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01 Chevy Truck Fuse Box01 Chevy Truck Fuse Box - I would like to show you my 1995 Chevy S10 which I bought five years ago. The person I bought it from was trying to make it into a rat rod. I took this truck apart and did all the body and frame work.. Wiipro 60'' Truck Bed Lights - 2PCS Cargo Unloading LED Lighting Bar Rail with On/Off Switch Fuse 2 Way Splitter Cable for Pickup Chevy Silverado Dodge Ram RV SUV Jeep Camper Boat White. Nov 05, 2012 · Just like the title says I have a big drain some where and its killing my battery. I can go about two days with out starting my truck and its dead..
Buy 2013-14 Chevy Traverse Fuse Block/Box Upper Cover/Lid 22933355: Fuse Boxes - Amazon.com FREE DELIVERY possible on eligible purchases. Chevrolet is known for its medium-duty commercial trucks and sport utility vehicles (SUV). Some of the current Chevy trucks and SUVs are the Colorado, Silverado, Avalanche, Tahoe, and Suburban.. Apr 11, 2012 · The purpose of the TCU thread is to capture some of the informative threads on repairs, replacements, modifications, additions and general projects to our campers & trucks..
Wrestling in vain with a worn-out vehicle can become a thing of the past. 1953 Chevy bel air is a brilliant selection to fix up your vintage car or truck with the proper parts and accessories.. You will need to remove the ABS fuse to prevent the ABS pump from burning out and the battery to go dead. The antilock brake system will not function until the unit is repaired.. Garage Sale. Corvette and high-performance Chevrolet engine parts including correct dated engine blocks, cylinder heads, intake manifolds, carburetors and more for the years 1962 to 1972 exclusively. - www.LightningSpeedShop.com - www.FastSS.com.
AMP Research is an American manufacturing company of quality truck accessories. Designed, engineered, built and manufactured in Tustin, California, USA. Breakthrough products include; PowerStep™ automated running board, BedStep® bumper step, BedStep2™ box-side step BedXTender HD™ pick up truck bed and cargo area extender, and MotoXTender with unique slant-back design for. I tried my girlfriend's SUV and the trailer lights are 100% working. So obviously it is my truck. Here is some background. When hooked to my truck, the trailer lights do not work with braking and work erratically when using turn signals.. This is a monster post about truck camping, a full on guide to outfitting and living in the back of your pickup truck. We are going to cover a lot of information, but you can also just click to jump ahead: Canopy Selection - what you need to know when deciding on a canopy. Building out the back - the.
01 Chevy Pickup Fuse Box - Schematic Diagrams 01 Chevy Pickup Fuse Box Dodge 318 Engine Diagram Water Pump Gm Ls Fuse Box 2007 Chevy 1500 01 Chevy Pickup Fuse Box
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Owner's Center
Contact Us
1-800-269-6215Mon. - Fri. 9AM - 7PM &Sat. 9AM - 6PM EST
Part Finder
Know your part number?
- Know your model number?
- Don't know your model number?
You can use the Part Finder to help find your model and the right part for your machine.
Matching Models
Diagnose & Troubleshoot Zero-turn Mowers
Select one of the symptoms below to find possible causes and common solutions
Common Symptoms:
Engine hesitates at high RPM
|Possible Causes
|Corrective Actions
1Spark plug(s) gap too close
Remove spark plug(s) and reset the gap

subset: commoncrawl


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Just a moment please...
If you don't have health insurance through a job, Medicare, Medicaid, the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP), or another source that provides qualifying coverage,
we can help you get covered.
To get started click "Get a Plan" or contact BEAU J. INGLEDUE for more information.
Get a Plan


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Unfinished Business…Posted: December 8, 2011 Filed under: Uncategorized | Tags: andy barter, andybarter.com, charity, dual heritage, gawad kalinga, human heart nature, mixed project, mixed race, multiple heritage, Philippines, Rachel Grant, the mixed project 1 Comment
After an extremely busy couple of months in the studio we have at last had time to concentrate on the Mixed project again. The 22nd of June seems a long time ago, but it was a special day for Mixed as Rachel and Isabel (Rachel's mother) both kindly gave up some of their valuable time to come in and take part in the project. We promised we'd show the final image for all to see as soon as possible, (ahem, five months later) and we're finally there! We also thought it would be a great opportunity for a further detailed re-cap….
Isabel, whose grandmother was Spanish, is from the Philippines. Her grandfather was a doctor who was one of the founders of the United Nations World Health Organization (WHO) in Southeast Asia. She spoke in depth from the perspective of a mother to three mixed race children and as a Filipino living in England bringing up her mixed family; Rachel the middle daughter of three, the eldest Angela; a ballet dancer and model who runs her own ballet school and the youngest Rebecca, who performed in Andrew Lloyd Webber's Bombay Dreams and is currently a series regular on the UK TV series Holby City. Rachel spoke in detail, about her childhood in Nottingham, her life in the film industry, and her own perspective of being of both British and Filipino heritage, and says that she feels very much apart of both worlds. Rachel's father is Baron De Longueuil, a doctor and hypnotist of English-Scottish, French-Canadian descent. Now living in the USA, she spoke about the contrast of life in America with her experiences growing up in England.
Both Rachel and Isabel are very proud of their Filipino heritage. The two of them now run a registered charity called The Padua Charitable Fund that raises money to build houses, hospitals and schools in poor areas of the Philippines. By 2024 they hope to reach their goal of ending poverty for five million poor families in the Philippines. As if that wasn't an all-encompassing task in itself, Rachel is also global ambassador to a new and successful organic cosmetics company called Human Nature. Their philosophy is based on producing natural, locally sourced products, Fair trade, support for local farmers in developing high value crops, and ultimately in providing world-class yet affordable organic skin and hair care from the Philippines. Human Nature is the brainchild of Gawad Kalinga volunteers Anna Meloto-Wilk, Dylan Wilk and Camille Meloto. All three had the desire to do even more for their country, and Rachel wanted to do what she could to help.
We wondered where Rachel developed such a strong philanthropist spirit. She explained that it largely stems from her mixed heritage; she feels she has had the privilege of learning about and enjoying two distinct cultures and has been able to travel a great deal in her lifetime. Having seen such deprivation in the Philippines she became steeled into action, driven to do something about reversing this poverty.
There have been many more visitors to the studio since Rachel's visit, and I'd like to say there would be at least one more Mixed update before 2012 comes around! But just in case, Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year from Warner Street.
One Comment on "Unfinished Business…"
rachel is so inspiring…..she is not only gorgeous she makes good use of her beauty,fame ,influence to cause a rippling good effect on people..bow my head to you rachel


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In-game events are as follows:
EverQuest: The annual Frostfell event runs from Dec. 10, to Jan. 7 in EverQuest. In the Plane of Knowledge, the Frostfell celebrations have been spoiled by a state of thievery, and it is up to the players to save the celebration. Many families have been awakened by ruffians and monsters breaking into their homes and carrying off presents intended for the children of the Realm. Players are needed to help track down the monsters that committed these crimes and return the missing presents. Players should also visit the Marketplace to check out the all the new Frostfell items.
For detailed information, please visit https://www.eqplayers.com/.
EverQuest II: Frostfell, the Norrathian festival of kinship and giving, has returned to EverQuest II. Players can join in the celebration scheduled from Dec. 10, to Jan. 7. Gardy, the ex-giftgiving Frostfell elf, is offering a new quest. Santa Glug has several brand new gifts to give out to one and all. The merchants in the Frostfell Wonderland Village have new holiday goodies for purchase and tradeskillers can make several brand new items. Players should also be aware that this year, fruitcake really is the gift that keeps on giving! Hitting a friend with a throwable fruitcake will spawn one in their inventory for them to throw back.
For detailed information, please visit https://eq2players.com/.
Legends of Norrath: From Dec. 18 to Jan. 4, Legends of Norrath is offering a Holiday Bundle pack including 25 booster packs of the Travelers expansion. Each bundle pack will contain one of four mounts from the retired Oathbound expansion. Players will receive an EverQuest or EverQuest II mount depending upon their settings in the Legends of Norrath client. Legends of Norrath also offers players a second way to celebrate this holiday season with on-demand tournaments. Eight players can start a tournament at anytime between Dec. 24 at 2 p.m. PST and Jan. 4 at 10 a.m. PST. For just five Event Passes, players gain entry into the Holiday tournament and a special Sleigh-ers Stash pack!
For detailed information, please visit https://www.legendsofnorrath.com/
Free Realms: Snow Days, the Free Realms winter holiday celebration, has transformed Snowhill into a winter wonderland filled with food, fun, and, of course, presents! Snow Days is scheduled to begin on Dec. 16 and conclude on Jan. 21. Players can visit Candi Ivy near the Gifting Tree in Snowhill to help protect the presents from a wicked gang of Robgoblins and the abominable snowmen. Those who follow the holiday quest line might just get a chance to try all of her neat holiday sweets. Pelt friends with snowballs from behind the ice barriers in the Snowhill snowball fighting area. The Free Realms Trading Card Game is offering a special Holiday Bundle pack which will include ten booster packs of the Shattered Past expansion, a Duelist on Demand Print Voucher and an exclusive holiday item redeemable within Free Realms! The Holiday Bundle pack is slated to be available Dec. 23 through Jan. 3. Players can also check out the Marketplace for new holiday clothes, costumes and items!
For detailed information, please visit https://www.freerealms.com/.
Pirates of the Burning Sea: Junkanoo is the holiday of choice in these waters, and there is much revelry to be had! Players can carol door to door and exchange gifts in a quest to unlock the festive holiday hat and title. Users who complete the new holiday mission to protect Junkanoo from shadowy forces or join King John Konnu in re-enacting the siege of the Bradenburg Fort, will receive a rat shoulder pet as a reward.
For detailed information, please visit https://www.burningsea.com/.
Star Wars Galaxies: Wookiee Life Day returns to Star Wars Galaxies this year with fun holiday activities, new rewards and a new badge that are sure to lift your holiday spirits to galactic proportions! The festivities begin December 15th, and conclude on January 12th in the cities of Dearic, Wayfar and Doaba Guerfel. Players can sign up for the seasonal festivities by visiting the Trandoshan Traders or the Wookiee Freedom Fighters. By spreading holiday cheer or fear, players will receive Life Day Tokens to redeem for gifts when they visit the Wroshyr Tree. Get ready to munch Wookiee Ookiees, drink some eggnog and open gifts including a new holiday ornament for your house! In the Star Wars Galaxies Trading Card Game, look for on-demand tournaments in celebration of Life Day. Eight players can start a tournament at anytime between Dec. 24 at 2 p.m. PST and Jan. 4 at 10 a.m. PST. For just five Event Passes, players get entry into the Holiday tournament and a Life Day pack!
For detailed information, please visit https://starwarsgalaxies.station.sony.com/ and https://starwarsgalaxies.station.sony.com/tradingcardgame/.
Vanguard Saga of Heroes: The Festival of Gloriann returns to the world of Telon this holiday season. Once a year during the wintery months, towering trees adorned with lights can be seen glittering within the cities of Telon. Players can cover their homes and Guild Halls with special festive decorations, try on their new illusion costume or view the rooftops of Telon from the back of Randolph, the flying reindeer mount. Get ready to reach new heights this year with the citizens of Telon as we celebrate together the Festival of Gloriann!
For detailed information, please visit https://www.vgplayers.com/.
About Sony Online Entertainment
Sony Online Entertainment LLC (SOE) is a recognized worldwide leader in massively multiplayer online games which have entertained millions of players around the globe. SOE creates and delivers compelling entertainment for the personal computer, online, game console and wireless markets. Known for its blockbuster franchise EverQuest®, its successful online trading card game Legends of Norrath®, as well as the recent kids' phenomenon Free RealmsTM, SOE continues to raise the bar for online gaming and players worldwide. Headquartered in San Diego, with additional studios in Austin, Seattle, Denver, Tucson, and Taiwan, SOE has a slate of engaging, high-quality games currently in development across new genres for all platforms and audiences.


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Today is a historic day. It has been our vision since Zenfolio was founded to provide a visual way to design stunning pages
without any coding knowledge. And today this vision becomes a reality. We know many of you have been anxiously following our
posts on
Facebook leading to this release, fueled by an occasional
teaser screenshot posted here and there. We thank you for your patience, and we are very proud to say: "The wait is over".
This is one of the biggest release efforts we have undertaken as a company, made possible by the constant encouragement we
have received from you, our users, through the
Facebook, and Twitter. With this release, Zenfolio becomes the most
complete service to affordably and professionally manage all aspects of your photography online.
The following new functionality and enhancements are available immediately for all users:
You can now create portfolio Home pages with a large customizable slideshow and logo branding. Seven new Home page layouts
were added covering most configurations of portfolio-style sites. The old directory-style Home page layouts are still
available but you really owe it to yourself to at least preview the new portfolio layouts. Every photographer deserves a
stylish and polished entry into their site.
As part of the new layouts, you can now upload two logo sizes to be used throughout your pages (this is done under Public
). And there is a new optional field for a Welcome message to be displayed on the Home page. There are a seemingly
infinite number of combinations of different layouts and elements that can be arranged on your Home page, so take some time
to experiment and create a clean and compelling design. To access the new layouts, switch to
Customize Visitor View and
navigate to your Home page.
Other Home page options include:
Portfolio style Home page layouts are available to all Zenfolio subscribers including Basic, Unlimited, and Premium levels.
Uploading your own logos is a Premium feature.
No real web site can exist without a persistent site menu throughout all pages to ensure a consistent and uniform browsing
experience. You can build your site menu any way you like and include links to any gallery, collection or group, as well as
to new built-in About, Contact, and Search pages. Creating a site menu is available to all Zenfolio subscribers including
Basic, Unlimited, and Premium levels.
Site menu items can also link to external sites such as a blog or stock agency. Premium users can also upload PDF documents
with customer testimonials and price lists, and link site menus to them.
Other enhancements related to web site structure include:
An elegant portfolio entry combined with uniform site navigation gives you unprecedented flexibility in hosting your entire
online presence under one roof.
The new release introduces the Zenfolio Theme Designer, a groundbreaking new tool used to design and customize pages with a
highly intuitive and polished interface. The Theme Designer enables you to have full control of the graphical elements on the
pages along with a professional color model-base which suggests colors that are aesthetically designed to work together for
a more attractive presentation. With the Zenfolio Theme Designer, the complicated task of editing CSS code has been replaced
with a simple point and click tool. Buttons, backgrounds, menu styles, thumbnails, and image treatments are all available for
customization to a discerning visual designer.
The Theme Designer includes two main tabs: Style and Elements. The Style tab allows you to define the overall color scheme
as well as common styles which will apply to all pages and elements. With just a few clicks, you can easily create an
attractive Theme that will work well for all pages. The Elements tab allows you to manually customize individual elements
and override any style definitions which apply to them.
The Theme Designer is available to all subscribers including Basic, Unlimited, and Premium levels. You can begin creating
new themes by selecting
Custom Themes at the bottom of your Organizer in the Edit View.
As an added bonus, the new custom themes can be easily exported and imported, making it easy for photographers to share
designs within the Zenfolio community.
Other Theme Designer features include:
To accommodate new functionality for Visitor page customizations, the Customize Visitor View mode has been redesigned making
it more intuitive and streamlined, at the same time expanding the range of controls and options accessible through this mode.
Of notable importance, Galleries and Collections now have three different tabs for each related page: Thumbnails, Photo, and
Slideshow (new). Each tab controls the corresponding page while preserving the relationship of being from the same set of photos.
Related Customize Visitor View enhancements include:
With this release we are introducing a completely redesigned Flash-based Slideshow available from every thumbnail and photo
page. The new Slideshow is truly full-screen and is the result of experience gained through several redesigns of our previous
HTML-based Slideshow (which continues to be the seamless default option for viewers with no Flash installed).
The new Slideshow is now fully configurable by photographer, with the ability to hide/show various controls and
enforce specific settings and preferences. The Slideshow configuration can be accessed through the newly redesigned
Customize Visitor View | Page Options while the Slideshow tab is selected.
Included in the new release are SEO enhancements to all Zenfolio pages. You now get control of the search positioning with
access to
webmaster tools from the top search engines, including Google, bing,
Yahoo! Additionally, site maps are now
generated and served for each users' site to further help search crawlers discover and index publicly viewable content.
These enhancements further ensure that your site is visible in search results for potential buyers and viewers.
Furthermore, green SEO symbols were added throughout the Edit View helping you identify text fields that are typically
included in the search index. This helps emphasize the importance of text descriptions and keywords.
Photos can be easily excluded from search engine indexing by setting Access Control to not allow including in public search.
The Organizer was completely rewritten to make it faster and more robust. Content is now loaded dynamically resulting
in a more interactive experience. Enhancements to the Edit View include:
We have made many more enhancements based on the feedback we have received
from you over time. These are the most notable changes:
NOTICE: with this release, we no longer actively test the Edit View with Internet Explorer 6 (IE6) web browser. We continue
testing IE6 with Visitor pages.
« Previous Entry
Next Entry »


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Social reading is considered to be one of the big trends that could be catalysing learning by reading. Features could include:
- Highlighting or annotating paragraphs or single steps in a proof for yourself (ok, this is not yet social reading), e.g. in a proof you could add to the sentence "Therefore we have ..." of the original work a more detailled explanation, thus "zooming in".
- Publishing those of your own annotations you consider helpful for others
- Reading all or a selection of the other reader's published annotations via a "show helpful annotations" button
- Thumbing up other's annotations.
- Asking questions to specific paragraphs or steps in a proof.
- Answering questions asked by others and thumbing up questions and answers.
- The original text would always keep the same, only being annotated
Thus all the insights or questions you have while reading a paper or a textbook could be shared with others and learning could be far more efficient. Authors of textbooks could take into account the annotations/questions/answers, thus optimizing their text in future editions (or developing different versions or an annotated version).
Questions: a) Is there any tool that can provide these features, e.g. LaTeX-tools or pdf-tools? b) Would the Math overflow be a good starting point to build such a platform? c) Does anybody know of such a platform that is already in place?
(Edit: Changed to community wiki)


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DOVER, Del.—After jumping out to a 10-0 lead to start the game, No. 11 Birmingham-Southern suffered its first loss of the season, falling 26-17 to No. 6 Wesley College on the road in Dover, Del.
The Wolverines improve to 4-1, while the Panthers fall to 5-1. It was the first meeting between the two programs.
BSC scored the first touchdown of the game at the 6:35 mark of the first quarter when senior Aaron Sherrill made a one-handed catch from senior quarterback Jimmy Stainback on a 57-yard pass. Junior Ryan Laughlin's field goal was good to put the Panthers up 7-0. Laughlin connected on a 28-yard field goal later in the quarter to give BSC a 10-0 lead at the 1:56 mark.
The Wolverines got on the board at the 10:16 mark of the second quarter when Dan Tryon made a 39-yard field goal, and Wesley tied things up three minutes later after getting the ball back on an interception. Jeremiah Howe caught a 56-yard pass from Justin Sottilare, and Tryon's extra point was good to bring the score to 10-10 with 7:13 left in the half.
Wesley would score again before the end of the half, this time on a 12-yard pass from Sottilare to Steve Koudossou with 34 seconds remaining. The extra point was no good, however, and the Wolverines led 16-10 at halftime.
BSC received the ball to open the third quarter and scored on its first drive when junior Joseph Moultrie ran three yards into the endzone. Laughlin made the extra point to put the Panthers back ahead, 17-16, at the 6:21 mark.
Another Tryon field goal, this one 25 yards, put Wesley back ahead for good, 19-17, at the 10:39 mark of the fourth quarter. Stainback was intercepted again on the ensuing drive, and the Wolverines capitalized by burning six minutes off the clock and scoring another touchdown, a two-yard rush by Askia Jahad with 3:13 left in the game. Tryon's kick put the Wolverines up 26-19.
Yet another interception on the Panthers' drive - the third of the game - gave Wesley the ball back with 1:29 left. The Wolverines used up the remaining time and came away with the nine-point victory.
Stainback was 12-23 with 154 yards, one touchdown, and three interceptions. Senior tailback Shawn Morris - returning to action after missing last week's game with an ankle injury - led the rushing effort with 77 yards on 16 carries, and Sherrill led the receivers with 84 yards on three catches.
Senior defensive back Andrew Shannon led BSC with 11 tackles (six solo). Sophomore Connor Shannon recorded a sack, and senior Nick Gordon had a fumble recovery.
For Wesley, Sottilare was 26-38 with 346 yards and two touchdowns. Jahad led with 103 rushing yards and one touchdown on 18 carries, and Howe led with 103 receiving yards on four catches. Sosthene Kapepula and Jared Morris led the Wesley defense with seven tackles apiece, including two tackles-for-loss each. Morris also had one of Wesley's three interceptions as well as a pass break-up.
Wesley led in first downs, 29-13, passing yards, 346-154, rushing yards, 110-107, and time of possession, 36:50 to 23:10.
BSC returns home next weekend, facing Trinity University on Saturday, Oct. 13, at noon in Panther Stadium.


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And of course, if you try to analyze it more clearly, its not because YG flattered those girls that they are head over heels in love with him, flattery was the firestarter but it is YG's heroic and kind nature that made them fall for him and still loved him despite knowing that he only loves XLN. Some of the girls are like you Da Bao, they didn't fall for YG's heroic aura (example is Guo Fu and Li Mo Chou). [/QUOTE]
Actually, Guo Fu also had a crush on YG much earlier on - that is before he 'crushed' her with his indifference. And Li Mo Chou spared his life when he was a kid eventhough she's anti-man (in the early chapters, i think). Therefore, I think that practically 99% of the gals in ROCH is crazy over him (even if it's only because of his looks and because he's good in martial arts)


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First year of a girl
For Large Portrait (21,6 × 27 cm) and Extra Large Portrait (24,5 × 30 cm)
Designs consist of ready-made templates that include dozens of inspiring situations. When creating content, you can change template ordering to match how your child is growing. You can choose templates for events as you need them. All templates can be edited as you like.
Fonts used: Amatic SC (preview font),
Asap (preview font)


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Solomon Islands
Countdown to 2015: status on 11 indicators
Country profile for 2012
pdf, 1.52Mb
The 2012 Countdown to 2015 country profiles cover 73 countries where more than 95% of all maternal and child deaths occur. The profiles feature core indicators selected by the Commission on Information and Accountability for Women's and Children's Health in 2011 and encompass key elements of the reproductive, maternal, newborn, and child health (RMNCH) continuum of care.
- Accountability Commission's indicators of maternal, newborn and child health


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bill-swift - December 19, 2012
I've only been to Montreal once before, and I mostly remember the fine leather products to be had, and the saucy Frenchy women. I managed to score some sweet boots, did less well with the women. And, apparently I missed an entire element to the fair Quebec city -- dangerous flying man-eating predators from above! Hide your children, literally.
Captured in a park in Montreal, the world's most ambitious golden eagle swoops down to lift a toddler off the ground for dinner time back at the mountain top crib. But, hold on, descendant of dinosaur, you're no Pterodactyl, my brother. Epic eagle fail. Child safe. Eagle is voted the biggest douche bird by all his eagle buddies at the lodge. Do check it out.


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FACT: You could use some more cuteness in your life. But how? Answer: a copy of You Are My Cupcake , the adorable new book by Joyce Wan, which focuses on terms of endearment, delivered with a ton of cute illustrations.
And--lucky you--Joyce has offered up three copies to give away on this very site! Like, OMG!
How do you enter to win? It's like, so easy. Simply confess the cutest pet name you use for your partner (or your pup, or kitty, or sister, whatever) in the comments section below, or on the CakeSpy Facebook page. It doesn't have to be pastry-related (but you know that we'll probably enjoy those ones best).
Three winners (US only this time, please!) will be chosen at random on next Friday, August 5; the winners will be contacted and announced once they have been confirmed.
Good luck!


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All Aboard who's coming aboard!
Have your paperwork ready. You'll have to show your ticket and your passport.
We are on our way to another bloggy adventure.
Let's stop and have some tea. It's not too early to enjoy a glass of wine. Where do you suppose we are? Are we still in France?
This is the bar - we'll come back a little later and spend some ...uhm...quality time here.
Who are these people? I didn't see that man in the blue suit board, did you? He looks like he has something to say.
The dining car! I hear dinner will be delicious.
And the desserts are so elegant.
After dinner we can relax here in the Pullman car. Who just passed by? Wasn't that Poirot? The detective? He looks a bit concerned about something. Let's go see what he's up to. Did I just hear him say there are missing jewels or did he say there's been a m-u-r-d-e-r!
We have much to do and see and many stops to make! Some of our passengers would like you to stop and spend some time with them. All you have to do is click on the links below to continue our journey! Have a wonderful time!
Bibi (Belgrade) @ http://yankee-in-belgrade.blogspot.com/


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Our Price:
Simpower has a full range of replacement Bosch Power Tool Batteries New Replace Batteries and Power Tool Batteries New Replace Battery packs. See below which model this Bosch Power Tool Batteries New Replace Battery is compatible with.
Related document: Information on replacement batteries.
Please be aware that the changes in the IATA regulations for batteries is impacting on some of our air consignments from overseas – apologies in advance if this affects your order.
There are no reviews yet.
Only logged in customers who have purchased this product may leave a review.


text:
We promise to always treat your personal data and privacy carefully. To find out more, please read our privacy statement here. You can always opt out of communications at any time by contacting us or visiting www.libdems.org.uk/optout
When commenting or leaving feedback on our website, please bear in mind our online community guidelines.
Hosted by NationBuilder, Published and promoted by Andrew Nisbet on behalf of Alan Reid and Argyll and Bute Liberal Democrats all at 136 Fairhaven, Dunoon PA23 8NS and by Tim Gordon on behalf of the Liberal Democrats all at 8-10 Great George Street, London, SW1P 3AE


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Mission Statement About Medtronic
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With an updated browser, you will have a better Medtronic website experience. Update my browser now.
Written in 1960, our Mission dictates that our first and foremost priority is to contribute to human welfare. Over a half-century later, the Mission continues to serve as our ethical framework and inspirational goal for our employees around the world. It guides our day-to-day work and reminds us that; our efforts are transforming the lives of millions of people each year.
To contribute to human welfare by application of biomedical engineering in the research, design, manufacture, and sale of instruments or appliances that alleviate pain, restore health, and extend life.


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KimCunningham necesitaba un nuevo diseño de logotipo y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 78 diseños de 15 diseñadores freelance.
Cunningham Strategic Communications
Cunningham Strategic Communications (http://www.cunninghampr.com) is a growing PR agency that works with nonprofit organizations and socially responsible companies. We have been in business for three years but would like to launch a new logo in order to brand the agency and gain recognition among potential clients. We help organizations build successful communication programs and share their stories with the world. We help build fundraising programs, write press releases, redesign Websites, etc.
The target audience for Cunningham Strategic Communications includes small to mid-size nonprofit organizations and socially responsible companies. We typically don't work with larger organizations because they have PR staff that works full-time. We work with organizations across the United States. The target audience tends to be executive directors, president, CEO, and communication directors of these organizations.
--Please be creative! Cunningham Strategic Communications is using a very simple logo right now and wants something completely different. You can see this logo on our Website - http://www.cunninghampr.com.
--We tend to like blues, purples but don't limit yourself to these colors. We'd love to see red, green, yellow, orange, etc. However, please stay away from pastel colors.
--We are a communication firm but we don't want telephones, computers, etc. in the logo.
--Our tagline is: "Sharing your mission with the world." This does not have to be in the logo but it might look good. Maybe you can design one with the tagline and one without so we could use it for different purposes.
--The logo will be used on business cards, letterhead, Website, brochures, t-shirts, video footage, and other marketing materials.
--We'll try to provide a lot of feedback!
Descubre cómo funciona un concurso de diseño u obtén más información sobre nuestros servicios de diseño de logo.


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Fresh off of its crippling pitiful $25,000 (£15,700) fine over collecting private Wi-Fi information with its Street View cars, Google is the target of a new federal investigation. This time, it's because Google was found to be bypassing security settings to store cookies on unwilling mobile Safari users' phones.
Google basically stonewalled the FCC's inquiry over the Street View fiasco in the US, claiming total ignorance and promising it hadn't used any of the data in its products. But that defence probably won't work a second time, because any cookies that were stored would by default factor into its search algorithm. And with this specific investigation, the results could be significant for Google, because each user that was affected — potentially millions — could count as a violation.
The investigation is ongoing, but apparently word on a decision could come within 30 days. The FTC in the US will want to make something stick, especially after the FCC was only able to pin down obstruction of justice, so expect to hear more about this whenever the hammer falls. [Mercury News]


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It looks, at first, as if nothing has changed in Paris, at least where women are concerned. The streets are full of them, and they look good—like Paris women. The shops cater to their presumed desires. Wispy pink garter belts. State-of-the-art salad bowls. Imported tartans for the baby. There is still a parfumerie on nearly every block. You hold out a wrist or lift your hair and walk into a cloud of jasmine or tea rose with (this year) "vanilla tones." And if you say "feminism" to the young woman getting sprayed beside you, she will quickly refer you to her mother, and then apologize for her mother, saying that, after all, women were a little hysterical, a little radical, in her mother's day—you couldn't blame them—but that things are normal now.
Well, not entirely. The air du temps in Paris today is not a scent from Nina Ricci, and it's certainly not vanilla, as redolent as the Sunday smells in the kitchen your mother abandoned when she went to the barricades, in May of 1968, or marched to the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, in August of 1970, to lay a wreath for the soldier's unknown wife. It's called parité—literally, parity—and it's about political power, and the women who thought it up know now that the smartest thing they did was to call it parité, because parité sounds so French and friendly and enlightened, like a citizen's right to free samples at a perfume store. Some French men—they regret it now—confused parité with their pleasant republican notion of "liberté, égalité, fraternité," the rallying cry of the revolution; they heard the word and it sounded nice, and they assumed they would never have to think about it again. "Liberté, égalité, fraternité " was said by the boys of 1789 to be a "neutral"—you could say ungendered—concept. But it has turned out to be a hard fraternity, and not just semantically, for a girl to join.
Parité is not a neutral concept. It's a constitutional amendment—June 28, 1999—acknowledging the right of French women to equal access to elected office. And it's a new law—May 3, 2000—obliging the country's political parties to fill fifty per cent of the candidacies in virtually any race with women, or lose a corresponding share of their campaign funding, which in France the state supplies. It's also a shrewd projection by pollsters, and by the politicians who pay them to target the issues that will bring in votes and, just as important, to help the country look modern and "not like Greece"—the only country in Western Europe with a lower percentage of women in its parliament. And it's a public debate of unusual rancor, given that it's a debate not only between men and women but also among women; and women, as every French man sitting on power he is loath to share will tell you, are supposed to be too civilized, too "superior," to fight like men.
It can take a while to understand how parité happened. If you ask most French men for an explanation, they will smile and shrug and call it the air du temps and plead ignorance—and, in a way, they are ignorant, since, with a few volatile exceptions, they tended to sit out the parité debate, hoping, perhaps, that parité would disappear, and not wanting to appear retrograde in case it didn't. Now that parité is law—the first paritaire elections will begin next spring—the women involved in that debate are objects of some fascination, and even of a certain terror. They are, of course, Paris women. One of the points of parité is that the interests of women in the rest of the country have been so poorly served by the men claiming to represent them that very few of those women have had a way even to identify those interests, let alone make it to the capital to promote them. Paris is the salon where things like parité get decided, and, more to the point, the salon where women actually have some influence in the circles that decide them. Yesterday, that influence was discreet, or, as a French man would say, seductive. Today, those women are on the front page of every paper, and they are suddenly as familiar to people on the street as the city's ubiquitous, aging media philosophes, like Bernard-Henri Lévy—one of the few men who actually took a stand on parité. He was against it.
P_arité_ in France began eight years ago, with a book. It was called "Au Pouvoir, Citoyennes! Liberté, Égalité, Parité," and it was written by three Paris feminists: a jurist named Anne Le Gall; a journalist named Claude Servan-Schreiber; and, most important, Servan-Schreiber's partner, a professor at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales named Françoise Gaspard, who had once spent eleven years as a Socialist politician—all of them, as she likes to say, "illuminating." Gaspard has sat in the European Parliament and in the French National Assembly, and now she is the French representative for the rights of women at the United Nations. But she was most famously the mayor of the town she originally came from—Dreux, in the Beauce, about an hour and a quarter west of Paris and a world away.
Gaspard was elected in Dreux in 1977, at the age of thirty-two—which made her the youngest woman running a French city (and one of only two women running a French city with more than thirty thousand people)—although what made her a famous mayor had nothing to do with her age or her talent. It had to do with the fact that, a few years after she took over her mairie, the Front National decided to turn Dreux into a proving ground for far-right infiltration and intimidation. Gaspard was brutally smeared. She was harassed by thugs. Her life was threatened. Her parents were told to buy a coffin. And what a lot of other women in politics learned from her experience was this: that Paris's Socialist intellectuals might support and even encourage a woman like Françoise Gaspard in the Party, but the men who rallied the Party for them in places like the Beauce—the backroom dealers, the old militants, the men with the local interests and the local power—were not unhappy to see a disturbingly brilliant woman humbled, and some of those men even thought she deserved it for embarrassing them with her strong, principled "Paris" views. Gaspard is a shy and rather guarded person, but she steeled herself to do right by the Socialists, and through it all was an exceptional mayor. In the end, she even tried to protect the Party—she stepped down from the mairie the night after she was reëlected, in 1983—but the Party did very little to protect her. Five years later, when she wanted to run for senator, it distanced itself from her, and she started teaching instead. Not long afterward, she and Servan-Schreiber decided to write a history of women in the Socialist Party. They got together with Le Gall—who was an old radical feminist, and already a fierce paritaire—and the project changed. Their book turned into a short primer on political reality in France, and a prescription for changing that reality, and it was a surprising success, perhaps because on the surface parité sounded like such a reasonable thing to support.
The French are much less interested in being politically correct than in being what you could call logically correct, and there was an undeniable logic to the paritaire position. In 1992, when the book appeared, there were only thirty-three women in a National Assembly of five hundred and seventy-seven deputies. Who could object to easing the way for more? No one was talking about forcing people to vote for women; parité was about giving people a chance to vote for women if they liked those women. And no one was talking, technically, about quotas. Quotas are illegal in France—in 1982, the Constitutional Court killed a law that would have imposed a twenty-five-per-cent-women quota for municipal-election lists, saying that it violated the republic's founding principles—and, in any event, the French hate them. The paritaire argument was that, while twenty-five per cent is a quota, fifty per cent is merely the female half of the "universal," or of "the people," or of the "neutral citizen." It was an argument that in many ways bothered Gaspard, who thought of parité as a political remedy, not as a sacred principle ("Of course, fifty per cent is still a quota, and no one wants that," she told me recently, with a sigh and a small smile), but she made it anyway. She saw parité as an efficient "strategy for forcing history," indispensable to French democracy but not necessarily a democratic process, and in this she was close to Geneviève Fraisse, who recently spent a year as the Prime Minister's special deputy for the rights of women and who, at one point during the parité debate, reminded the French that a hundred years ago they had to write laws compelling children to go to school. "Equality is not a natural or spontaneous process," Fraisse said. "It's something you achieve by force of law."
What made parité suddenly so attractive to the Party strategists, embarrassed in Europe and alarmed by the extent to which they had lost women like Gaspard, and even lost women who might be voting for them, was the fact that, whatever else happened to the idea of parité in France, it was not likely to get tossed into the trash can of American ideas that the French reject—ideas having to do with affirmative action and multiculturalism and communitarianism and all the other isms of an invasion that spells the beginning of the end of France. The French sociologist Éric Fassin, who studied and taught in the United States and now runs the doctoral program in social sciences at the École Normale Supérieure, says you can understand the entire evolution of the parité argument as an attempt not to sound American.
America, in fact, had never even thought of parité, and still hasn't, and its record on women in political office is practically as dismal as France's. On the other hand, America had something France didn't. It had feminists. It had women talking about women in art and politics and literature. It had women's-studies programs and women's-history programs, and it had serious graduate students who didn't refer you to their mothers when you mentioned a women's movement. French students, who have to find jobs in their own system, stayed notably away from programs like that. (The writer Hélène Cixous told me that the doctorate she got in women's studies twenty-six years ago is still the only one of its kind in France.) But American students were interested, and some of those students ended up in Paris, in the seminars Gaspard was organizing. She put them to work looking at women and political power.
At the time, there was virtually nothing left of the French feminist groups that had sprung up briefly in the nineteen-seventies, under the vague umbrella of a Mouvement de la Libération des Femmes. Even in Paris (where the biggest feminist bookstore of the seventies is now a maternity clothing store), the movement was as good as dead, replaced by a designer collection of literary and psychoanalytic theorists, like Cixous and Julia Kristeva and Luce Irigaray, who spoke (and wrote) an entrancing and often entirely mystifying language of their own, and, as Kristeva herself told me, "were for art and literature" and "the sweetness of life" and "la mère sacrée." They were interested in the "female voice" and in dreams and in the permutations of eroticism, but while some of them, like Kristeva and Cixous, supported parité they were not at all interested in plotting feminist political campaigns. Their idea of a party was apt to be dinner at the Derridas, and Irigaray's major contribution to French feminist Realpolitik was to suggest that France was really two societies, one masculine and one feminine, with different, even contradictory values that could be reconciled only in a gouvernement de couple.
As for the old activists—"the mothers," people called them, although the mothers referred to themselves as "the daughters of Simone de Beauvoir"—they were more or less retired from battle. Liliane Kandel, who had worked at Les Temps Modernes with Beauvoir and Sartre, and still helps edit the magazine, says that the problem with French feminism was that it turned in on itself and away from politics—away, really, from any engagement—ceding the field to a few cranky theorists, like Irigaray, who were resigned to what Kandel calls "the idea of an ineluctable difference" between the sexes. Kandel likes to talk about the solidarity of the old days—about that famous march to the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, in 1970, and about the "mourning procession" she led to the Statue of Liberty replica, on the Seine, in 1982, to mark the death of the Equal Rights Amendment in America. But most feminists today would say that solidarity was already a thing of the past by the late seventies, when the feminist publisher Antoinette Fouque—she founded Édition des Femmes—decided that she owned the words "women's liberation movement" and actually tried to sue another feminist publisher for copyright. Françoise Pasquier, the woman she sued, kept her own press going into the nineteen-nineties. Now she runs a fiction collection at Fayard. "You can't be against parité," she told me. "Our old feminism wasn't populaire. We didn't think about the state, about the society, about making any alliances with political power. But to say, 'We want action,' as Gaspard did, that's populaire. Great battles are populaire."
In 1992, Gaspard got a grant from the European Commission to look at traditional women's organizations—"the ones," she says, "no one in Paris talked about." What she and her students discovered, early in their research, was that there were more than three million French women organized and active in those traditional groups (groups like the Association of Catholic Women or the Women's Civic and Social Union, groups you'd never associate with feminism), and that most of them, left and right, thought that parité wasn't a bad idea and might even be a good one. In a way, Gaspard discovered how much the expectations, if not the lives, of ordinary French women had changed since those few militant feminist years—the years of the mothers—without anyone, not even the women themselves, noticing.
It wasn't simply that so many women worked now; they were still traditionalists at home, at least by Europe's standards. They did the housework and cooked the meals and raised the children, and they rarely dreamed of asking their husbands to lend a hand. One of my best French friends, a psychologist who drives home from her office every lunchtime to cook a three-course meal for her husband, glared at me when I asked her why he didn't just go someplace near his office and grab a sandwich, and replied, icily, "It's what I choose to do." She said she believed, like Kristeva, that if you measured the sweetness of life you had to admit that relations between the sexes were "sweeter" in France than anywhere else in Europe, and certainly sweeter than they were in the United States.
The real change in those traditional French women was that, by the nineteen-nineties, they expected more than sweetness. They still talked about amour courtois—courtly love—as if it were actually practiced somewhere outside of a Cluny tapestry, but they also knew that France was a country with a thirty-per-cent divorce rate (fifty per cent in Paris) and the highest consumption of tranquillizers among women in the world. They didn't necessarily want to run France, but they didn't think anyone else should be telling them not to—and, more to the point, they didn't think the men who did run it were thinking very hard, or very well, about their lives and their problems, which (now that they did work) had to do with help and health and pay and time and family, and with why they needed Valium to make it through the day.
Gaspard decided to recruit those women, and she started meeting with their leaders. Servan-Schreiber (who had founded the feminist magazine F fourteen years earlier) began publishing a bimonthly newsletter called Parité Info. Word spread, and, as Gaspard says, "the women asked their mothers." No one really knew why, beyond the air du temps, these women were turning out to be so much more restless than the politicians who had written them off suspected. Most of them hadn't even heard of parité until Parité Info started circulating. They didn't demonstrate for parité. They didn't march or write articles or sign petitions. In the winter of 1993, when Le Monde published an open letter demanding parité, signed by two hundred and eighty-eight men and two hundred and eighty-nine women—one "neutral" citizen for every member of the National Assembly—it was the usual Parisian names you saw, the names that meant something in high political circles. But if you listened to those women—if you went to their meetings and heard them talk—the message they seemed to be sending was that they'd think twice before voting for anyone publicly against parité. Once that was clear, the parité debate began.
Not long ago, I was having lunch in my hotel with Françoise Héritier, who holds the chair in anthropology at the Collège de France—Parnassus, in French academic terms. Héritier writes on the subject "masculine/feminine," and presides over an ongoing public seminar at the Collège, and she is much cited by intellectuals on both sides of the parité debate, who would like to claim her. For intellectuals, parité isn't only a matter of political practice; it's something that raises fundamental questions about who (or what or why) women in this society are—whether they're "different," or simply one-half of a universal called "the people," or so indistinguishably "everybody" that it doesn't really matter which sex is sitting in the National Assembly making the laws that tell them what to do.
Professor Héritier is an old friend, a modest, sweet-natured person, undeniably distinguished but new to the kind of household-name celebrity that comes when the Prime Minister and his wife—a philosopher named Sylviane Agacinski, whose book "Politique des Sexes" is sometimes credited with making parité respectable—both cite you as an inspiration, the kind of celebrity that gets you the best table at the Montalembert. (It was the table where, just that morning, Bernard-Henri Lévy himself had been holding forth to a couple of journalists, stretched back and intoning the words "liberty" and "orgasm.") Héritier speaks softly, but the people around us, shrewd Parisians catching a whiff of the air du temps, strained after her every word with as much attention as they read their menus. They were fairly discreet while she told me about how it felt, as the only woman with a chair at the Collège, to be expected to take the notes at a meeting. ("Françoise," a colleague had said, "it's for posterity. Someone has to take them.") But when she got to a subject that was not, in my experience, of pressing Parisian interest—the use of high-lipid diets to stimulate early menarche in girls of the tribal nobility in Gabon—a well-known lawyer at the next table was so carried away that he leaped up, leaving his elegant trophy companion with a mouthful of lettuce, extended his hand, and introduced himself, saying that he had always regretted being too busy to drop in on any of Héritier's famous seminars. (She has been giving them for sixteen years.)
Gallantry is the first defense and last resort of an anxious French man—a way of turning the tables that have been turned on him. It may be that French men are beginning to sense that, with the advent of parité, they are in for a kind of feminism that will be much more radical in its consequences than the one that exploded in May of 1968, when girls left home with the Pill in one pocket and a copy of Beauvoir's "The Second Sex" in the other, and believed that the world was theirs. Their feminism, after all, was about rejecting the government, not joining it. And to a great extent their revolution was sexual—something, it has to be said, that very few French men found that difficult to live with, the possible exception being Charles de Gaulle, who had come to prefer the chaste countryside of Ireland, where the age of consent was still somewhere around thirty-five. In fact, when 1968 was over, French men discovered, to their delight, that their private lives were much more interesting than they had been before, while their monopoly on public life—the life of the state—was practically undiminished. Today, that monopoly is threatened.
Françoise de Panafieu was a deputy mayor of Paris until she took on her boss this spring and announced her intention of becoming the city's next and, of course, first woman mayor—"Femme, elle est dans l'air du temps," the weekly Le Point said, by way of explaining that she might win. Panafieu roared with laughter when she described the old patriarchs of the French Senate trying to remain civil in the face of parité (and not doing a very good job, since they tried to kill the law in draft form, and now sixty of them have challenged it as discriminatory in the Constitutional Court). "They are dying of fear," she said, and tipped way back in her chair and roared some more, and it was actually quite a satisfying thought, inasmuch as the senators have managed over the years to keep the number of women in their ranks at five per cent. "Five per cent too many" is the way Panafieu describes their feelings, and she should know, since her mother was in the Senate in the nineteen-eighties and, as she put it, "was made to suffer there." Most of the figures in France are like that five per cent. There are sixty-three women in the National Assembly today—nearly twice as many as there were in 1992, but, as parliaments go, that's still somewhere between Trinidad and Tobago and Syria. There are still fewer than three thousand women mayors in a country with thirty-seven thousand town halls. Panafieu, who belongs to President Jacques Chirac's Gaullist Party, Rassemblement pour la République, says that she "converted" to parité, which was considered a Socialist—or, at any rate, not a Gaullist—cause, when she realized that if you let the men in politics proceed at their own pace it would be the year 3000 before they looked around, say, the National Assembly and thought to ask where the women were.
Michelle Perrot, one of the few prominent French historians with a specialty in the history of women, likes to point out that the origins of French republican misogyny go back to Salic law, which forbade female succession to Europe's Catholic thrones, and which the French (thinking, perhaps, of the calamitous regency of Catherine de Medici) seem to have enforced with more enthusiasm than anyone else in Europe. Perrot thinks that what she calls the "Salic attitude" was so ingrained by the time of the French Revolution that the revolutionaries simply preserved it under another name. They made a religion of the state—sacralized the state, really—and conferred a kind of divine right on the male citizen, and the result was that their "one-and-indivisible" republic, which granted civil rights to women on rationalist and universalist principles, was able at the same time to exclude them from political rights entirely and to enshrine men as the "political representatives" of the French family for the next hundred and fifty years. (French feminists are fond of quoting Tocqueville's remark about how in America "everybody votes except servants, slaves, and natives nourished by the state.")
Women didn't even vote in France until after the Second World War. The question of suffrage was raised, obviously, during the revolution, and again in 1848, and again in 1870—whenever France got rid of a king or an emperor, French men would dust off their "neutral" concept of liberty, equality, and fraternity in a one-and-indivisible republic, and then decide, with inscrutable illogic, that the indivisible was male. Pétain did think, briefly, of giving the vote to widows. But the first French leader to actually fight for suffrage was Léon Blum. He wanted to appoint three women to his cabinet (and, in 1936, he did), but at the end of the day not even those women had been allowed to cast their ballots to elect him.
It was, finally, de Gaulle who promised the vote to women. The General was no feminist, but he did see women as his best bet for beating the Communists at the polls once the war was over and the Germans gone. His promise came by decree, from Algiers, in 1944—to the great distress of Free French politicians from the Radical Party (rationalists and Freemasons and freethinkers guarding the flame of Enlightenment thought), who had tried to stop him on the ground that French women were too susceptible to dark, irrational Catholic influences to make responsible political decisions. But that, maybe, was what de Gaulle was counting on. Women voted for him, and, except for a couple of years in the mid-fifties, when Pierre Mendès France was Prime Minister, France was Eisenhower country for the next thirty-five years. The hard-won feminist victories of the sixties and seventies—the legalization of contraception, of divorce by mutual consent, and, finally, of abortion—were reluctantly passed into law by Gaullist or center-right governments, and one reason they were passed at all was that the women who shepherded them into law were conservatives, like Simone Veil, who was Giscard d'Estaing's health minister and had a following that no politician could ignore. Veil had worked as hard as anyone in France for women's causes—the abortion law is known as la loi Veil—but she herself claimed to despise politics. She thought that a woman should be a "bearer of ideas" (or, you could say, another kind of mother), and while she held a number of lofty posts and sat for three years in the European Parliament, she never ran for higher office, nor, as it turns out, did she ever seriously consider trying. It may be that she just got tired. In 1981, when François Mitterrand was elected, and the left took over, men were still the official "heads of family," and it was illegal for a married woman to sell any of her own property without her husband's permission.
None of this is surprising if you know France. What is surprising is how many women believed in their second-sex status, or at least believed that the sweetness of life in France depended on it. Balzac once wrote that in France women were slaves and all you had to know was how to put them on a throne, and, of course, it was Balzac's century that made a myth of bourgeois domestic life, locked women inside that myth, and convinced them that they really ruled. The result was that, a century later, a lot of French women still think of politics as something they have been spared—something that men, who like politics, have been doing for them, however badly. They are all for women in government as long as it's other women, and, in a way, given the tedium of most political lives you can't blame them. The pols in the provinces are not entirely delusional when they complain about the trouble they're going to have next spring putting together some version of a "chabadabada" slate—a man-woman-man-woman slate, after the theme song in Claude Lelouch's movie "Un Homme et Une Femme." They may be misogynists, but one reason a lot of them fear parité is that they fear the prospect of persuading the women they know to run.
The idea of parité originally came from Europe. I was told that it dates from the fall of the Wall, and evolved out of the guidelines designed for East-bloc countries petitioning to enter the European Community. But the only French politicians at all interested back then were the Greens, who, as it happens, had already started fielding paritaire lists on their own. France was so torn between staying "French" and becoming prominently "European" that most of the politicians hadn't even noticed that their neighbors were already slipping women into office, and that they were doing it gracefully, without laws to persuade them. The Scandinavians did it first. They started at the grass roots, encouraging women to run for local office, educating them in politics, going slowly, and getting everyone used to having them, so to speak, around. The result was that by the mid-nineties forty-three per cent of the deputies in the Swedish parliament were women, and no one in Sweden besides a few old Calvinist pastors thought this was at all strange. Marc Abeles, who studies the French National Assembly, told me that the politicians here might never have noticed if the Scandinavians themselves hadn't entered Europe in the nineties and sent women to the European Parliament—sent them in such numbers that, as Abeles says, "The gap was enormous: their women were the deputies and ours were the secretaries and the mistresses."
By then, of course, there were some women in France with a good deal of political power. But, more often than not, it was power conferred. French politics was still a men's club, with the occasional female guest—like dinner in the old days at the Knickerbocker or the Century. La volonté du prince, the French called it, meaning that those women had power because a man more powerful than they were wanted them to have it. You found them attached to the Élysée or the Prime Minister's office or the ministries, plucked from the top of the class at the École Nationale d'Administration, a school so rarefied that for years three-quarters of the students came not only from Paris but from Paris's four fanciest arrondissements. Or, rather, you found them attached to the men at the Élysée or the Prime Minister's—the best example being François Mitterrand's friend Édith Cresson, a woman of limited talent and chaotic good intentions who, for one disastrous year in the early nineties, was actually Prime Minister herself. Or you found them decorating conservative governments that wanted to look progressive, like the twelve women who were named to Alain Juppé's cabinet in the mid-nineties. Those women were commandeered for so many group pictures that people started calling them the Juppettes. Six months later—on a day of reckoning for women on the right—eight of them were dumped, en masse, like a litter of pretty kittens that had begun to scratch. It was said, in Juppé's defense, that most of the Juppettes had been incompetent, but it was also, famously, said that true parité would arrive only when there were as many incompetent women in French politics as there were incompetent men. (Juppé didn't last long, either.)
Most of the women who began in politics this way were anything but incompetent. They couldn't afford incompetence, and neither, really, could the men who chose them. Mitterrand himself, whose eye for women was as political as it was personal, was enough of a Gaullist at heart to see the wisdom of courting a following of women loyalists during his long career and his fourteen years as France's President. Some of the most prominent women in Prime Minister Lionel Jospin's government owe their start to Mitterrand, and if those women seem to be much more numerous than they really are, it's because Mitterrand chose so shrewdly that today they're the politicians who are actually doing something—the ones you read about and remember. He spotted the Socialist deputy Yvette Roudy—sixty years old now, with five feminist laws to her credit—when she was a young woman translating Betty Friedan. He spotted Élisabeth Guigou, who is the Minister of Justice now, when she was working at the French Embassy in London. He spotted Martine Aubry, the Minister of Labor, when she was known mainly as Jacques Delors's daughter, and launched a career so relentlessly successful that Aubry could well become the country's first woman President. "That's how we all entered," Catherine Tasca—who led the Commission on Laws at the National Assembly, the commission that vetted parité—told me, talking about her generation of women in their fifties. Fifteen years ago, Tasca was running a theatre company in Nanterre; last month, Jospin named her the Minister of Culture. She says that when she and her friends started off in politics it was only because a man at the top said, "Do it!"—and that, in itself, was something of a revolution.
Noëlle Lenoir, who at fifty-two is the youngest person and first woman (Veil is the second) ever to have been appointed to France's Constitutional Court, told me that, whatever the outcome of the senators' court challenge, the appealing thing about parité, for her, was that it would eliminate women like Veil and herself—femmes d'exception, anointed women, women who are used to prove the rule that other women are not so capable and not so smart. Lenoir was in politics once. ("Politics," she says, "was something I claimed as my heritage.") She spent the first half of the nineties as the mayor of a town near Paris called Valmondois (Daumier died there), and, while she had a very good time running that town, she saw that "politics had not evolved." She means that Valmondois was the exception—that even then, outside the small, civilized pale of Paris it didn't really matter who you were or which party you belonged to. Men on the left still harbored the old Radical Party notion of women being too impressionable to honor "the Enlightenment principles," and men on the right, who worried less about Enlightenment principles, thought that politics was simply something men did, like war or soccer or knocking back a pastis with your coffee at six-thirty in the morning, before you went to work. It amounted to the same exclusion. And the fact that by then most French women were working, too, hadn't really made a difference. Geneviève Fraisse told me that, with France's new thirty-five-hour workweek officially starting, she expects to find the men spending their extra hours at the mairie or the soccer club, and the women using them to catch up on the ironing. "The home, the mairie—these are symbolic places," she said. "Our goal isn't women in the mairie at ten at night. The goal is no one in the mairie at ten." Faced with parité, the pols in the provinces have reacted with their own gallantry. "Think of the women!" the mayor of Carpentras, in the South of France, told me. "They have so much to do. They work, they have a family, they have a house to run. And now this! How will they manage?"
There are people on both sides of the debate who think that parité owes at least some of its success to the very traditional influence of the Prime Minister's very untraditional wife. They say that, if Françoise Gaspard "baked the cake," Sylviane Agacinski "put on the icing" that made men try it. Agacinski wasn't part of the first years of the debate; she wasn't particularly political, then or now. When Gaspard's book came out, Agacinski wasn't even married to Lionel Jospin. Her field was the philosophy of art. Her mentors were Derrida and Deleuze. And when she and Jospin did marry—in 1994—she was a woman of forty-nine, with what the French call "a life" behind her. A single mother with a son of ten, a couple of books (one on Kierkegaard) to her credit, and, she says, little interest in being a Prime Minister's First Lady—she calls that "occult power"—or even in playing the part, despite the fact that she's a woman of glowing good looks and considerable charm. She receives her students and her friends at home in black jeans and a pullover sweater, and "dresses" for lectures by throwing on a dark-red velvet blazer, and she told me once that the only time she goes along on one of her husband's official trips is when it's to someplace exotic, like China—someplace she's always wanted to visit.
Agacinski thinks of parité as the trip they took separately, though they ended up in the same place. She says that in 1992 she started reading—Gaspard for the politics; Janine Mossuz-Lavau, at Sciences-Po, for the sociology; Françoise Héritier for the anthropology, or what Agacinski calls "the mixité of the universal" (Héritier herself is "mixed" on the subject of parité); American feminist historians like Joan Scott; anyone who could help her refine a position. She didn't agree with Geneviève Fraisse, who reversed the Kantian dictum to say that parité was bad theory and good practice. She didn't agree with Scott, who saw paradox at the center of most feminist thinking, including her own. Agacinski decided that the philosophical basis for parité was very sound: there was one "human universal"; its definition was "men and women"; and it was the denial of this "universality of difference," and not the acknowledgment of difference, that had reduced French women to their second-sex status.
This was not a position likely to win the hearts of feminist radicals like Gaspard, who are wary of seemingly reductionist notions of sexual identity, and it certainly didn't endear her to the Jacobins of the debate, notably the philosopher Élisabeth Badinter and the jurist Evelyne Pisier, who opposed parité on what they called humanist and universalist grounds. Badinter and Pisier are women of exceptional privilege and influence in Paris's intellectual circles. They wrote crisp, contemptuous articles against parité, and eventually Badinter, who is herself the wife of a famous politician—Robert Badinter is a senator and former justice minister—took on Agacinski in an exchange of essays in the Nouvel Observateur. When we talked about those essays, Badinter told me that, to her mind, the French should be thinking less about the number of women in the National Assembly than about the fact that there isn't a single North African—"Frankly, it's harder to be a North African than to be a woman, but say that, and the paritaires answer, 'Women are not a category like the others.' " And she called me later to say that "as a Jew in France, whose family wore the yellow star, I reject all essentialisms." When I talked to Pisier, she said, "Parité leads to an idea I cannot accept—that women have a different way of thinking."
But, most of all, Agacinski's enthusiasm for parité on what she called "anthropological principle" did not endear her to the intellectuals in Paris's gay community, who were busy promoting a law of their own involving the civil and domestic status of homosexual couples, and who thought that Agacinski's (in the words of one gay critic) "two-headed hydra called humanity" flew in the face of contemporary understandings of sexuality. Their law was called the Pacte Civile de Solidarité, or pacs, and while a version of it was passed last fall, it wasn't the version they had wanted, which would have given gays and lesbians the right to marry and adopt children. Some of them blamed parité. Not parité itself but Agacinski's promotion of parité, which, they say, took a radical idea and slipped it into a very traditional vision of French society and the French family. They thought that her argument about sexual duality being "the only universal difference" idealized the rights of a certain kind of people and, by implication, discredited the demands of anyone who wasn't that kind of people. It would be fairer to say that, as far as the country's more macho politicians were concerned, the gay argument about sexual variety being "the only universal constant" made Agacinski's sound mild. There were furious debates about pacs in the Assembly for at least a year, and, in a way,** they exhausted the opposition. By January, when the first draft of the parité law was presented, the harshest words anybody had for that idea turned out to be the ones you had already read in the paper, at the Café de Flore.
Agacinski is puzzled by her critics, especially her female critics. She thinks they live in a kind of republican élite ("Those women in high places are very attached to their high places," she told me) and don't take into account the conditions in which most French women live their lives, and maybe even believe that belonging to an élite means not identifying with women at all. "Our 'universal' is an abstraction," she said. "We talk about equality, but I agree with Hannah Arendt: for equality to be equality, it has to be concrete, it has to happen." That isn't so different from what most paritaires were saying, but it was certainly different for Lionel Jospin to be hearing it from her, and for the French to be hearing it from him. One woman put it this way: "Agacinski is the wife of the Prime Minister. Her roots are Polish. He's Protestant, and they represent the family in a Latin country. I say that's good. We've come from far behind."
In the end, of course, parité was the volonté du prince, and the prince of the moment was, undeniably, Jospin, who had become Prime Minister three years earlier. Jospin is a patient and honorable survivor of the Socialist Party wars, and he had wanted a cause, something dramatic to attach himself to, something to define his term. His slogan as a Socialist in the shadow of the Mitterrand years was "the freedom to invent!"—an imperative he took to include inventing himself as a different kind of leader. Running for office in '97, he put parité at the center of his platform—knowing, perhaps, that it was the one invention that he could be reasonably sure of patenting. Gaspard, who received a Légion d'Honneur from Jospin after the elections that year ("It was the first paritaire chevaliers' list" is the way she describes it), has become a huge fan. She says that "without Lionel Jospin parité never would have happened," and she's right.
Of course, there is a strong possibility that parité is a thorny gift, like flowers the day after your anniversary. Maybe French men know something that French women only suspect—that the real power is somewhere else now, in the boardrooms, in the investment banks, in that mystical globalized cyberspace where money dies and is born again, in the big Brussels computer where "Europe" lives and old notions of politics are as obsolete as a typewriter. There's a woman at the head of the Gaullist Party today (there's even a woman at the head of the French Academy, which is arguably harder to get into), but there are no women running any of France's big financial institutions, and women hold less than seven per cent of the top executive jobs at the country's five thousand biggest companies and corporations. Noëlle Lenoir told me about a politician she knows—a good politician—who complained that, for him, politics wasn't profitable anymore; he wasn't talking about money but simply about making a difference and having an influence that mattered. The French have made an ideology of their republic, but in truth there's not much ideology left in the mainstream of French politics. The grandes prises de decision that Gaspard talked about in her seminars a couple of years ago are no longer the decisions slipped into those little "yes" and "no" slots in the wall of the Assembly chambers. Politicians today are supposed to broker interests, not create them, and to make life tranquil and civilized and smooth, like good French wives. The work they do is a kind of housekeeping, like ironing, and I don't know many men who iron. On the other hand, it may be ironing, not politics, that's been devalued.
The political women, by and large, don't care. They are used to keeping house. Most of them like parité because they think it means that France will be keeping its own house better; they see parité as an antidote to the mess that men, ruthlessly in pursuit of power and money, usually leave behind. Some of them like parité on principle. Some like it politically. (Élisabeth Guigou told me, with no evident irony, that Sylviane Agacinski was "the greatest thinker" in the country, a claim Agacinski would certainly dispute.) Some like it because they know that, like abortion in the United States, it stands for a whole set of attitudes and issues, and that those issues will have to be addressed if parité is going to succeed. Some even like it because it got the intellectuals in Paris arguing, and their argument, mystifying as it often was, gave the country time to get used to the idea of having more women in office, and even get a little bored with the idea—to think of it as old news, to want it over and done with. Not that they are all comfortable with parité. You don't need to be a legal scholar to see that parité stretches if not the spirit then the letter of France's constitution. Some of the most ardent paritaires were actually quite uneasy about seeing that constitution amended, as it was last year, to introduce the principle of "l'égal accès des hommes et des femmes aux mandats électoraux et fonctions électives"; they'd thought that the law they were drafting on parité was both constitutional and sufficient. They hadn't wanted to enshrine parité, they said, only to pass it. They were grateful to Agacinski, but they thought of parité more in the way Gaspard and her friends had intended, as a piece of emergency legislation—a way to start redressing an injustice in French political practice, a way to reform old habits and entitlements and set precedents that would eventually turn that legislation into history.
On May 3rd, only two of the sixty-three women in the National Assembly publicly opposed parité. One of those two women didn't vote. The other voted no, claiming the same divine authority that had prompted her to bring her Bible to the National Assembly during the pacs debate and wave it around the chamber as a warning. The men, who were under other, more earthly instructions, gritted their teeth and, with two exceptions, voted yes, in the interest of saving their own seats in the next elections. Some did it graciously, and a few had even been paritaire to begin with, like Bernard Roman, who is famous as the first deputy in the history of the French Republic to take a paternity leave. Some were less gracious. The kindest thing that Jean-Pierre Chevènement—the Minister of the Interior and, as such, the government's official rapporteur of any election laws—ever had to say about parité was that "a revolution can't succeed without a little pragmatism." (He thought that parts of the law were "legally contestable and politically excessive.") But none of them had a choice, really. Their orders were to stay out of the discussion, at least in public, and let the women prove—or hang—themselves. (Those were the house rules in a lot of places; Badinter claims that the editor of one Paris paper told her, "We decided to let the women here decide democratically what our position should be.")
The man giving the orders on the right was, naturally, the President, Jacques Chirac. Chirac had installed a bipartisan Observatoire sur la Parité in the fall of 1995, and had been officially, if somewhat bemusedly, paritaire since his own day of reckoning the following spring, when ten of the most important political women in France, some of them from Chirac's party, published a manifesto in L'Express, angrily demanding parité. After that, of course, everybody was officially "for" women. Which is not to say that everybody was happy. The Gaullist pols were uneasy, because the Socialists had tried out a paritaire list of candidates for the European Parliament two years earlier and had done terribly with that list. As for the Socialists themselves, they were even more uneasy, especially after Jospin insisted on running, in 1997, at the head of a list that was thirty per cent women, and not much more than half those women won seats in the Assembly. The obvious solution wasn't to give up parité; it was that every party should be paritaire. And never mind if that, in a way, was back to the old rules, or if the women who ran in '97, and lost, complained about having been handed the election districts no one else wanted, the districts that belonged to the other side. Most of those women were too smart to complain for long, at least out loud, since the point of parité, the seductively French point, was to give women a chance to lose, like men, not to expect men or even other women to prefer them.
French politics is, after all, French. Deals are struck, but there's no real pretense of stumbling your way to consensus. The system is royal. As Michelle Perrot likes to say, the revolution didn't change this; it simply replaced the king with what you could call a class of super-citizens—the citizens who know best when it comes to what's good for the people or what the people should do, and this means that the people accept an astonishing amount of discipline when someone in charge demands it. (Think of Paris in 1968, after the barricades came down.) Parité is a kind of discipline. Gaspard, who watched the first round of voting, in January, told me, "I know the deputies. They voted for it and came to me later to say, 'It's all your fault.'" ♦


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The Baltimore Ravens and running back Ray Rice reached an agreement on a five-year, $35 million contract Monday.
The deal includes escalators that can bring the total amount to $40 million, according to a source with knowledge of the situation. The Ravens later confirmed Rice's signing, via a team release.
"This is another example of Steve Bisciotti's commitment to the team and to our fans to retain our core players," Ravens general manager Ozzie Newsome said, via the team's official website. "(Rice's) production on the field speaks for itself, and his leadership in the locker room is outstanding."
Rice announced his "return" via Twitter.
Baltimore I'm back well I never left lol #Ravensâ Ray Rice (@RayRice27) July 16, 2012
News of Rice's deal came down just before Monday's 4 p.m. ET deadline for franchise-tagged players to receive long-term deals. Rice, who had yet to sign his one-year, $7.742 million franchise tender, said Saturday he was "optimistic" a deal would be done.
Rice, 25, posted career-bests of 1,364 rushing yards and 12 touchdowns (third in the NFL) in 2011. The two-time Pro Bowl selection has rushed for 4,377 yards and 24 TDs for his career.


text:
Romer resigns after four months at Community College of Denver
Former Denver Mayoral candidate Chris Romer resigned last month as vice president of development and educational partnerships at the Community College of Denver to pursue another opportunity, according to a spokeswoman for the college.
Romer accepted the job in August after his July defeat in the mayoral runoff election against Michael Hancock.
Romer, a former state senator and son of former Colorado Governor Roy Romer, was responsible for developing and re-instituting the CCD Foundation, with the primary task of raising funds for student scholarship and academic excellence awards.
He was charged with helping develop relationships with Denver Public Schools and other school systems.
Romer formally resigned from the position on Dec. 16. He could not be reached for immediate comment.


text:
Off To San Diego Beer Week, But What The Hell Is The Full Rack?
Airplane headed to San Diego – I love you. Get
me there quick and safe, for I have drinking to do.
The Beer Blotter squad is off to San Diego to enjoy a little San Diego Beer Week before it fizzles out (its ends on November 14th). We should get a few spots in – nothing crazy (completely psychotic).
The list of intended venues: Hamiltons Tavern, O'Brien's Pub, the Linkery, Live Wire, Toronado, Ritual Tavern, Blind Lady Alehouse, Pizza Port Carlsbad, Pizza Port Bottle Shop, Alpine Beer Company, Stone Bistro & Brewery, Lost Abbey/Port Brewing, Alesmith Brewing, Ballast Point Brewing…….I mean, we're not crazy or anything – just motivated.
So, expect to hear a little about San Diego and its amazing beer scene in the coming weeks. I cannot wait to get my hands on some Alpine Beer Co. IPA.
The Full Rack
But, what of last night? What is the full rack you ask (or you don't but I'm telling you anyways)?
The full rack is a name we gave to the best beer experience ever at Uber Tavern. Uber recently decided to add 4 oz servings to their beer menu – an unbelievably amazing and genius concept.
Well, Uber has 17 taps. 17 taps + 4 oz servings = The Full Rack. Get it.
We had the ultimate in beer tasting last night. Our Full Rack included Southern Tier Oat, Echte Kreikenbier, Cascade Autumn Gose, Cascade RyePA, Deschutes Hop Trip and another 12 delicious beers.
There is no better way to enjoy a plethora of beer in one sitting. Visit Uber Tavern and thanks to Charlie for having us last night.


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Nick Cannon has donned whiteface to promote his upcoming album, "White People Party Music." If this is what "post-racial" looks like, who knew it would come wearing plaid flannel?
"It's official... I'm White!!!," the caption reads. "#WHITEPEOPLEPARTYMUSIC#Wppm in stores April 1st!!!!!!Dude Go Get It!!!Join The Party!!!! #GoodCredit#DogKissing#BeerPong#FarmersMarkets#FistPumping#CreamCheeseEating#RacialDraft "Bro I got drafted!!""
And unlike Julianne Hough did after she appeared in blackface for a Halloween costume inspired by her fave character in "Orange Is the New Black," the "America's Got Talent" host isn't taking anything back, and certainly isn't apologizing.
Instead, Cannon has been going to town on Twitter, egging people on and retweeting messages of support for his character.
Meanwhile, headlines on stories about the promotional effort have run from neutral to critical, while reader comments have been both pro and con. The words "double standard" have been bandied about by both sides (and Cannon's most recent tweet as of this writing seemed to indicate he'd heard from his share of "haters" -- the placid penthouse view he shared had "#NotAHaterInSight," he said).
"Damn I didn't know it was going to be this hard being White! ... I'm exhausted with all this "privilege" LOL #WhitePeopleProblems," he'd tweeted Tuesday.
Also from Tuesday: "I'm not sure if I'm offended.... Or if this is genius. Guess I'll just wait and see," Twitter user @JC said in a comment retweeted by Mr. Mariah Carey.
"Hold up… What the ... is 'White Face'??? Did I just create a new term??? Nice!!! LOL," Cannon tweeted Monday afternoon.
He didn't exactly invent whiteface: New York Magazine has a nice feature from around the time the 2004 movie "White Chicks" came out, talking about the history of the minstrel show and its descendant, reverse minstrelsy. Think Eddie Murphy on "Saturday Night Live," or the aforementioned Shawn and Marlon Wayans comedy, to name a couple of contemporary comedic examples. Not to mention earlier, serious works including "A Day of Absence" by the Negro Ensemble Company in the 1960s.
Cannon on Tuesday referenced Robert Downey Jr.'s blackface performance in "Tropic Thunder," posting an Instagram shot of the actor in full costume and makeup and writing, "Shout out to @RobertDowneyJr This is one of my favorite characters of all time! Hilarious!!! There is a big difference between Humor and Hatred."
Before the whole Smallnut hubbub, Cannon talked about the album title with Us Weekly.
"You go to a party and white people are having more fun than anybody ... ," he told the magazine. "I could have named the album 'Purple People Party Music' and you'd still get the same album, but it was just one of those things. You know, you deal with things like race, and people get uptight, so why not?"
He said he came up with the title through his work as a DJ, creating play lists, one of which bore the same name.
"It's hilarious," he said.
Do you agree?
Follow Christie D'Zurilla on Twitter and Google+. Follow the Ministry of Gossip on Twitter @LATcelebs.


text: Step one is not being afraid to reexamine a site that's been previously excavated. Dominic O'Brien. Gundjeihmi Aboriginal Corporation July 19, 2017 Here's the three-pronged approach we're using in our own research to tackle the reproducibility issue Ben Marwick, University of Washington and Zenobia Jacobs, University of Wollongong A team of archaeologists strived to improve the reproducibility of their results, influencing their choices in the field, in the lab and during data analysis.