom.14 In Jamie Winders' research on public schools in southeast Nashville, where there is the greatest concentration of immigrant residents, teachers repeatedly discussed the collision of southern past, present, and future in their classrooms. In teaching about the civil rights movement, as one elementary-school teacher reported, students ask, "Which water fountain would I be able to drink from?" Conjuring images of Jim Crow, a separate-but-unequal color line, and transgression, the question is grounded in a racial ontology in which the answer was always the "good" water fountain marked "white" or the offshoot marked "colored." Under Jim Crow even children knew how to answer this question. That knowing was the bedrock of a southern, indeed national, grammar of race and place.
What happens when the student asking this question is a child of Egyptian refugees relocated to Nashville or a recently settled Mexican family? Or when this question is asked in elementary schools with large Latino and smaller Kurdish, Vietnamese, Somali, and Sudanese populations? To answer it, teachers in southeast Nashville translate a binary system of racial difference and segregation for children for whom Nashville has always been a multicultural mix of Kurdish and Egyptian families, Sudanese refugees, Mexican children, Honduran men, and a sprinkling of white and black residents. For immigrant children in Nashville, the multiethnic present makes the biracial past seem incomprehensible. As teachers work to translate garbage strikes and segregated fountains to Latino children who look for the "Spanish people" alongside King, and as young students try to understand an old system of difference through their present experiences, these translations reshape southern history and present. In these classrooms, students inadvertently defy silences about the South's new racializations while lacking the ability to place themselves within its shifting social and racial hierarchies.
These questions raised by children in search of their "place" within southern history, present, and future highlight the tangible impacts of an immigrant presence not only on southern cities like Nashville but also on overarching frameworks for understanding southern past and present. What are the implications of a generation of new southern residents for whom a past in black and white seems all but unbelievable? How will broader understandings and critical examinations of southern history adjust? In southern locales such as Nashville, the cord between past and present is fraying and being rethreaded in public schools, low-wage worksites, and residential neighborhoods, as students, workers, and residents make sense of each other and, in the process, their place in southern past and present. As a southern history of a black-white racial hierarchy that produced segregations and oppressions is joined by a multiethnic, multicultural, and multilingual southern present with its own racial and class inequalities, past and contemporary color lines are interwoven in ways that confound dominant understandings of the South. Southern studies, as currently configured, cannot account for this degree of variation and change.
Memphis: Minority Politics and Class Divisions
|Jeffrey Rohan, National Civil Rights Museum at the Lorraine Motel, Memphis, Tennessee, August 14, 2010.
The contemporary racial politics and historical memories of racism that inform responses to immigrants in Memphis contrast sharply with those in Nashville. Such differences illustrate a spatial variability that confounds generalizations about the South and mandates contextualization of contemporary migration. Tied economically and culturally to the Delta's plantation system and governed for decades by the authoritarian paternalism of Boss Crump, Memphis is Deep South, the "largest city in Mississippi," as some locals put it. As the site of King's assassination in 1968 and the lynchings that provoked Ida B. Wells' famous crusade decades earlier (for which she was forced to flee), Memphis has witnessed extreme racist violence and bitter struggles over white supremacy.15 Contestations over historical commemoration, focused recently on the National Civil Rights Museum in the Lorraine Motel where King was shot, re-enact these struggles even as they seek to represent them. Memphis is a city steeped in race.16
Latino immigrants began arriving in Memphis in large numbers during the 1990s, drawn by jobs in the city's burgeoning construction and distribution sectors. Long an important stopover for the movement of goods and people along the Mississippi River and across the continental United States, Memphis has become a center for the worldwide distribution of air freight. As the global economy expanded during the 1990s, the FedEx Corporation, headquartered here, grew from a relatively small niche market in overnight package delivery into a global logistics empire. Around the city's perimeter, warehouses storing goods for "just-in-time" delivery mushroomed in industrial parks. The demand for labor in new construction and warehousing (or distribution) attracted migrants, primarily from Latin America, who often found higher wages in this southern city than in Los Angeles and other historic immigrant gateways.17
Memphis' new immigrants arrived in the wake of a bitter election that brought the first African American mayor, W. W. Herenton, to power in 1991.18 Herenton's campaign ignited white anxieties about "black rule" and further propelled white flight. In this increasingly majority-black city, he was re-elected handily and repeatedly. As in other southern locales, Memphis's growing immigrant population attracted little attention during mayoral campaigns, which unfolded along familiar black-white lines complicated by class. Major controversy erupted, however, in 1997, when Hispanic business leaders approached Herenton about inclusion in special municipal contracting programs for minorities. Herenton repudiated their claims by referencing the history of African American slavery and Jim-Crow segregation, suggesting that Latinos' experience of racial oppression was insufficient for redress through government affirmative action. Ironically, the Latino businesspeople drawing attention to Memphis' expanding Hispanic population were, in most cases, US born and/or highly acculturated. Their understanding of race, intentional group positioning in racial terms, and efforts to access race-specific remedies attested to their distance from most Latino immigrants, who rarely sought to identify themselves in racial terms for the purpose of political organizing and instead lived and worked in the recesses of Memphis' economy and neighborhoods.
Complicated racial politics lay behind Herenton's rejection of Latino claims to minority status. Like many leaders of large urban centers, he presided over a place of deep and seemingly intractable black poverty at a time of declining federal assistance and escalating white flight. Herenton, however, could appear to champion the interests of poor and working-class African Americans who gave him votes, even as he failed to improve their quality of life, when he refuted Latino claims to affirmative action in the name of longstanding black oppression. Exploiting this dispute, white contractors in Memphis sought to eliminate affirmative action in public contracts altogether, legitimating Herenton's protective stance in the eyes of many black residents and further embittering the city's racial politics.19 Through this and other episodes, Latino racialization and group positioning unfolded in Memphis, challenging overarching representations of the South in racially binary terms and illustrating the complicated interplay of race, class, and national origin.
Contestations over Latino access to racially-targeted remedies have erupted elsewhere in the South, raising thorny questions.20 Who should benefit from remedies that ensue from the civil rights movement? Do Latinos, despite census definitions to the contrary, constitute a race; and if so, should they be treated in the same way as African Americans, particularly in a southern context? Should Latino immigrants be encouraged to understand and position themselves in the South's bipolar racial hierarchy; and if so, where? As in Nashville, how can Memphis address the deeply entrenched color line while responding to new color lines whose boundaries are still being formed? What transformations are required of southern studies to account for these highly variable, context-specific intersections of different systems of inequality?
In Memphis, the class privilege of Latinos who publicly advocated for inclusion as minorities, as well as their ability to identify as white, obscure the disadvantages experienced by many recent, darker-skinned Latino immigrants, who typically are neither business owners nor well-to-do. Who, then, can and should speak for an immigrant population sliced by lines of class, nationality, gender, language, and citizenship status? As our final vignette shows, diverse advocacy organizations are engaging these questions, bumping up against immigration's ill fit within current understandings of the South.
New Immigrant Activism and an Old Playbook
|Billboard sponsored by the Tennessee Immigrant and Refugee Rights Coalition, a group that supports immigration, Nashville, Tennessee, 2009.
Mainstream immigrant-advocacy groups like the National Immigration Forum have long based their appeals on a comfortingly egalitarian version of US history as "a nation of immigrants." In the nuevo South of the early 2000s, as activists mobilized local and statewide organizations to advocate for immigrant needs and rights, they often adopted similar rhetorical strategies. In Tennessee groups waged campaigns that asked residents to "embrace the immigrants they once were." The implicit racial content of this appeal, which presumes that all Tennesseeans share the same past and want to revisit it, may have resonated with whites; but it suppressed histories of slavery, genocide, colonialism, and forced migration disproportionately linked to people of color, not all of whom identify as "immigrant." Although such strategies could take place in many locations with growing immigrant populations and intensifying hostility toward them, the uneasy political and rhetorical relationship between immigrant rights and more race-conscious, anti-racist organizing evident in this campaign is particularly pointed in the South, where the meeting ground between current immigrant-rights advocacy and the historic civil rights movement is uncharted, unclear, but unavoidable.
One effort to situate immigrant rights within a civil rights legacy was the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR) of fall 2003. Conceived in the wake of September 11, 2001, when the presumed equation between immigration and terrorism provoked nativist responses across the country and reversed momentum toward immigration reform, the IWFR was designed to galvanize the immigrant-rights movement by strengthening its relationship to organized labor and less directly, civil rights and other faith- and community-based organizations. The original plan was to take one bus of riders through eight cities, but enthusiasm for the idea led to a more ambitious outcome. Eighteen buses originated from ten cities and carried nine-hundred riders along different routes through more than a hundred US cities. The riders converged to lobby Congress, before rallying with a hundred-thousand supporters in a demonstration in Queens, New York.21
|Associated Press, Map of 1961 Freedom Rides Routes, February 1962.
|Map of 2003 Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride Routes. Courtesy of Immigrant Freedom Workers Ride Coalition.
The primacy of the desired link between immigrant rights and organized labor may account in part for the IWFR's uneven engagement with the legacies of the civil rights movement, as well as for its failure to confront the sometimes-uneasy relationship between immigrant rights and anti-racist organizing. For the IWFR, the civil rights movement stood largely as a symbolic historical resource that this new initiative could mobilize. As one rider from Houston remarked, the IWFR "purposefully traveled through the South to get the blessings of African American leadership, and to draw on the legitimacy and unassailable moral standing of the civil rights movement."22 Although many bus routes never entered the South, those that did included stops in places such as Memphis, Nashville, Selma, and Atlanta, selected for their significance to the civil rights movement. The expectation that legendary civil rights leaders would endorse the IWFR was largely fulfilled, at least by those who spoke at rallies organized to greet the new Riders. In Mississippi, the president of the state chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference exhorted the crowd: "I don't care if you came from the Mayflower or crossed the border last night. You are entitled to the same human rights as I. You are my brother. You are my sister. You are my people. The fight for freedom is not over."23
At the local level, the extent to which the IWFR spurred new alignments between the causes of immigrant rights and anti-racist organizing varied widely. A report from Nashville indicated that the Ride's planning process was a "rich exercise in dialogue and coalition-building" among immigrant-rights, labor, and black community leaders.24 Reverend Jim Lawson, who played a central role in Nashville's civil rights struggles in the late 1950s and early 1960s, spoke to the Riders and their supporters, giving the mantle of his moral authority to their cause. In Memphis, however, no organization seized the IWFR as an opportunity for organizing or coalition building; and the Riders' visit to sites like the National Civil Rights Museum drew relatively small crowds. Once again, the ground-level politics of race and immigration were highly dependent on local contexts, in this case local labor, civil rights, and other relevant organizations.
Moreover, the extent to which African American southerners believe that the legacies of the civil rights movement do or should encompass immigrant rights is unclear, as is the extent to which there is recognition of mutual grievances between the two groups. Evidence points to mutual misrecognition and occasional antagonism between African Americans and Latinos in some parts of the South.25 With the goal of recognizing and building on the "common struggle against oppression and racism that immigrants and African Americans in Tennessee share," the Tennessee Immigrant and Refugee Rights Coalition (TIRRC) launched a project called "Black, Brown and Beyond." At the same time, however, TIRRC spearheaded a "Welcoming Tennessee Initiative," proclaiming that "We believe that Tennesseans remember, honor, and value our immigrant roots." The simultaneity of these two initiatives unintentionally highlighted the ambiguities associated with efforts to position immigrants in the South's contentious racial history and present. While calling for black-brown alliances that build on mutual, if distinct, oppressions and struggles, TIRRC reinforces the notion that all Tennesseans share and value a sanitized version of America's immigrant history as entirely voluntary.
Because the appeal to a white-washed immigrant history is directed at a white audience of business leaders, political officials, and opinion makers, rather than at immigrants themselves, it may not represent immigrants' (or African Americans') claims or sense of identity vis-à-vis the United States and their "place" within it. Nonetheless, the incompatibility between the pasts that the immigrant rights/civil rights alliance seeks to join – one of immigrant triumph to be "honored," another of racial oppression to be "overcome"– gestures toward the damning reality that throughout US history, diverse immigrant groups have claimed a position in the racial hierarchy at the expense of African Americans. Equally important, the landless Latino farmers and workers who cross the US–Mexico border in search of livelihoods in the South bring pasts that partake far more of racial oppression (and colonialism, political repression, and genocide, as well as ongoing resistance) than of the triumphalist stories of white ethnics. Do these new immigrants draw on such pasts to locate themselves within the South's racial histories? Might their histories reconfigure yet again what constitutes "the South"? Or, will new immigrants position themselves in the white-washed immigrant saga of ethnic groups who achieved success by ceasing to be "not white"?26
In 1988, Light Townsend Cummins called for a bridge between southern historians who ignore the South's Spanish heritage and European and Latin American scholars who overlook its post-Hispanic history. Paralleling the experiences of African Americans and Hispanics in southern states, he concluded that "Hispanic southerners present a profitable field for research by those who wish to examine ethnicity and its rich history in the American South." Fast-forwarding into the nineteenth century, Rowland Berthoff documented the recruitment of immigrant workers into the post-Civil War South in an effort to discipline black workers. Although Berthoff concluded that such efforts were "a minor and futile phase of the New South," the same cannot be said about the nuevo South in which an immigrant presence is neither minor nor temporary.27
By urging approaches that historicize immigration, race, and place, by interrogating the South's historical meanings and usefulness for different constituencies, and by comparing immigration experiences across southern locales, we extend Cummins' call and suggest that current immigrants enter and interrogate the South's present and past through their indigenous, African, and Spanish hybridities and histories. Insofar as such a move may produce contestations over everything from the meaning and demarcation of the South to the periodization of its history, it carries destablizing implications for southern studies. As Edward Ayers reminds us, however, "There was never a time when Southern culture developed secure from the outside, when people knew just where the borders were, when people knew just what the South was and was not."28 To exclude immigrants from that which is southern renders immigrants and the South incompatible, incongruous, and mutually exclusive.
We recognize that our call could be interpreted as an effort to sideline the persistence of anti-black racism. There is well-founded concern among African American leaders that with a shrinking pool of economic resources, diminished political visibility, and a color-blind discourse of happy multiculturalism, a focus on immigrant rights and needs can push anti-black racism and discrimination, as well as the situation of African American communities, out of the limelight.29 Within some worksites, anecdotal information points to the use of both ethnic and racial differences to divide workers and a precarious immigrant workforce to deepen black working-class dispossession, especially in times of economic crisis.30 Nonetheless, we also find echoes of African Americans' oppression among new immigrants who experience racial profiling, intensive labor exploitation, white supremacist violence, and denial of civil rights.31 These reverberations remind us that a multi-racial/ethnic present is the future and we deny that reality and its links to southern history at our peril.
By historicizing immigration to the South, then, we mean, first, marking an earlier starting point for questions about community change vis-à-vis immigration. As our vignettes illustrate, immigration and responses to it have telescoped the distance between southern past, present, and future. Paying closer attention to the mobilization of southern pasts to frame an immigrant presence helps us understand the complex politics of immigrant incorporation and reception across the South. Second, we mean scrutinizing historical echoes, such as those articulated by Herenton in Memphis, in contemporary discussions and experiences of immigration. Migration scholars miss much about immigration's ground-level dynamics in southern communities if they do not recognize and pursue the ways in which the racial past is mobilized by southerners, black and white, to interpret and position immigrants. Finally, by historicizing immigration, we mean examining the mechanisms that allow particular narratives of race, place, and the past to become dominant, to the exclusion of other narratives, especially those produced by racialized "others," including immigrants. Reflecting on whose version of southern history (and which version of the South) is allowed to become dominant in framing an immigrant presence helps us understand the broader power geometries within which immigrant and other marginalized communities seek to make a place.
Absent such historicization, the story of immigration to the South will remain incoherent not simply or even primarily because it is ongoing but also because it does not possess a coherent plot. It has, in other words, yet to become a southern story that both partakes of and is incorporated within regional meanings, identities, histories, and self-representations. Our vignettes illuminate the illegibility of a Latino presence within southern stories and point to a fundamental reason for it: Latinos cannot be rendered "southern" because they remain incommensurable within, and implicitly challenge, southern histories organized through defining racial difference between black and white.
To be sure, immigrants, particularly Latinos, increasingly appear in demographic profiles of the South, their music, food, and cultural practices providing intrigue for both academic and popular renderings of the cosmopolitan and globalized South. As Homi Bhabha reminds us, however, superficial acknowledgement of diversity is not the same as deep engagement with difference. Simply adding a Latino presence to register diversity does not constitute recognition of the difference that immigration potentially makes to southern racial politics and projects.32 Much is at stake in this impasse. Insofar as immigrants are subject to the "deep structure of racial reasoning" that situates them within the traditional racial hierarchies deemed southern, how can we draw on and re-draw history to illuminate, these processes of racialization?33 Insofar as immigrants seek to situate themselves within the civil rights movement's anti-racist appeals, how can that movement's legacy be understood to encompass their needs and demands? What would an effective, racially and historically sensitive, southern immigrant-rights strategy look like?
Portions of this article were presented at the 2009 Association of American Geographers meetings, the 2009 Southern Sociological Society meetings, and the 2010 St. George Tucker Society meetings. We thank Carl Bankston, Peggy Hargis, Louis Kyriakoudes, Jennifer Bickham Mendez, Laura Pulido, and Clyde Woods for their feedback at these gatherings. We also thank Allen Tullos and two anonymous reviewers for their close readings and commentary on our arguments.
- 1. Although in this article, we focus on Latino migration (a 'nuevo' South), we acknowledge the presence of smaller immigrant and refugee populations, some of which have long histories in the South. These groups have impacted racial and social formations in some southern locales and are the subject of such recent studies as Mark Moberg and Stephen Thomas, "Indochinese Resettlement and the Transformation of Identities Along the Alabama Gulf Coast" and Choony Soon Kim, "Asian Adaptations in the American South," in Cultural Diversity in the U.S. South: Anthropological Contributions to a Region in Transition, ed. Carole Hill and Patricia Beaver (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Deborah Duchon, "Home Is Where You Make It: Hmong Refugees in Georgia," Urban Anthropology 26, no. 1 (1997): 71-92; David Reimers, "Asian Immigrants in the South," in Globalization and the American South, ed. James Cobb and William Stueck (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005); and Jin-Kyung Yoo, "Utilization of Social Networks for Immigrant Entrepreneurship: A Case Study of Korean Immigrants in the Atlanta Area," International Review of Sociology 10, no. 3 (2000): 347-363.
- 2. The reference to the "past isn't dead" originates with Williams Faulkner, Requiem for a Nun (New York: Random House, 1951). For an academic examination of historical narratives that influence the present, see Ewen Hague et al., "Whiteness, Multiculturalism and Nationalist Appropriation of Celtic Culture: The Case of the League of the South and the Lega Nord," Cultural Geographies 12, no. 2 (2005): 151-173. For a more popular approach to similar themes, see Jim Webb, Born Fighting: How the Scots-Irish Shaped America (New York: Broadway Books, 2004). For discussions of the Civil War, see Curt Anders, Hearts in Conflict: A One-Volume History of the Civil War (Secaucus, NJ: Carol Pub. Group, 1994). For discussions of African American history, see Kenneth Goings and Raymond Mohl, eds., The New African-American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1996). For discussions of the contemporary South and southern distinctiveness, see Larry Griffin and Don Doyle, eds., The South as an American Problem (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995); Dewey Grantham, The South in Modern America: A Region at Odds (New York: Harper Collins, 1994); and James Cobb and William Stueck, eds., Globalization and the American South (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005).
- 3. Cobb and Stueck, Globalization and the American South; Barbara Ellen Smith, Marcela Mendoza, and David Ciscel, "'The World on Time:' Flexible Labor, New Immigrants and Global Logistics," in The American South in a Global World, ed. James Peacock, Harry Watson and Carrie Matthews, 23-38 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).
- 4. Larry Griffin, Ranae Evenson, and Ashley Thompson, "Southerners All?," Southern Cultures 11, no. 1 (2005): 6-25.
- 5. See, for example, Barbara Ellen Smith and Jamie Winders, "'We're Here to Stay': Economic Restructuring, Latino Migration, and Place-Making in the U.S. South," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers NS 33 (2008): 60-72; Barbara Ellen Smith, "Across Races and Nations: Social Justice Organizing in the Transnational South," in Latinos in the New South: Transformations of Place, ed. Heather Smith and Owen Furuseth, 235-256 (Aldershot, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2006); Jamie Winders, "Changing Politics of Race and Region: Latino Migration to the U.S. South," Progress in Human Geography 29, no. 6 (2005): 683-699; Jamie Winders, "'New Americans' in a 'New South' City? Immigrant and Refugee Politics in the Music City," Social and Cultural Geography 7, no. 3 (2006): 421-435; and Jamie Winders, "An 'Incomplete' Picture? Race, Latino Migration, and Urban Politics in Nashville, Tennessee," Urban Geography 29, no.3 (2008): 246-263.
- 6. An exception to the failure to historically contextualize immigration to the South is Rubén Hernández-León and Víctor Zúñiga, "Appalachia Meets Aztlán: Mexican Immigration and Inter-Group Relations in Dalton, Georgia," in New Destinations of Mexican Immigration in the United States: Community Formation, Local Responses and Inter-Group Relations, ed. Víctor Zúñiga and Rubén Hernández-León, (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2005).
- 7. Richard Fry, Latino Settlement in the New Century, October 23, 2008 (Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center), http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/96.pdf. For discussions of immigration to the South, see Carl Bankston III, "New People in the New South: An Overview of Southern Immigration," Southern Cultures 13, no. 4 (2007): 24-44; Peacock, Watson and Matthews, eds., The American South in a Global World; Holly Barcus, "The Emergence of New Hispanic Settlement Patterns in Appalachia," The Professional Geographer 59, no. 3 (2007): 298-315; Furuseth and Smith, Latinos in the New South; Zúñiga and Hernández-León, New Destinations; Helen Marrow, "New Destinations and the American Colour Line," Ethnic and Racial Studies 32, no. 6 (2009): 1037-1057; Benjamin Shultz, "Inside the Gilded Cage: The Lives of Latino Immigrant Males in Rural Central Kentucky," Southeastern Geographer 48, no. 2 (2008): 201-218; Robert Yarbrough, "Latino/White and Latino/Black Segregation in the Southeastern United States: Findings from Census 2000," Southeastern Geographer 43, no.2 (2003): 235-248; Fran Ansley and Jon Shefner, eds., Global Connections and Local Receptions: New Latino Immigration to the Southeastern US, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2009); and Douglas Massey, ed., New Faces in New Places: The Changing Geography of American Immigration, (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2008).
- 8. For work on Latino migration to the rural South, see Peter Benson, "El Campo: Faciality and Structural Violence in Farm Labor Camps," Cultural Anthropology 23, no. 4 (2008): 589-629; and Josh McDaniel and Vanessa Casanova, "Pines in Lines: Tree Planting, H2B Guest Workers, and Rural Poverty in Alabama." Southern Rural Sociology 19, no.1 (2003): 73-96. For work on the geographic diversity of Latino migration to the South, see James Elliott and Marcel Ionescu, "Postwar Immigration to the Deep South Triad: What Can a Peripheral Region Tell Us About Immigrant Settlement and Employment?" Sociological Spectrum 23 (2003): 159-180; Laurel Fletcher et al., "Rebuilding after Katrina: A Population-Based Study of Labor and Human Rights in New Orleans." International Human Rights Law Clinic, Boalt Hall School of Law, and Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley, and Payson Center for International Development and Technology Transfer, Tulane University (June 2006). For work on Latino labor-market participation, see Steve Striffler, "Neither Here Nor There: Mexican Immigrant Workers and the Search for Home." American Ethnologist 34, no.4 (2007): 674-688. For work on Latino migration to southern cities, see Qingfang Wang and Wei Li, "Entrepreneurship, Ethnicity and Local Contexts: Hispanic Entrepreneurs in Three U.S. Southern Metropolitan Areas," GeoJournal 68 (2007): 167-182; Winders, "An 'Incomplete' Picture?;" and Yarbrough, "Latino/White and Latino/Black Segregation."
- 9. Alejandro Portes and Alex Stepick, City on the Edge: The Transformation of Miami (Berkeley: University of California, 1993); Rachel Buff, Immigration and the Political Economy of Home: West Indian Brooklyn and American Indian Minneapolis (Berkeley: University of California, 2001).
- 10. Jamie Winders and Barbara Ellen Smith, "Excepting/Accepting the South: New Geographies of Latino Migration, New Directions in Latino Studies." Latino Studies, under review; and Susan Greenbaum, "Urban Immigrants in the South," in Hill and Beaver, Cultural Diversity. For discussion of the South outside a black-white binary, see Rowland Berthoff, "Southern Attitudes Toward Immigration,1865-1914," Journal of Southern History 17, no. 3 (1951): 328-360; Light Townsend Cummins, "The Hispanic Heritage of the Southern United States of America," Revista de historia de America 10, no. 5 (1988): 89-110; and Julie Weise, "Mexican Nationalisms, Southern Racisms: Mexicans and Mexican Americans in the U.S. South,1908-1939," American Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2008): 749-777. For discussion of immigration and US racial politics, see Gabriela Arrendondo, "Navigating Ethno-Racial Currents: Mexicans in Chicago,1919-1939," Journal of Urban History 30, no. 3 (2004): 399-427; and James Barrett and David Roediger, "In-between Peoples: Race, Nationality, and the 'New Immigrant' Working Class," Journal of American Ethnic History 16, no. 3 (1997): 3-44.
- 11. For works in southern studies, see Edward Ayers, "Narrating the New South," The Journal of Southern History 61, no. 3 (1995): 555-566; Griffin and Doyle, The South as an American Problem, and Jennifer Rae Greeson, "The Figure of the South and the Nationalizing Imperatives of Early United States Literature," The Yale Journal of Criticism 12, no. 2 (1999): 209-248. For works on southern immigration, see Carl Bankston III et al., Sociological Spectrum 23 (2003); Altha Cravey, "Desire, Work and Transnational Identity," Ethnography 6, no. 3 (2005): 357-383; Arthur Murphy, Colleen Blanchard, and Jennifer Hill, eds., Latino Workers in the Contemporary South, (Athens: University of Georgia, 2001); Smith and Furuseth, Latinos in the New South; Winders, "Changing Politics of Race and Region"; Terry Easton, "Geographies of Hope and Despair: Atlanta's African American, Latino, and White Day Laborers," Southern Spaces, December 21, 2007. For engagement with the cultural politics of immigration to the South, see Mary Odem, "Our Lady of Guadalupe in the New South: Latino Immigrants and the Politics of Integration in the Catholic Church," Journal of American Ethnic History 24, no. 1 (2004): 26-57; and also Mary Odem, Global Lives, Local Struggles: Latin American Immigrants in Atlanta," Southern Spaces, May 19, 2006.
- 12. For research on immigration to Nashville, see Jamie Winders, "Placing Latinos in the Music City: Latino Migration and Urban Politics in Nashville, Tennessee," in Latinos in the New South, ed. Smith and Furuseth; Winders, "'New Americans' in a 'New South' City?;" and Winders, "An 'Incomplete' Picture?."
- 13. Selected Social Characteristics in the United States: 2009. 2009 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates. US Census Bureau.
http://factfinder.census.gov/legacy/aff_sunset.html?_bm=y&-context=adp&-qr_name=ACS_2009_1YR_G00_DP2&-ds_name=ACS_2009_1YR_G00_&-tree_id=309&-redoLog=true&-_caller=geoselect&-geo_id=16000US4752006&-format=&-_lang=en Accessed 1 November 2010.
- 14. For discussion of the politics of immigration in the spaces of daily life, see David Ley, "Between Europe and Asia: The Case of the Missing Sequoias." Ecumene 2 (1995): 185-210; and Smith and Winders, "We're Here to Stay."
- 15. Miriam DeCosta-Willis, The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells (Boston: Beacon, 1995); and Michael Honey, Black Labor and Southern Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1993).
- 16. John Paul Jones III, "The Street Politics of Jackie Smith," in A Companion to the City, ed. Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson (Malden MA: Blackwell Pub, 2000).
- 17. See Smith, Mendoza and Ciscel, "The World on Time."
- 18. Marcus Pohlmann and Michael Kirby, Racial Politics at the Crossroads: Memphis Elects Dr. W.W. Herenton (Knoxville: University of Tennessee, 1996).
- 19. See the discussion in Smith, "Across Races and Nations."
- 20. In 2001, for example, a white Georgia legislator introduced a measure into the state legislature to expand the official definition of "minority." At stake was a small tax break granted to state contractors who sub-contracted to minority-owned businesses. Georgia's Black Caucus split over its response. Echoing Herenton, one African American legislator asserted, "Many Hispanics are not people of color. They are a language group, an ethnic group. These people never experienced the same things we did." Others, however, including some with strong credentials derived from their roles in the civil rights movement, disagreed. Rep. Tyrone Brooks of Atlanta, for example, urged, "We've got to expand the tent." White legislators were also divided. Opponents of affirmative action tended to reject the inclusion of Latinos in the definition of "minority." Others, however, mindful of the Latino electorate's escalating size and influence, were in favor. In 2002, the bill became law. See Ellen Griffith Spears, "Civil Rights, Immigration, and the Prospects for Social Justice Collaboration," in Peacock, Watson and Matthews, 235-246.
- 21. Francis Calpotura, "Riding with the Wind," ColorLines 7, no. 1 (2004): 5-7; and Spring Miller, "A Report from Nashville on the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride, 2003," Enlaces News, January, 2004.
- 22. Calpotura, "Riding," p. 6.
- 23. Ibid.
- 24. Miller, "Report," p. 1.
- 25. Paula D. McClain et al., "Racial Distancing in a Southern City: Latino Immigrants' Views of Black Americans," Journal of Politics 68, no. 3 (2006): 571-584.
- 26. For discussion of immigrants in the US racial hierarchy, see Barrett and Roediger, "In-between Peoples."
- 27. Cummins, "The Hispanic Heritage," 110; Berthoff, "Southern Attitudes Toward Immigration," 360.
- 28. Edward Ayers, "What We Talk About When We Talk About the South," in All over the Map: Rethinking American Regions, ed. Edward Ayers, Patricia Nelson Limerick, Stephen Nissenbaum, and Peter Onuf (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1996), 74.
- 29. Winders, "An 'Incomplete' Picture?"
- 30. Barbara Ellen Smith, "Market Rivals or Class Allies? Relations between African American and Latino Immigrant Workers in Memphis," in Shefner and Ansley, 299-317.
- 31. Southern Poverty Law Center, "Under Siege: Life for Low-Income Latinos in the South," April 2009.
http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/publications/under-siege-life-for-low-income-latinos-in-the-south Acessed 1 November 2010.
- 32. Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London; New York: Routledge, 1994).
- 33. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, "Open Secrets: Memory, Imagination, and the Refashioning of Southern Identity," American Quarterly 50, no. 1 (1998): 113.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Welcome to Parkside Chapel
At Parkside Chapel, we are dedicated to service. From the moment you call, we are here to offer heartfelt service, a compassionate, listening ear, and gentle guidance and support. When meeting with you, we want to make you feel like you are the most important person in the world because in that moment, there is nothing more important than caring for you and your family. Our goal is always to ensure that everything is taken care of to your utmost satisfaction and to create a meaningful celebration of your loved one's life. Please let us know if we can be of service to you.
Mike Roberts
Owner/Funeral Director
Parkside Chapel Funeral Home
601 N. Main Street
Hereford, TX 79045
(806) 363-2300


text:
A buildout recipe to install and configure OpenERP
Project description
This recipe for Buildout is a fully featured tool allowing you to define and deploy quickly OpenERP installations of any kinds, ranging from development setups to fully automated production deployments or continuous integration.
Some of its main features include:
- uniformity across OpenERP versions (from 5.0 onwards)
- installation of OpenERP server and, if meaningful, GTK and web clients.
- retrieval of main software and addons from various sources, including the major version control systems
- ability to pinpoint everything for replayability
- management of OpenERP configuration
- dedicated scripts creation for easy integration of external tools, such as test launchers
- packaging: creation of self-contained equivalents for easy deployment in tightly controlled hosting environmenents.
All these to be considered together with zc.buildout's general properties, such as an extensible configuration file format for easy variation or separation of concerns, native Python distributions installation, and of course the huge ecosystem of other recipes.
The full documentation is written with Sphinx, built continuously and uploaded to http://docs.anybox.fr/anybox.recipe.openerp by Anybox' public buildbot. The Sphinx source tree is to be found under the doc subdirectory of this project.
The latest released version of the documentation is uploaded to PyPI alongside with the package. See PyPIDocumentationHosting for details.
Bug reports and Feedback
Please don't hesitate to give feedback and especially report bugs or ask for new features through launchpad at this URL: https://bugs.launchpad.net/anybox.recipe.openerp/+bugs
Useful links
- Code repository and bug tracker: https://launchpad.net/anybox.recipe.openerp
- PyPI page: http://pypi.python.org/pypi/anybox.recipe.openerp
- Main documentation: http://docs.anybox.fr/anybox.recipe.openerp
Contributors information
- Christophe Combelles
- Georges Racinet
- Jean-Sébastien Suzanne
- Yannick Vaucher
- Jacques-Etienne Baudoux
- Laurent Mignon
- Leonardo Pistone
The 1.8 series are stable versions, while the 1.9 are unstable. Changes displayed as "unreleased" in th stable series are released with any higher released unstable versions.
1.8.4 (2014-06-16)
- launchpad #1327756: support new addons layout on github
- launchpad #1324579: [odoo] generation of gevent script (longpolling) and have it used through the –workers option
- launchpad #1321919: [v8] fixed potential masking of standard library by addons of the same name
- launchpad #1234014: [git] tracked branch were not properly updated if the branch was already the current one
- launchpad #1320198: [bzr] using revids internally and in particular in freeze/extract features
- launchpad #1320198: [bzr] forbidding change of parent location in offline mode unless this is for a fixed revision ID (no ambiguity), and forcing a pull in non offline mode.
- launchpad #1317269: [v8] OpenERP server can't start in a multi workers mode
- launchpad #1314566: [v8] OpenERP scripts & interpreter can't load db
1.8.3 (2014-04-19)
- launchpad #1281262: new openerp-log-level modifier in openerp_scripts
- launchpad #1289761: using the proper zc.buildout.UserError in lots of places.
- launchpad #1296178: have unparseable addons lines end up in UserError as well.
- launchpad #1229908: fixed tarball download url for the 6.0.x releases
1.8.2 (2014-02-08)
- launchpad #1275168: when freeze nightly version was not set correctly
- launchpad #1245261: new --init-all option in test_openerp and start_openerp scripts.
1.8.1 (2013-10-17)
- launchpad #1235946 (demo data): consistent behaviour and capability to load them.
- launchpad #1239721: now session has 'is_initialization' attribute for creation use-cases of upgrade script; using it to improve logging, and in default upgrade script.
1.8.0 (2013-10-01)
- launchpad #1222482: upgrade toolkit and upgrade scripts generation
- launchpad #1222116: [Gunicorn] option to preload databases
1.7.4 (unreleased)
- launchpad #1246822: restored the ordering of addons_path as it was in 1.7.0 (main addons first).
1.7.3 (2013-10-17)
- Fixed the licence in setup.py and hence on PyPI page. The ZPL indicated was contradictory with what is stated on Launchpad's project page, and plain non applicable, since the recipe does import from OpenERP.
- launchpad #1232806: custom interpreter and openerp_scripts now work with OpenERP 6.1
- launchpad #1233606: [bzr] lightweight checkout now respects –offline
1.7.2 (2013-09-29)
- launchpad #1232724: [gunicorn] properly switching openerp to multi-process mode
- SAAS versions now recognized, and treated as X.5
- launchpad #1228997: [v5] in some cases, start_openerp –stop-after-init was not honoured.
- launchpad #1222562: [git] error in extract-downloads-to
1.7.1 (2013-09-07)
- launchpad #1215838: don't freeze develop / gp.vcsdevelop distributions
- launchpad #1213469: openerp scripts: support for entry point arguments
- launchpad #1215833: preserve regular develops in extract-downloads-to
- launchpad #1215873: [git] re-buildout with revision fixed versions crashes
- launchpad #1217816: [bzr] proper update of lightweight checkouts
- launchpad #1203550: [v8] using the openerpcommand that comes now bundled with openobject-server
- launchpad MP #182002: new 'etc-directory' option (default behaviour unchanged).
- launchpad #1208028: wrong error message in case of distribution version conflict
- launchpad #1216498: fixed python interpreter extra paths
- launchpad #1216835: [bzr] mispelling in 'lightweight-checkout' option
- launchpad #1205063: no more error if no addons are specified (might lead to problems with the default config, though, because of server wide modules, but that's supposed to be overridable)
1.7.0 (2013-07-26)
- launchpad #1189160: easy integration of general purpose unit test launchers
- launchpad #1201715: allow easily working in a virtualenv with extra-requires on bzr (allows easily to work with zc.buildout 2.2 on systems providing setuptools < 0.7 / distribute)
- launchpad #1202150: [git] proper support for remote branches
- launchpad #1200449: new flexible openerp_scripts; general refactor of script generation code.
- launchpad #1203005: vcs options not passed through (addons and main software)
- [bzr] support for lightweight checkout, with uniform 'bzr-init' option
- launchpad #1204573: [bzr] retry in two steps for some bzr branching cases where it fails to branch directly to wished revision.
- launchpad #1128146: new option in freeze-to to disallow picked versions, stopping not freezing of distribute.
- introduced vcs.base.CloneError with wrappers for check_call and check_output.
1.6.4 (2013-07-14)
- launchpad #1200198: hg: determination whether rev spec is fixed could be wrong
- launchpad #1194887: 'clean' option for git and hg now use the native solution
1.6.3 (2013-06-23)
- launchpad #1192973: 'clean' option now based on bzr clean-tree (more powerful, and avoids in particular removing empty dirs, which is a local modification that prevents later on freezing)
1.6.2 (2013-06-15)
- launchpad #1189402: order of the addons_path is now deterministic
- launchpad #1189162: registry helping avoid double evaluaton of custom addons models (helps launching unittest2 tests directly)
- launchpad #1191279: first implementation of new 'clean' option, dealing with python object files only.
1.6.1 (2013-06-06)
- launchpad #1188402: fixed git clone init on a precise revision
1.6.0 (2013-05-30)
- launchpad #1183005: python interpreter that can bootstrap OpenERP and open a database for interactive session or to launch a script.
- launchpad #1182589: avoid IOError if a bzr branch has no branch.conf
- launchpad #1185097, #1185100, #1185101, #1185741: advanced support for Git (precise revision, freeze, extract) allows including Git repositories in a full release process for tarball deployments.
1.5.5 (2013-05-20)
- launchpad #1182146: clearer user feedback and exit status code = 17 for freeze-to in case of local modifications of VCS server or addons.
1.5.4 (2013-05-14)
- launchpad #1169124: regression: offline mode not honoured with bzr
1.5.3 (2013-04-11)
- launchpad #1166788: regression with bzr "revid:" revision specifications
1.5.2 (2013-04-06)
- launchpad #1154719: freeze-to does not take the correct bzr revision number
- launchpad #1133248: "need more than 1 value to unpack" if some bzr's branch.conf has extra content not in the key = value form
- support for bzr stacked branches for the server branch in the same way as was already done in addons.
- launchpad #1152808: corrected parsing of options.log_handler in gunicorn setups (introduced a constant to treat comma-separated list options in gunicorn conf)
- launchpad #1153036: avoid pulls in case the specified revision is a fixed one that we already have (bzr and hg only)
- launchpad #1115504: extract-downloads-to now works with bzr version shipping with Debian squeeze
1.5.1 (27-02-2013)
- launchpad #1130590: errors with inline comments such as freeze-to produces
1.5.0 (14-02-2013)
- works with zc.buildout 2.0
- launchpad #1115503: now it's possible to apply extract-downloads-to for a buildout configuration that uses the revisions option: the produced configuration resets revisions if needed.
- launchpad #1122015: soft requirements problem if offline on zc.buildout 2.0
- quality: now entirely flake8 compliant
1.4 (16-01-2013)
- launchpad #1093771: extraction feature of downloaded code (notably vcs)
- launchpad #1068360: new 'revisions' option to fix VCS revisions separately
- launchpad #1093474: freeze feature of revisions and versions of python distributions
- launchpad #1084535: finer behaviour of with_devtools option: load testing hacks only in tests launcher script
- launchpad #1095645: missing devtools loading in openerp-command scripts
- launchpad #1096472: forbid standalone (single) local addons. A local addon must always be a directory that has addons inside.
- launchpad #1096472: trailing slash in a standalone addon directory name led to error.
1.3 (21-11-2012)
- launchpad #1077048: fix gunicorn startup script for OpenERP 7
- launchpad #1079819: take into account newly introduced hard dependency to PIL in OpenERP 7
- launchpad #1055466: refactor version logic by providing major version tuple for comparisons.
- launchpad #1081039: introduced soft requirements and made openerp-command one of these.
1.2.2 (11-11-2012)
- Nothing but fix of changelog RST
1.2.1 (08-11-2012)
- Fixed an error in user feedback if openerp-command package is missing but needed
1.2 (07-11-2012)
- launchpad #1073917: separated test command (bin/test_openerp)
- launchpad #1073127: support for openerp-command
- major improvement of test coverage in server recipe
- included buildout configurations for buildbotting of the recipe in source distribution
1.1.5 (14-10-2012)
- Improved documentation (bootstrap and sample buildouts)
- Re-enabled support for trunk nightly (and maybe 7.0 final)
- fixed a packaging problem with openerp-cron-worker in 1.1.4
1.1.3 (26-09-2012)
- launchpad #1041231: Resilience to changes of bzr locations
- launchpad #1049519: openerp-cron-worker startup script
- launchpad #1025144: By default, admin passwd is now disabled
- launchpad #1054667: Problem with current dev nightlies for OpenERP 6.2
- fixed a packaging problem with openerp-cron-worker in 1.1.2
1.0.3 (24-08-2012)
- no actual difference with 1.0 (only changelogs and the like)
1.0 (24-08-2012)
- launchpad #1040011: works with current OpenERP trunk (future 7.0)
- launchpad #1027994: 'base_url' option, to download from mirrors
- launchpad #1035978: restored 'local' version scheme for OpenERP itself. Also implemented the 'url' version scheme.
- removed deprecated renaming of 6.1 to 6.1-1
- Refactored the documentation
0.17 (07-08-2012)
- launchpad #1033525: startup_delay option
- launchpad #1019888: Gunicorn integration.
- launchpad #1019886: installation of 'openerp' as a develop distribution, and full python server startup script.
- launchpad #1025617: Support for nightly versions in 6.1 series
- launchpad #1025620: Support for latest version
- launchpad #1034124: Fix interference of buildout options with gtkclient recipe
- launchpad #1021083: optional development tools loading in startup script
- launchpad #1020967: stop creating scripts by default
- launchpad #1027986: Better handling of interrupted downloads
0.16 (29-06-2012)
- launchapd #1017252: relying on Pillow to provide PIL unless PIL is explicitely wanted.
- launchpad #1014066: lifted the prerequirement for Babel. Now the recipe installs it if needed before inspection of OpenERP's setup.py
0.15 (14-06-2012)
- launchpad #1008931: Mercurial pull don't take URL changes into account. Now the recipe manages the repo-local hgrc [paths] section, updates the default paths while storing earlier values
- launchpad #1012899: Update problems with standalone vcs addons
- launchpad #1005509: Now bzr branches are stacked only if
- bzr-stacked-branches option is set to True.
0.14.1 (17-05-2012)
- launchpad #1000352: fixed a concrete problem in Bzr reraising
0.14 (17-05-2012)
- launchpad #1000352: option vcs-clear-retry to retrieve from scratch in case of diverged Bzr branches. Raising UpdateError in right place would trigger the same for other VCSes.
- Basic tests for Git and Svn
- Refactor with classes of VCS package
0.13.1 (14-05-2012)
- launchpad #997107: fixed vcs-clear-locks option for bzr, that requires a user confirmation that cannot be bypassed in older versions
0.13 (14-05-2012)
- launchpad #998404: more robust calls to hg and bzr (w/ unit tests), and have exception raised if vcs call failed (break early, break often).
- launchpad #997107: vcs-clear-locks option (currently interpreted by Bzr only)
0.12 (02-05-2012)
- launchpad #993362: addons subdir option, and made repositories being one addon usable by creating an intermediate directory.
0.11 (18-04-2012)
- Faster tarball inspection (see lp issue #984237)
- Shared downloads and more generally configurable downloads directory, see https://blueprints.launchpad.net/anybox.recipe.openerp/+spec/shared-downloads
0.10 (02-04-2012)
- fixed the sample buildouts in the readme file
0.9 (23-03-2012)
- Clean-up and refactoring
- Removed
urloption (download url supported through
- Support OpenERP 6.1 and 6.0
- Added an 'addons' option allowing remote repositories and local directories
- Improved error messages
- Updated the documentation
- Handle bad Babel import in setup.py
- Support offline mode of buildout
- Create gtk client config without starting it
0.8 (20-12-2011)
- handle deploying custom bzr branches
0.7 (14-09-2011)
- handle new sections in openerp config
0.6 (11-09-2011)
- Overwrite config files each time
- Make the "dsextras" error more explicit (install PyGObject and PyGTK)
- fixed some deps
- improved the doc
0.5 (10-08-2011)
- Use dotted notation to add openerp options in the generated configs
0.4 (09-08-2011)
- Added support for the web client and gtk client
0.3 (08-08-2011)
- fixed config file creation
0.2 (08-08-2011)
- Pass the trailing args to the startup script of the server
0.1 (07-08-2011)
- Initial implementation for the OpenERP server only
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text:
BP and the government decided that millions of gallons of dispersants should be dumped into the Gulf to sink and hide the oil.
They succeeded in sinking it. As ABC, CBS and NPR note, huge quantities of oil are blanketing the ocean floor, killing virtually all of the sealife which lives there.
And giant new underwater plumes have been found in the water column itself.
But the oil is not staying underwater.
Oil is suddenly emerging in many parts of the Gulf.
Oil "patties", 1 to 3 inches across, have been discovered floating along the seawall in Alabama.
16 miles of beaches in Louisiana have been hit. And scientists say that the oil will arise and wash ashore in pulses, and will hit sensitive areas like coastal marshes.
As CNN reports, we might be facing a worst-case scenario in Florida:
LARRY MCKINNEY, HARTE RESEARCH INST. FOR GULF OF MEXICO STUDIES: … [T]hey do tend to support some of our greatest concerns about the fate of these underwater plumes that were discovered back in June, and that is that they could be picked up and this conveyor belt that is upwelling in Desoto Canyon and bringing this oil from the deep waters up to the shallow, and that seems to be what the Florida State folks are saying. …
JOHN ROBERTS, CNN ANCHOR:… [T]he USF study said, quote, "These findings, although preliminary, suggest that subsurface oil may be emerging on to the west Florida shelf through the Desoto Canyon." So this is not just restricted to the extremely deep water. There's enough welling as you mentioned before. How widespread could this become?
MCKINNEY: Well, it depends on how big those plumes are and how long they persist, but that conveyer belt moves water rather quickly. And so the fact that the Florida state folks are finding oil up on that shelf at the distance that they're finding it is disturbing from that regard. That means that that oil plume could be moving up on the shelf and that's sort of a worst case scenario. We would not like to see that at all.
While the government denies that they are connected with the oil spill, there have been massive fishkills in Louisiana. Oil can be seen at fishkill sites (and see this). There have also been kills of starfish and other sea animals.
Instead of admitting that there is a problem, BP and the Coast Guard's spin doctors have come up with code words for oil: instead of "oil sheen", they call it "fish oil"; instead of "oil mousse", they call it "algae"
And fishermen, shrimpers and crabbers are still catching contaminated seafood, although the authorities don't want to hear about it.
But at least the well has been capped, so that no new oil flows into the Gulf … right?
Well, its hard to know. BP has shut off 16 out of 17 of its underwater cameras.
The only remaining camera shows a small – but continuous – stream of leaking materials:
There are still problems with the well. See this and this, and Admiral Thad Allen is now saying that the relief well might not be completed until October.
But remember, one of the world's top oil industry accident experts says that the well may never be killed.
I hope and pray that the relief well is successful. But if there were insurmountable problems in capping the well, do you think we would hear about it before the November elections?


text: Former Sen. Chuck Hagel, seen here in 2008, is reported to be President Obama's pick to be the next defense secretary. Dave Weaver/AP hide caption toggle caption Dave Weaver/AP The Two-Way GOP Senators Warn Of Tough Road For Hagel Nomination January 6, 2013 President Obama will on Monday name former GOP Sen. Chuck Hagel to be his next defense secretary, an administration official confirmed to NPR. Hagel's past comments on Iran, Israel and gays have come under scrutiny.


text:
Complete Flower Power UltraLite Air Frame Game
The next evolution of our wildly popular Sealed Air Frame Games is finally here. Introducing our UltraLite Series of Air Frame Games. We've taken the concept of our sealed air frame games and created a lightweight unit that features improvements all across the board in style, versatility, and durability.
These units are constructed from durable 9oz vinyl and feature bright, attractive colors that are sure to draw the attention of not only people passing by but others from a distance.
Unlike our older model sealed air frame games, our new models have a constant air blower built right into the unit. Simply set up, hit the switch and you're ready to go in minutes! Even with the built-in blower, these units weigh in at just under 50 lbs so transporting them to any event is easy!
The frame features finger-safe netting on the sides, as well as at the base of the unit. The back panel attaches easily with velcro, allowing for different panels to be used to fit the theme of the event that you're attending. Whether customers hit or miss the targets our new inclined plane works as a ball return as well, setting up players for their next throw without waiting.
We think you are going to love these new UltraLite Air Frame Games and your customers will too!


text:
NORFOLK, Va. - Grounded since April because of budget cuts, many of the Air Force's combat aircraft started flying again Monday, the military has announced.
The grounding affected about one-third of active-duty combat craft, including squadrons of fighters, bombers, and airborne warning and control craft.
Officials at Air Combat Command at Joint Base Langley-Eustis in Virginia said the order affects planes in the U.S., Europe and the Pacific. The popular Thunderbirds demonstration team comprised of F-16s also will start flying again.
"Since April we've been in a precipitous decline with regard to combat readiness," Gen. Mike Hostage, commander of Air Combat Command, said in a statement. "Returning to flying is an important first step but what we have ahead of us is a measured climb to recovery."
The Air Force has said it generally takes 60 to 90 days to conduct the training needed to return aircrews to mission-ready status. For the past several months, many pilots have been using simulators to try to keep their skills sharp.
The ability to get its planes airborne again comes after the Defense Department was authorized by Congress to shift about $7.5 billion from lower priority accounts to more vital operations. The Air Force said the restored flying hours represent about $208 million of that allocation authorized by Congress.
The restoration of flying hours will last through Oct. 1, when the new federal budget year begins.
"This decision gets us through the next several months but not the next several years," Hostage said. "Budget uncertainly makes it difficult to determine whether we'll be able to sustain a fully combat-ready force."
It wasn't immediately clear whether the Thunderbirds would participate in any of the air shows it was previously scheduled to perform at before its season was canceled. Between Monday and Oct. 1, the team had been scheduled to perform in Cheyenne, Wyo.; Oshkosh, Wis.; Burlington, Vt.; and Milwaukee. The team had also been scheduled to perform in an overseas Pacific tour.


text:
When now-retired postal inspector John "Jack" Ellis destroyed nearly 100,000 pieces of fake artwork, he hoped it was the end of the fake-art ring he'd helped bust in the 1990s, but he had a feeling that wasn't the case.
"We knew we didn't get everything," Ellis said.
He was right. Hidden stashes of fake "limited edition" prints purported to be authentic works by Marc Chagall, Salvador Dali, Pablo Picasso and Joan Miro, among others, surfaced in the late 1990s and the racket was back on.
Fast-forward to 2008, when charges came down against a group accused of selling fake prints – some just like the ones Ellis destroyed.
We knew several of the men charged in 2008, including Michael Zabrin and Leon Amiel Jr. had pleaded guilty and were set to be sentenced. Both had a history in the fake art world. Amiel Jr.'s grandfather is credited with starting the scam, and though he died before he could be charged, members of his family were sent to prison.
Rather than just cover each sentencing, we decided to delve deeper into the fascinating history of art fraud in Chicago.
That involved pulling hundreds of pages of dry court documents and interviewing key players in the case to draw out the details.
Latest News
We also took a step back and called on Ellis and his colleague, James Tendick, the now-retired postal inspectors who had helped convict Zabrin and Amiel's family in the 1990s.
Their voice (and they use cinematic phrases like "the heat was on") added richness, depth and perspective to the tale of the fraudsters who apparently didn't learn their lesson from the first go-round.
"All of these guys, the reason they keep coming back is it's such great money and it's so easy to do," Ellis said.
-- Becky Schlikerman


text:
Facebook: How Do I Fine Tune My Facebook Privacy Settings? by Dave Taylor
"… Facebook constantly tweaks and fiddles with things, and there's nothing more susceptible to these changes than the privacy settings."
Population & the U.S.: USA Population Tops 315 Million Today
"The US Census Bureau projects that on Jan. 1, 2013, the total United States population will be 315,091,138. … In January 2013, 1 birth is expected to occur every 8 seconds in the United States and 1 death every 12 seconds."
Prayer: 9 Prayer Tips for 2013 by Jon Acuff
"… do this."
Productivity: Purposeful Abandonment: The Art of Letting Go by Dan Rockwell
"'Not to-do list' … Make one. "
Reading: How to Read by Ross Douthat [required reading]
" … let your mind rove more widely and freely …"


text:
Street Shaker
If you decide to compete for one of hot rodding's most revered honors, the Ridler Award, you have to be prepared to open a very big door and step into the deep end of the pool where every detail will come under intense scrutiny. For Lenny Spallone, of Lynnfield, Massachusetts, growing up surrounded by high performance supplied him with enough knowledge and determination to take on countless projects.
At age 16 he brought home his first muscle car, a '66 Barracuda, along with his new license. The rest is a blur of high-octane fuel and burnt rubber. Owning a slew of hard-edge Mopar muscle cars there were plenty of late night runs on the street as well as quarter-mile racing at New England Dragway in Epping, New Hampshire. Having always been a fan of Pro-Street ground pounders it was easy to see energy levels launch into overdrive when he decided to take on the latest seven-year build at his shop, Saugus Auto Craft in Lynn, Massachusetts.
With the direct intention of building a car to compete for the Ridler, a project of this magnitude required plenty of equally committed, like-minded individuals and Lenny had just the right team in mind. To come up with a design that was different from everything he had previously seen, he placed a call to Minotti's Fiberglass Inc., then in Naples, Florida, about their '37 Ford body. Impressed by what he saw, Lenny made a deal and had one delivered directly to his shop. Next, a Total Cost Involved Engineering chassis was combined with custom crossmembers and supports by Mike Casey of Enigma Rod Shop in Billerica, Massachusetts.
To deliver the goods rearward a Mark Williams modular 9-inch floater rearend was packed with 4.56:1 gears spinning power through Strange Engineering 31-spline axles. It's secured in place by a custom four-link deftly matched to a Panhard bar and Aldan coilover shocks to get the job done. Wanting to inject plenty of nostalgic flair up front, a TCI Engineering 4-inch dropped axle was combined with matching spindles, custom-fabbed hairpins, Panhard bar, and Aldan coilover shocks, all of which were treated to the chrome vat. When the need to tame the beast hits a Wilwood Engineering dual master pushes fluid through stainless lines to 11-inch Wilwood Engineering discs, complemented by four-piston calipers anchored at each corner for plenty of bite. Bringing all the power to the pavement a set of dazzling one-off Billet Specialties wheels in 15×15 rear and 15×4 front sizes capped with Hoosier skins adds just the right stance.
For a blistering combination of gut- wrenching power and visual brilliance Lenny went straight to the head of the class and contacted Street & Performance for one of their impressive looking and performing GM crate 502 big-block V-8s. Packed with all the right goods direct from GM, the team at Street & Performance detailed the engine's exterior to the hilt, adding many signature items, including their wicked multi-port fuel injection laced with an evil NOS nitrous setup and serpentine belt system. Generating a solid 500 hp the engine dumps its spent gases through a custom-designed stainless exhaust by Mike Casey and pushes the power through a TH700-R4 trans prepped, polished, and detailed by the Toy Shop in Pomona, California, via a custom aluminum driveshaft.
With the loaded rolling chassis completed it was time to focus on the body. Starting with a clean canvas direct from Minotti, the body arrived at Lenny's shop already chopped 4 inches and channeled 8 inches, giving the coupe plenty of perfectly proportioned attitude. Casey then created a flowing rear roll pan while Dave Ellis of Saugus Auto Craft worked his magic on the hood sides and top, doors, and grille. Final panel fitment and bodywork was then handled by Ellis who got everything razor sharp prior to loading his spray gun and dousing the entire package in House of Kolor Tangelo Pearl vibe. Wanting the coupe to stand tall in the show arena Lenny called on Chris Stevens at Saugus Auto Craft to layout a dramatic flame job to give the car plenty of additional pop.
Rounding the corner on the build there was no question that the interior needed to match the level of detail the rest of the car embodied. Having seen numerous noteworthy interiors by The Hot Rod Garage in Denton, Maryland, it was an easy decision to contact shop owner Ray Bartlett to have them handle it. Master craftsman Dean Alexander created a curvaceously seductive wraparound dash and console to accent the car's signature style. Bathed in tangelo pearl, it was complemented with custom bucket seats and yards of butter-soft tan leather with just enough German square-weave carpet. A Billet Specialties steering wheel navigates the course while Vintage Air supplies a cool breeze and gears move through a B&M shifter. Auto Meter Phantom-series gauges help watch the vitals and a custom rollbar by Mike Casey completes the cabin. In 2003 the coupe competed for the Ridler and was awarded a Great 8, which is a major accomplishment confirming its high level of attention to detail. Since then it's been tearing up the streets of Lynnfield, and to us that's just plain wicked!
COMP Performance Group
Tech Tips
COMP Cams – Installing New Rockers? Replace Pushrods Too.
It is always a good idea to replace your pushrods when you install new rockers. Pushrods and rockers wear together, much like a cam and lifters. Even though the pushrods may not show any wear, installing new rockers on old pushrods can result in premature failure. Use a small amount of COMP Cams Valve Train Assembly Spray (PN 106) on the tip of each pushrod at the rocker arm to prevent wear on initial startup.
FAST – Ground It Right
The most common issue with any EFI system is proper grounding. There are some misconceptions about what is a suitable ground. FAST suggests connecting all grounds labeled "Battery Negative" directly to the battery terminal. There is an important reason for this. The battery can act like a filter of sorts to dissipate interference or electrical noise that can be induced by other electrical devices on the vehicle.
Inglese – Balancing Act
When balancing stacks, be sure to measure the four middle barrels first. This is where they are tied together and thus where vacuum needs to be the most consistent for proper driving characteristics.


text:
Hi I have the opportunity to buy an OTARI CONCEPT ELITE + 40 Channel Desk in very good cosmetic condition for £4500, but I am concerned by this article written by a well known American recording engineer and studio owner. He has expressed his admiration of this Otari and other models but is very concerned by the lack of correct information given in adverts and other sales details. I have included the complete article below but would be very grateful of any help in confirming the details of the information and of any other details about the CONCEPT ELITE +, my worst concern is that the desk needs a Windows computer and operating system Win 95/98 to be plugged in and running to work at all, let alone to operate fully, both the computer and software are nearly 20 years old with boards and software that may not have been updated for either Windows XP or Vista let alone the newer versions? I know one advantage with Otari is that they are still a working company, unlike Amek, Trident and a lot of others.
Am I correct in my reasoning that there is this transition period where analogue desks that had the help of digital to make switching and other functions faster and simpler and were great at the time, are now, because the digital software and hardware were never updated, are basically useless unless they can be made to work by ripping out the so called digital controls? Which of course with the OTARI CONCEPT ELITE + cannot be removed because they wont work at all?
Here is the article warning about the short lifespan of the Otari.
I see these boards for sale on the web and on eBay sometimes, with LOTS of misinformation, or missing information that's pretty essential to the function and use of these boards, so I thought I'd put up a page that would show up in a google search for those considering buying an Otari console.
All the information here is accurate to the best of my knowledge, and I'm admittedly more knowledgeable about the Concept Elite, which I own and use daily.
The OTARI STATUS
A 12 buss board available in a few different sizes (24,32,40,48 modules), it's the first in the series of these boards which used the Digital Master Module (DMM) and an external PC with a special card installed to control nearly all the switching functions for the entire console. A typical console has aux assignment and track output assignments managed by physical switches on each module, the Otari boards use one set of switches on the DMM to control any selected module (one module, a group of them or every module). This consolidated control has a few benefits:
Fewer physical switches on the console so less maintenance and more room on the channel strips.
Ability to globally change every module with one or two buttons.
Ability to store and recall the switch status of the board under computer control either manually or via snapshots chasing SMPTE or via midi program changes.
The Status has two inputs per module, the top one with a short fader and the lower one with a full size (100mm) fader. These are VCA control faders, as both fader paths are automated. The lower faders could be moving faders as an option. The Status has one four band eq per module. I do not know whether it can be split between the channels or must be entirely assigned to the upper or lower fader path.
These boards came stock with a built in TT patchbay.
A dynamics option was available which uses the fader VCAs to do compression, limiting and gating.
The OTARI CONCEPT, CONCEPT ELITE AND CONCEPT ELITE +
Similar in principle to the Status, except that these consoles have 24 busses, full size faders in both the upper and lower signal paths, and a four band eq for each signal path-- that is, two 4 band eqs per module. The Concept has hi and low shelves and swept mids, the Elite has high and low shelves and parametric mids with the addition of hi- and lo-pass filters on the lower signal path. The Concept One and Elite share the same DMM, the Elite+ has a different DMM. The first DMM has a QWERTY keyboard and trackball, slightly confusing track/buss output assignments and slightly confusing input assignment for the two signal paths. There are four possible inputs to the upper and lower signal paths (mic, group, line input and tape output). The newer DMM has much more direct buss switching, easier input switching and lacks the trackball and keyboard.
These boards come stock with TT patchbay, also.
Ads that claim that these boards can do a "total recall" (that is, recall every pot, fader and switch on the console surface) in real time, or via a program change or snapshot, are simply wrong. The boards do have total recall (Otari calls it "Image Recall") BUT each pot must be turned by hand to its stored position. The LEDs in the meter bridge tell the user which way to rotate the pot to null it against the stored value. It takes me roughly 10 minutes to recall my 24 module console. Fader levels and switch states can be switched on the fly, but an instant Image Recall is simply not possible.
Don't buy a console without the PC server with a working Hovernet card.


text:
Rome GRAND SLAM | 18 - 23 June 2013
Rome, Italy, June 18, 2013 – Latvia's Toms Smedins and Ruslans Sorokins showed the benefit of hard work by reaching the main draw of the smart Grand Slam - Rome with a 2-1 (21-19, 18-21, 18-16) win over Greece's Nikos Zoupanis and Georgios Kotsilianos.
Latvia is currently going through a boom in beach volleyball; Smedins' brother Janis won bronze at the London 2012 Olympic Games with Martins Plavins and a week later claimed their first FIVB Beach Volleyball World Tour gold at the Stare Jablonki Grand Slam. This season he has been paired with Aleksandrs Samoilovs and the pair already have gold and silver medals to their names this season.
There is no rivalry between Toms Smedins and his younger brother of two years, but they do push each other hard in training, something which is beginning to show in Smedins and Sorokins performances on the court.
"Our level is improving as we practising with my brother and Sasha (Samoilovs) all the time," Smedins said. "We worked really hard before the season; we went to Egypt and put in a lot of work running, jumping and three practices per day, so 15 per week. It was the first time in my life that I practiced so hard, but now we are collecting the fruits."
The match with the Greek pair appeared to be going their way after a close first set, but with a place in the main draw and vital ranking points on the line, Zoupanis and Kotsilianos came anew in the second set to force a tie-break. Even then both sides refused to lie down and only the Latvians greater experience pulled them through.
"Our opponents played well, but we played fantastically at times, but couldn't sustain it," Smedins said. "We were leading the tie-break 6-1, then all of a sudden we were losing it 12-10, but it was good that we could come back into the game.
"I had some really good digs and won us some points, while my partner served well at the end and the last ball he jumped so high and forced our opponents to hit out."
Also into the main draw are Spain's Francisco Alfredo Marco, who fought back from losing the opening set to Brazilian youngsters Vitor Felipe Evandro Goncalves to win 2-1 (11-21, 21-17, 15-11).
Earlier in the day they beat Canada's Hatch and Redmann 2-1 (21-18, 17-21, 15-12) and their performance in qualification means that it is the second main draw that they have reached this season after making it through qualification at The Hague Grand Slam last week.
"It was a very tough match," Marco said. "Both matches went to a tie-break, but I have more confidence from this match as there were four players who know each other well.
"For me and my partner tomorrow is very important as it means more points."
The Rome Grand Slam is the fourth Grand Slam of 10 on the FIVB Beach Volleyball World Tour. The competition runs from June 17 until June 23, when both the men's and women's finals take place.
Following the Rome Grand Slam, the world's leading players take a week's break before the start of the ninth FIVB Beach Volleyball World Championships in Stare Jablonki from July 1-7. After the World Championships are completed the World Tour resumes the following week at the Gstaad Grand Slam in the Swiss Alps.
Rome Grand Slam Tournament Page
Rome Grand Slam Women's Entry List
Rome Grand Slam Men's Entry List
Twitter Updates
23.06.2013 23:32:04
Rome gold medallists lay down markers for World Championships
Rome, Italy, June 23, 2013 – The teams of Sean Rosenthal and Phil Dalhausser of the USA and Brazil's Talita Antunes and Taiana Lima gave themselves hu... More...
23.06.2013 23:11:19
Rosenthal and Dalhausser off mark with gold in Rome
Rome, Italy, June 23, 2013 – Sean Rosenthal and Phil Dalhausser won their first FIVB Beach Volleyball World Tour gold medals when they held off the ch... More...
23.06.2013 21:33:11
Talita and Lima make it treble joy with gold in Rome
Rome, Italy, June 23, 2013 – Talita Antunes and Taiana Lima won their third gold medal of the FIVB Beach Volleyball World Tour with victory in the gol... More...
22.06.2013 21:28:31
All-Brazil men's final still on cards in Rome
22.06.2013 21:15:01
Talita and Lima on course for back-to-back gold
22.06.2013 18:14:36
Smedins and Samoilovs eye further glory at Rome Grand Slam
21.06.2013 23:02:14
Seven nations in women's last eight at Rome Grand Slam
21.06.2013 22:05:17
Swiss aim for more after claiming ninth place in Rome
21.06.2013 20:45:19
Ross and Kessy finding rhythm on way to last eight in Rome
20.06.2013 20:49:29
Men's pools take shape as women enter knockout rounds in Rome
20.06.2013 19:49:14
Nicolai and Lupo lead chase for home honours in Rome
20.06.2013 17:35:22
Zumkehr aiming to create more memories at Rome Grand Slam
19.06.2013 21:29:59
Mixed day for leading lights on opening day in Rome
19.06.2013 20:54:31
Ludwig and Walkenhorst make perfect start with two wins from two in Rome
19.06.2013 16:21:51
Rosenthal celebrates birthday with opening day win at Rome Grand Slam
18.06.2013 22:12:45
Big names march into Rome Grand Slam main draw
18.06.2013 19:18:54
English duo into main draw at Rome Grand Slam
10.06.2013 16:36:12
New victors assured at Rome Grand Slam
12.04.2013 17:05:04
Rome hosts final Grand Slam before World Championships