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Folha de S.Paulo, also known as Folha de São Paulo, or simply Folha (Portuguese pronunciation: , Sheet), is a Brazilian daily newspaper founded in 1921[2] under the name Folha da Noite and published in São Paulo by Empresa Folha da Manhã.
The newspaper is the centerpiece for Grupo Folha, a conglomerate that also controls UOL (Universo Online), the leading Internet portal in Brazil; newspaper Agora São Paulo; polling institute Datafolha; publishing house Publifolha; book imprint Três Estrelas; printing company Plural; and, in a joint-venture with the Globo group, the business daily Valor, among other enterprises.
Throughout its history, Folha has always been a nimble publication, more responsive to social needs than its main competitors, all of which identified with the political and business ruling classes. It went through several phases and was targeted at different audiences – urban middle classes, rural landowners, the civil society -, but political independence has always been one of its editorial cornerstones.[3]
Ever since 1986, Folha has the biggest circulation among the largest Brazilian newspapers – according to data by IVC (Instituto Verificador de Circulação), in January 2010, circulation was 279,000 copies on weekdays and 329,000 on Sundays. In company with "O Estado de S. Paulo" and "O Globo", Folha is regarded as one of the most influential daily news vehicles in Brazil. Among daily newspapers, Folha has also the news Website with the largest number of visitors.[4]
Folha was founded on 19 February 1921, by a group of journalists led by Olival Costa and Pedro Cunha, under the name Folha da Noite. It was an evening newspaper, with a project that privileged shorter, clearer articles, focusing more on news than on opinion, and a positioning closer to the themes that affected the daily life of the paulistanos (São Paulo city dwellers), particularly the working classes. The paper was competing against O Estado de S. Paulo the leading newspaper in the city, which represented rural moneyed interests and took on a conservative, traditional and rigid posture; Folha was always more responsive to societal needs.[5]
Business flourished, and the controlling partners decided to buy a building to serve as headquarters, a printing press and then, in 1925, to create a second newspaper, Folha da Manhã. Also in 1925, Folha da Manhã premiered Juca Pato, a cartoon character drawn by Benedito Carneiro Bastos Barreto (1896-1947), better known as Belmonte. Juca Pato was supposed to represent the Average Joe, and served as a vehicle for ironic criticism of political and economic problems, always repeating the tagline "it could have been worse".
The two Folha newspapers criticized mainly the Republican parties that monopolized power back then; the newspapers campaigned for social improvement. The company was involved in founding the Democratic Party, an opposition group. However, in 1929, Olival Costa, by then sole proprietor of the Folhas, mended his fences with the São Paulo Republicans, and broke his links to opposition groups connected to Getúlio Vargas and his Aliança Liberal.
In October 1930, when Vargas led a victorious revolution, newspapers that opposed him were attacked by Aliança Liberal supporters.[6] Folha's premises were destroyed, and Costa sold the company to Octaviano Alves de Lima, a businessman whose main activity was coffee production and trade.
Alves de Lima's initial goal, when he took over the newspapers in 1931, was defending the "agricultural interests", meaning rural landowners.[7] But important events elsewhere became the focus for news organizations: the 1932 revolution, when São Paulo tried to recover the power lost to Vargas; the World War II (1939 to 1945), and the Estado Novo (the Vargas dictatorial period that extended from 1937 to 1945).
Alves de Lima had no news experience, and so he charged poet Guilherme de Almeida with directing the company, and chose Rubens do Amaral as newsroom head; Amaral led a newsroom staffed by journalists hostile to Vargas. Hermínio Saccheta, a Trotskyite who was briefly a political prisoner under Estado Novo, became an executive news editor as soon as he left jail.
The dictatorial administration put political pressure onto news organs, and in São Paulo it took as its main target the daily O Estado de S. Paulo, a major supporter for the 1932 revolution. The newspaper's director, Júlio de Mesquita Filho, was arrested three times and forced into exile, and "Estado" was under intervention by the authorities from 1940 to 1945. With its main rival muzzled, Folha da Manhã took a leading role in voicing opposition to Vargas' dictatorship.
This critical stance is one of reasons offered to explain a change in ownership during 1945. According to João Baptista Ramos, brother of João Nabantino Ramos – one of the company's new controlling partners, with Clóvis Queiroga and Alcides Ribeiro Meirelles -, buying the Folhas was a maneuver Getúlio Vargas engineered to get rid of the oppositionist viewpoint Rubens do Amaral, a sworn enemy of "getulismo", gave to the paper's news coverage.
Queiroga, on his part, represented Count Francisco Matarazzo Júnior, barred from owning press outlets in Brazil because he was born in Italy. Matarazzo financed the purchase of new, modern printing presses and saw the investment as a way to respond to the attacks he suffered from newspapers owned by his business rival Assis Chateaubriand.
One of the weapons he developed for this battle was reducing the sales price of the Folhas in order to suffocate the business of Diários Associados, Chateaubriand's company. However, the ploy backfired. Nabantino Ramos balanced those losses against the Count's initial financing and, some months later, declared that the company's debt to Matarazzo was fully paid and took over editorial control of the papers.[6]
Nabantino Ramos, who was an attorney, was very interested in modern managerial techniques, and during the 1940s and 1950s adopted several innovations: competitive examinations for new hires, journalism courses, performance bonuses, fact checking.[5] He wrote a newsroom manual and editorial policy guidelines.
In 1949, Ramos started a third newspaper, Folha da Tarde, and sponsored dozens of civic campaigns against corruption and organized crime, for the defense of water sources, infrastructure improvements, city works, and plenty more.[3]
However organized as an executive, Ramos lacked business acumen and was not flexible enough to negotiate credit lines and balance budgets. In the early 1960s, the company was suffering due to a rise in the prices of printing paper. The three newspapers were merged under a new title, Folha de São Paulo, in 1960, but initially the morning, afternoon and evening editions were kept. However, with a worsening financial situation, only the morning edition survived.
Things deteriorated further in 1961, after the news staff organized a strike that forced the company to pay higher wages and grant them additional benefits. That meant additional costs for the paper. On 13 August 1962, the company was sold to entrepreneurs Octavio Frias de Oliveira and Carlos Caldeira Filho.
Frias and Caldeira became, respectively, CEO and COO of the company, and started their tenure by seeking to balance the newspaper's financial position. Frias chose scientist José Reis, one of the leading lights in the Brazilian Association for the Advancement of Science (SBPC), as newsroom head, and also hired Cláudio Abramo, the journalist credited with the successful updating of rival "O Estado de S. Paulo". Abramo would take Reis' place and form a productive working partnership with Frias that extended for more than 20 years. In 1964, Folha de S.Paulo supported the coup that overthrew President João Goulart, and his replacement by a military junta; the military role would be only temporary—or so at least it was thought.
After the financial and business hardships were left behind, the new management started to concentrate on industrial modernization and in creating a distribution network that would facilitate the circulation leaps that would follow. The company bought new printing presses and equipment in the United States. In 1968, Folha became the first Latin-American newspaper to adopt the offset printing system. In 1971, it pioneered a new innovation: lead typesetting was replaced by cold composition. The newspaper's circulation was improving and its share in the advertising market was growing.[3]
Late in the 1960s, Frias even formed the nucleus of a national TV network, adding to TV Excelsior, which led in audience in São Paulo and he acquired in 1967, three other stations in Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul. However, Caldeira didn't like the TV business and the partners sold their TV companies in 1969.
The early 1970s were a turbulent period for Folha. Accused by guerrilla groups of lending vehicles to the military regime repressive apparatus, Folha became a target for guerrilla action. Guerrilla groups intercepted and burned three of Folha's delivery vans, two in September and one in October 1971, and made death threats against the newspaper owner.
Octavio Frias de Oliveira responded with a first page editorial entitled "Banditry", and stated that he wouldn't accept the aggressions or threats. That was followed by an article on the news bulletin of [8] in which the newspaper challenged the notion that there were people jailed for their political ideas in Brazil. The editorial was also a response to rival "O Estado", for its defense of a special jail regime for political prisoners. The editorial claimed: "It is well known that those criminals, whom the daily [Estado] wrongly qualifies as political prisoners, are just bank robbers, kidnappers, thieves, arsonists and murderers, acting sometimes with more exquisite perversity than those other, lowly common criminals, that the media outlet in question thinks deserving of all promiscuity".
The episode has also caused an internal crisis. One week later, the newspaper suspended its editorials. Later that same year, Cláudio Abramo lost his position as newsroom head, and Folha would only claim back a more avowedly political stance, instead of the uncritical "neutrality" adopted when editorials were suspended, late in 1973.[9]
More innovative than its competitor, Folha started to gain hold of the middle classes that were growing under the Brazilian "economic miracle", and became the newspaper of choice for young people and women. At the same time, it put effort into news areas that were not well covered in Brazil up to that time, like business news, sports, education and services. Folha supported the concept of a political opening and opened its pages to all opinion trends, and its news coverage adopted a more critical stance.[3]
Frias believed in an editorial policy nonpartisan and pluralistic, able to offer the widest range of views about any subject, and he found a skilled collaborator in Cláudio Abramo, the newspaper's editorial director from 1965 to 1973, followed by Ruy Lopes (1972–73) and Boris Casoy (1974-1976).
Abramo took over once again in 1976/77, but then a crisis caused by an attempted military coup against President Ernesto Geisel led Frias to bring back Casoy. Abramo reformulated the newspaper and led the first of many graphic reforms that would follow, in 1976; he hired columnists such as Janio de Freitas, Paulo Francis, Tarso de Castro, Glauber Rocha, Flavio Rangel, Alberto Dines, Mino Carta, Osvaldo Peralva, Luiz Alberto Bahia and Fernando Henrique Cardoso.[6] Folha became one of the main forums for public debate in Brazil. Contrary to some expectations, this editorial posture was preserved and developed by Casoy during his tenure (1977-1984). In 1983/1984, Folha was the main bastion for the Diretas Já movement, an attempt to change the voting system adopted for presidential selection, from a Congressional vote to direct popular voting.
In 1984, Otavio Frias Filho became the editorial director, systematizing and developing the newspaper's experiences during the political opening and Diretas Já. A series of documents circulated periodically, defining the newspaper's editorial project as part of the so-called Projeto Folha, implemented in the newsroom under the supervision of Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva and Caio Túlio Costa. The guidelines for Projeto Folha require critical, nonpartisan and pluralistic news coverage. Those principles also guide the Newsroom Manual, first released in 1984 and updated several times later on. More than a style guide, it serves as a guide to the rules and commitments Folha works under. It was the first publication of its kind to be made available to the general public.
The guidelines stipulate that Folha's journalism should be descriptive and accurate, but that themes that cause controversy can admit to more than one viewpoint and require a pluralistic treatment. Folha also became known for its highly diverse selection of columnists. At the same time, checks and balances were instituted through internal controls: the Manual, the daily "Corrections" section adopted in 1991, a rule stating that objections to any article expressed by readers or for people mentioned in the news should be published, and, above all, the ombudsman position created in 1989; this position entails job security for its holder, whose aim is to criticize Folha and deal with complaints by readers and people mentioned in the news.
From the midpoint of the Brazilian military rule, Folha kept a critical stance towards several succeeding administrations (Ernesto Geisel, João Figueiredo, José Sarney, Fernando Collor, Itamar Franco). Otavio Frias Filho was sued, with three of Folha's reporters, by then President Fernando Collor.
Although Folha expressed support for Collor's liberalizing economic views, it was the first publication to appeal for his impeachment, which finally came in 1992. The newspaper's coverage about the administrations of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) led to accusations of anti-governmental bias in both cases, though the two Presidents belong to rival parties.
Beginning with the exposure of a massive fraud on the Norte-Sul railway (1985), and through the Mensalão scandal (2005), Folha kept revealing abuses and misrule.
In 1986, Folha became the newspaper with the largest circulation among big Brazilian dailies, and it still leads today. In 1995, one year after reaching the landmark of one million copies for its Sunday edition, the company put into operation its new printing center, seen as the most technologically advanced in Latin-America. The company's circulation and sales record was set in 1994, with the launch of the "Atlas Folha/The New York Times" (1,117,802 copies for the Sunday edition.)
Currently, Folha extended its range of communication activities, with newspapers, databanks, a polling institute, a newswire, a real-time news and entertainment service, a printing company for magazines and a delivery company.
In 1991, all shares of Empresa Folha da Manhã then belonging to Carlos Caldeira Filho were transferred to Octavio Frias de Oliveira, Folha's publisher until his death in 2007. Folha's executive editors since 1984 have been journalists Matinas Suzuki (1991-1997), Eleonora de Lucena (2001-2010) and Sérgio Dávila (from March 2010).
In 1967, Folha adopted full-color offset presses, becoming the first large-circulation publication to do so in Brazil. In 1971, the newspaper replaced lead typesetting with the first cold composition system in Brazil. In 1983, when its first computer terminals were installed, it became the first computerized newsroom in South America. In 1984, Folha launched its first newsroom manual; those books would in time become valuable reference works for students and journalists. The manual was updated in new editions launched in 1987, 1992 and 2001.
In 1989, Folha became the first Brazilian media vehicle to appoint an ombudsman, charged with receiving, evaluating and forwarding complaints by the readers, and to present critical comments both about Folha and other media vehicles. Nine journalists have occupied this position since then: Caio Túlio Costa, Mario Vitor Santos, Junia Nogueira de Sá, Marcelo Leite, Renata Lo Prete, Bernardo Ajzenberg, Marcelo Beraba, Mário Magalhães and Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva. In February 2010, Suzana Singer was appointed to the position.
In 1995, when the Folha Printing and Technology Center started operations in Tamboré (near São Paulo), this modern printing plant built at a cost of US$120 million allowed Folha to circulate with most of its pages in full color.
In the first half of 2012, Folha carried the following sections and supplements:
Daily sections/supplements
Weekly sections/supplements
Monthly magazine: Serafina (São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Brasília only)
In early 2012, Folha had correspondents, either full-time or research fellows, in the following cities:
On 17 February 2009, in an editorial criticizing the Hugo Chávez administration in Venezuela, Folha defined the earlier Brazilian military dictatorship as a "ditabranda" (meaning "soft dictatorship") as follows: "However, if the ditabrandas – such as the one Brazil had from 1964 to 1985 – started with an institutional breakdown then later on either preserved or created controlled forms of political expression and access to Justice, the new Latin American authoritarianism, pioneered by Peru's Fujimori, goes the opposite way. A leader democratically elected works from within to undermine the institutions, the checks and balances, step by step".[10]
There was an immediate and strong reaction to the use of "ditabranda",[11] a word coined in Spain during the 1930s when General Damaso Berenguer replaced General Primo de Rivera and governed through decrees, revoking some of the decisions adopted by the preceding dictator. That period is commonly referred to as "Berenguer's dictablanda" (and the word was used later on, in different contexts, in Chile, Mexico, Uruguay and Colombia).
Folha published 21 letters about the editorial, 18 of which criticized the word choice. Among them were letters by
The newspaper answered by defining the professors' indignation as "cynical and untrue", and claiming that both of them were well-respected figures and did not express similar disdain regarding left-wing dictatorships such as Cuba's. "Editorial note: Folha respects the opinion of readers who disagree with the expression used to qualify Brazilian military rule in our recent editorial, and is printing some of their complaints above. As regards Professors Comparato and Benevides, well-known figures that up until today expressed no repudiation to left-wing dictatorships such as Cuba's, their 'indignation' is clearly cynical and untrue".[12]
The use of the word "ditabranda" led to Folha being the target of criticism on Internet discussion boards and other media vehicles, particularly those closer to left-wing thinking, such as the magazines Fórum,[13] Caros Amigos (that ran a cover story about the case)[14] and Carta Capital.[15]
On 7 March, there was a protest in front of Folha's headquarters, in Central São Paulo, against the use of the word "ditabranda" and to express solidarity to Maria Victoria Benevides e Fábio Konder Comparato, who did not take part in the act.
The protest gathered around 300 people and was organized by the Movimento dos Sem Mídia, an activist group created by blogger Eduardo Guimarães. Most of the participants were relatives of people victimized by the Brazilian dictatorship and union activists connected to labor organization CUT. On the same day, Otavio Frias Filho, Folha's editorial director, stated:
"Using the word 'ditabranda' in our February 17 editorial was a mistake. It is a frivolous term, inappropriate to such grave matters. All dictatorships are equally abominable. However, from a historical standpoint, it is still a fact that the Brazilian dictatorship, however brutal, was less repressive than similar regimes in Argentina, Uruguay and Chile, or than the left-wing Cuban dictatorship. The note we printed to accompany the letters by Professors Comparato and Benevides, on February 20, was a sharp-worded response to a sharp-worded rebuke: the claim that those responsible for the editorial should apologize 'on their knees'. In order to impeach the democratic credentials of others, those so-called democrats should first show their rejection, and with the same venom, of the methods adopted by left-wing dictatorships towards which they are partial".[16]
The note led the professors to request, by way of their lawyers, the right to publish additional considerations, labeled as "right to response": "To take more than two weeks to recognize a grave editorial misstep (labeling the Brazilian military regime as a "ditabranda"), and to shift the blame for the incident onto the tenor of our criticism does not seem a behavior compatible with the ethics of journalism. We have always claimed, with no need of righteous lessons from no one else, that the victims of arbitrary regimes, both here and elsewhere, deserve the same protection and respect, no matter our ideological biases or personal preferences".
The professors' response was printed accompanied by a new editorial note: "Folha's treatment of the situation created by the use of the word 'ditabranda' in an editorial dated February 17, with the printing of several critical messages and our acknowledgement that the word was used frivolously, is an example of editorial fairness. The episode was supposedly closed, but Professors Comparato e Benevides are intent on extracting the maximum gain from it. Their opinions were always depicted faithfully by the newspaper, through several articles, with no need of lawyer intervention. The 'response' above was printed based on Act 5,250/67, a decree adopted by the military regime, so that the victims of regimes so cautiously described as 'arbitrary' and conveniently located 'elsewhere' can benefit from this shamefaced solidarity".[17]
The protests were taken advantage of by Rede Record, a TV network controlled by bishop Edir Macedo, owner of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, as an excuse to air several attacks on Folha, as part of the "Domingo Espetacular" TV show. Record had already attacked Folha for news reports that pointed at the church's business activities and irregularities.
For 13 minutes, Record aired testimonials by victims of the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985), and criticized repeatedly the use of the word "ditabranda". The TV show also stated that "Folha da Tarde", a currently discontinued newspaper then ran by Grupo Folha, was supportive of the governmental repression of left-wing guerrillas, in the early 1970s.[18]
On 5 April 2009, Folha ran an article about a supposed plan by guerrilla group Vanguarda Armada Revolucionária Palmares to kidnap Antonio Delfim Netto, who was the Finance minister during the military rule, in the early 70s, and alongside printed a criminal file about Dilma Rousseff, who was already the Brazilian President. The authenticity of the police record was contested.[19]
On 25 April of the same year, the newspaper stated in a report that it was impossible to guarantee that Rousseff's police record was authentic: 'Folha was twice mistaken on its 5 April issue, when reproducing a supposed police record that tracked Minister Rousseff's (chief of staff do the President) participation in plotting or carrying out armed actions against the military dictatorship (1964-1985)".[20]
"The first mistake was claiming in a first page article that the police record was part of the 'Dops archive'. Actually, Folha received it as part of an e-mail message. The second mistake was to consider as authentic a police record that cannot be verified, or disproven, with the information currently available".
Ombudsman Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva wrote about the case stating, in his Folha column, that "after the Minister contested the authenticity of the police record, the newspaper admitted to not having verified its accuracy. I found insufficient the justifications offered to explain this error, and suggested that an independent panel should be empowered to find out what happened and recommend new procedures to avoid any repetition. However, the newsroom officials decided that there was no need for further inquiry".[21]
The police record is available on the Website of the radical Ternuma group and is not included in the São Paulo State Archives, that hold all files pertaining to the former Department for Social and Political Order.[22]
On 27 November 2010, Folha published an article by former Workers' Party member César Benjamin accusing president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of having told Benjamin, during a meeting for Lula's 1994 presidential campaign, that Lula had attempted to rape another inmate while he was being held as a political prisoner in São Paulo.[23] According to filmmaker Sílvio Tendler, who was at the meeting, Lula's account was merely a joke.[24] Advertiser Paulo de Tarso Santos, also present at the meeting, stated that he does not remember such talk ever taking place.[25] The accusation was also denied by José Maria de Almeida, who had been incarcerated alongside Lula in 1980. He declared to "have reasons to attack Lula. His government is a tragedy for the working class. But what was written never happened".[25] The allegedly raped inmate later declared to Veja that he would not speak to the press, and that "whoever made the accusation should prove it".[26] Folha was criticized by media analysts, notably Alberto Dines, for publishing the article without checking its factuality first.[27][28]
On 29 June 2010, Folha mistakenly published an ad by Extra Hipermercados (owned by Grupo Pão de Açúcar, one of the sponsors of the Brazil national football team), which read: "A I qembu le sizwe sai do Mundial. Não do coração da gente" (The I qembu le sizwe leaves the Cup. But not our hearts).[29] The ad suggested Brazil was out of the World Cup, when it had actually defeated Chile 3-0 and advanced to the next stage. According to Folha, there was a mistake during the selection of the material to be published.[29]
In September 2010, Folha ombudsman Suzana Singer strongly criticized the paper's election coverage. According to her, Folha was "digging recklessly through the life and work" of presidential candidate Dilma Rousseff (PT), and reporting about it in a biased way.[30] She also commented the reactions of readers on Twitter, where the hash tag #DilmaFactsByFolha – that held jokes about and criticism of Folha by users of the microblogging service- reached the top of the list among the 26 most commented topics.[31]
A survey by the Institute for Social and Political Studies, Rio de Janeiro State University, however, found out that among the mainstream media vehicles, Folha presented the most critical coverage about both main contenders, and that its coverage of candidate José Serra (PSDB) was even more critical than its posture towards Rousseff. The survey, carried out in September and October 2010, shows that, in contrasting positive, negative and neutral reports, Folha held a positive balance of three percent. In the 2006 presidential election, Folha also had "the more balanced and less biased" coverage among daily newspapers, and was the vehicle that expressed more diversified opinions, according to Doxa (the Public Opinion and Political Communication Lab, IUPERJ).[32]
Those surveys notwithstanding, Folha was criticized for its "false impartiality" by website Falha de S. Paulo, created to spoof the newspaper for its supposedly biased coverage that favored José Serra and opposed the Lula administration. Folha went to court appealing for closure of the Website, claiming that its usage of a logo identical to the newspaper's, with the change of just one letter in the name, was not only confusing readers but also represented a trademark violation. The legal issue was to determine whether free speech should get higher protection than the rights of property.
On 30 September 2010, a judge in São Paulo granted an injunction that blocked Website Falha de S. Paulo.[33] "Independent media" bloggers and the website owners saw the injunction was a form of censorship.[34] However, the judge in charge of the case claimed that his decision was not due to "the satirical aspect, which our current laws would allow, but to the use of a brand extremely similar to the plaintiff's (Folha)", thus accepting the newspaper's argument.[35]
The case was highlighted in the website of the American technology magazine Wired.[36] It was also commented by Julian Assange, founder of Wikileaks, during an interview to Folha's main competitor, O Estado de S. Paulo, on 23 December 2010.[37] "The blog is not intended to be the newspaper and I think it must be released", he said.[37] The case was also highlighted by Andrew Downie in a Financial Times blog. According to him, Folha's response to Falha is "in keeping with its reputation as somewhat humorless", adding that the case has cost a damage "to its reputation as one of the progressive forces in Brazilian journalism".[38]
Folha has been convicted in court several times for the content it has published. In August 2008, the newspaper was ordered by the justice to pay a compensation of 250,000 reais (around 145,000 U.S. dollars) to a lawyer for publishing a picture of him to illustrate a news story about a gay village in São Paulo, which could lead to the interpretation that he was gay. According to the plaintiff's defense, the picture was taken secretly when he was hugging a male friend. The photographer eliminated their wives from the photograph.
In March 2010, journalist Eliane Cantanhêde and Folha were ordered to pay 35,000 reais (around 20,500 U.S. dollars) to the judge Luiz Roberto Ayub as a compensation for moral damages. According to an article published by Cantanhêde, the judge "abandoned his 'false morality' and went on to contradict the law" in order to please the federal government. Judge André Pinto, who heard the case, understood her statement as an allegation of misconduct and bias.
In April 2010, the newspaper was ordered to pay a compensation of 50,000 reais (around 29,300 U.S. dollars) to blogger Luis Favre, former husband of Marta Suplicy. Folha had published, in 2001, an advertisement authored by journalist Claudio Humberto, in which Favre was defined as a "kind of left-wing swindler, a Trotskyist with unsurpassed mental confusion and God's teacher, of the 'know it all' type. With the talk of an encyclopedia salesman and ingratiating as a tango dancer, he is everything that the good Senator Suplicy is not: a 'dog'".
In June 2010, the newspaper was ordered to pay a compensation of 18,000 reais (around 10,500 U.S. dollars) to a woman cited in an article by journalist Elio Gaspari as a participant in a bomb attack against the U.S. consulate in São Paulo, which occurred in March 1968. Although the woman did belong to the guerrilla group Vanguarda Popular Revolucionária (Revolutionary Popular Vanguard), she was out of the country at the time in which the incident took place. Judge Fausto Martin José Seabra, in his ruling, said that the newspaper had "abused its right to inform, attacking the honor and the image of the plaintiff by attributing to her the commission of a crime".
Folha has won in every lawsuit against it by members of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus – more than a 100 of them, up to now. The lawsuits involve Empresa Folha da Manhã S/A, which controls Folha, and reporter Elvira Lobato, who wrote an article entitled "Universal reaches its 30th birthday with a business empire", that ran in November 2007. There were lawsuits in several Brazilian States, and all of them offered the same quotes and phrases as evidence. More than 90 percent of those cases have already been decided, all of them in favor of the newspaper and its reporter.
Folha also won a favorable decision in a lawsuit in which Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus claims to have been offended by the editorial "Intimidation and Bad Faith", about the large number of lawsuits against the newspaper by church members all around Brazil. In a unanimous decision, the 6th Circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court confirmed in March 2012 a lower court decision dismissing the case. Besides the lawsuit regarding the editorial, the Universal church also sued Folha and Elvira Lobato for the article "Universal reaches its 30th birthday with a business empire", that ran in November 2007; the newspaper won, and no further appeal is possible. The church started a new lawsuit against Folha and reporter Fernando Barros e Silva, for the article "Billion Dollar Faith", that ran in December 2007. The district court decided in favor of Folha; an appeal is pending judgment.
Folha won an injunction against the president of the Military High Court, on 9 September 2010, due to his refusal in granting the paper access to the records of a criminal lawsuit against Dilma Rousseff in 1970 (docket 366/70, STM), by claiming that the matter was "confidential". Rousseff was running for President, then; the election was due the following month. The newspaper claimed that the military court was infringing on an established right, due to the public's legitimate interest in knowing the facts about the candidate's public life. The injunction was granted on 19 October 2010, after the election, guaranteeing access to the records.
Folha and journalist Renata Lo Prete won a lawsuit judged by the 5th Appellate Circuit in Rio Grande do Sul, reversing a lower court decision that sentenced Folha and Lo Prete to paying 139,500 Real in damages to Milton Zuanazzi, then chairman of the National Civil Aviation Agency (ANAC). Zuanazzi sued the newspaper for an article that ran on 20 July 2007, stating that his agency was acting to favor private interests and Zuanazzi himself was acting in defense of airline GOL's interests. In 2009, Folha and Lo Prete were sentenced by a district court to pay damages of 139,500 Real. The Appellate Court, however, judged by a unanimous vote that the article in question referred to internal disputes within ANAC and that Folha committed no abuse and did not injure Zuanazzi's moral standing. An appeal against this ruling was dismissed by the Superior Court of Justice. No further appeal is possible.
Folha won an appeal to the Superior Court of Justice, in March 2012; the higher court upheld a decision by Brasília's Justice Court, dismissing a lawsuit by Senator Heloísa Helena against Folha's owner, Empresa Folha da Manhã S. A., and columnists Mônica Bergamo and Barbara Gancia. Helena claimed moral injury due to articles written by the columnists and deemed untruthful and harmful to her reputation. She claimed that her presidential run in 2006 was hurt due to press rumors about a romantic affair between herself and "then Senator Luiz Estevão (PMDB)" – an involvement she denies. The Superior Court claimed that the rumors deemed offensive by Helena were brought into public debate by her own action. There is an appeal of this decision to the Supreme Court, still pending trial.
Folha won an appeal when the 9th Appellate Circuit in São Paulo rejected unanimously, in December 2008, a damages claim by federal judge Paulo Theotonio Costa, from the 3rd. Federal Circuit, against Empresa Folha da Manhã S.A., Folha's owner. In 1999, an article by reporter Frederico Vasconcelos revealed that the judge was showing off signs of a high net worth, very much unlike other Brazilian magistrates. In 2001, he was suspended from his duties with the Federal Justice system. The São Paulo Appellate Court upheld the sentence of a lower court, which claimed that "there is convincing evidence that the plaintiff [Theotonio Costa] has a much higher net worth than is common among Brazilian magistrates, most of whom come from the middle and lower-middle classes". Theotonio Costa's appeal is still pending judgment.
In September 2007, Folha won an appeal to the 8th circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court, reversing a lower court decision that sentenced the newspaper to pay the equivalent to 1,500 Brazilian minimum wages to federal judge Robert Haddad, from the 3rd. Federal Circuit, and to publish the sentence on its front page. Haddad sued the newspaper claiming damages due to an article by Frederico Vasconcelos, who showed that Haddad's personal net worth appeared to be much higher than the average among Brazilian magistrates. Pondering free speech and a free press, on the one hand, and the privacy rights of the plaintiff, on the other, the Appellate Court decided in favor of the newspaper.
Folha won an appeal to the 8th Circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court, in August 2011, about a lawsuit by the Union of Federal Police Inspectors, Association of Federal Police Workers and Union of Federal Civil Workers of São Paulo State against the newspaper. Those labor organizations argued that Folha abused its freedom of the press rights in 2004 when it ran an interview with Federal representative Luís Antonio Medeiros about the arrest of Chinese national Law Kin Chong, who supposedly tried to bribe the legislator. Medeiros charged the Federal Police with corruption and misadministration. The Appellate Court upheld the decision by a lower court, according to which the newspaper did not abuse its freedom of the press and free speech rights in reproducing Medeiros's statements without adding any appraisal of their accuracy. The unions appealed, and the is judgment is pending.
In August 2011, Folha won an appeal to the 3rd. Circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court, dismissing a lawsuit by judge Augusto Freire Teotônio, from Ribeirão Preto (SP), against Empresa Folha da Manhã S. A., Folha's owner. In 2009, Folha was sentenced to pay 90,000 Real damages to the claimant, who felt injured for an article in which a penitentiary warden claimed that Teotônio, a supervising judge, had allowed special treatment for some prisoners. The Appellate Court decided by majority vote that, in printing the statements of the penitentiary warden, Folha acted within its rights. The decision to reverse the original sentence was confirmed after revision, in April 2012. The claimant can still appeal.
The São Paulo Justice Court favored Empresa Folha da Manhã S. A., Folha's owner, in a damages claim presented by police inspector Ruy Ferraz Pontes, from the São Paulo Civil Police, on account of an article ran in 7 July 2006, that presented him as involved in a contest of wills against prisoner Marco Willians Herbas Camanho, aka "Marcola". The article claimed that Ferraz Fontes had a "personal vendetta" against Marcola; and the plaintiff denied it. The article also claimed that Ferraz Fontes was the owner of an armored Land Rover, what the plaintiff also denied. Folha was sentenced to paying damages of 30,000 real, on 26 November 2008. The Appellate Court reversed the original sentence and explained that, in presenting Ferraz Fontes as an adversary of Marcola, the article was just showing him in his proper role. The plaintiff appealed, but that appeal was dismissed. New appeals are still possible. Ferraz Fontes initiated another lawsuit against Folha for an article that ran on 24 January 2010, under the headline "800 police inspectors under inquiry in São Paulo". The lawsuit was also decided in favor of the plaintiff by a lower court, and Folha was sentenced to pay damages of 20,000 Real. There is an appeal pending.
Empresa Folha da Manhã S. A., Folha's owner, and reporter Frederico Vasconcelos won an appeal in the 6th Circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court. The panel voted unanimously to revise a verdict that sentenced Folha to pay 1.2 million real damages to federal judge Ali Mazloum. Mazloum sued claiming that an article entitled "Change of Headquarters Causes Controversy", ran in November 2003, injured his reputation. The panel found out that "the actions of the reporter named as co-appellant, author of an investigative journalism book about the Justice system, cannot be mixed up with the article's content". The reporting judge concluded that the article contained no false or libelous content, and that its wording was not intended to prejudice or injure.
By a unanimous vote, the 8th Circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court upheld in November 2011 a sentence that dismissed a lawsuit for moral damages brought by federal judge Casem Mazloum against Folha's special reporter Frederico Vasconcelos. The magistrate claimed that articles entitled "Change of Headquarters Causes Controversy" and "Federal Attorneys Investigate Judges Suspect of Harming the Union", ran on 11 November 2003, and 22 April 2007, respectively, injured his reputation. The panel found that no abuse was done and that the publication of truthful information obtained through licit ways was done with no intent to cause sensation and fully respecting the plaintiff's (Casem Mazloum) rights. The reporter acted under the freedom of press statutes and fulfilled his duty to inform. Mazloum appealed.
Folha was found not guilty by a district court in the lawsuit brought by jurist Celso Antonio Bandeira de Mello against Empresa Folha da Manhã S. A., Folha's owner, for an article by journalist Eliane Cantanhêde on the extradition trial of Italian citizen Cesare Battisti, in 2009, and for notes published later on the "Panel" column about the same matter. The plaintiff claimed that Luiz Roberto Barroso, Battisti's lawyer, had asked for a legal consultation, and that he, Bandeira de Mello, had provided it free of charge; he added that, according to Folha, Supreme Court judge Ayres Britto was suffering "strong pression by his mentor, Celso Bandeira de Mello", and that the paper had repeated the injurious comment, claiming that the plaintiff was hired by Battisti's lawyers with the mission of lobbying the judge. The sentence accepted the defense allegations about Celso Antonio Bandeira de Mello's status as a public figure, frequently mentioned in the press, and that neither the article nor any of the subsequent notes about the matter contained derogatory remarks. The presiding judge found no injury, and thus no reason to accept the plaintiff's claim for a 100,000 Real damage payment. The decision is open to appeal.
Folha won a favorable decision in May 2012 when the 3rd. Circuit of the São Paulo Appellate Court denied an appeal by São Paulo Civil Police inspector Nelson Silveira Guimarães over the dismissal of his moral damages lawsuit against Empresa Folha da Manhã, Folha's owner, and the newspaper itself. The plaintiff claimed that his honor was injured when the newspaper reported he was suspended from his duties with Detran. The article claimed that his dismissal was seen as payback by the command of the Civil Police for the plaintiff's allegations about undue interference by a former Public Security under-secretary on behalf of a police investigator jailed and charged with extortion. The Appellate Court found that the article did not injure the plaintiff's honor because his name was in no way linked to any irregularity, and that its tenor was laudatory to Guimarães for not caving under pressure, stating his objections to a situation he disapproved of, and being dismissed as a result.
1^ According to the ad itself, "I qembu le sizwe" means "selection" in the African language Zulu. The Brazilian team is widely known in Brazil simply as "Seleção" (Selection).
São Paulo, Portuguese language, Barack Obama, Workers' Party (Brazil), Brazil
Lgbt, São Paulo, Brazil, Post-punk, Alternative rock
Pará, Journalism, Brazil, Belém, Santarém, Pará


text:
Teacher resources and professional development across the curriculum
Teacher professional development and classroom resources across the curriculum
Workshop 4. Energy in Cycles
Energy can be seen in cycles every day, from the bouncing
of balls to the swinging of pendulums. In this session, further
explore the relationship between kinetic and potential energy to
understand how cycles begin and are sustained, and why they decay.
Program Questions
1. What happens to energy when an object
swings, bounces or oscillates?
In each cycle, potential energy is converted
to kinetic energy and back again.
2. What are some everyday examples of
energy cycles?
Examples of energy cycles include pendulums,
bouncing balls springs, vibrating strings, and people running
and walking.
3. Why do most energy cycles diminish
over time?
In each cycle, some of the energy leaves
the system as heat, sound, or other forms of energy.
4. How can we add energy to maintain
a cycle?
Energy impulses have to be timed
and forces applied in the right direction so that they
add to the total energy in the cycle in stead of reducing
Energy Cycles
2. Walking
as an Energy Cycle
3. Why
Does the Ball Stop Bouncing?
4. Clocks
Rely on Cycles
© Annenberg Foundation 2017. All rights reserved. Legal Policy

subset: commoncrawl


text:
About shutslar
"We urge the House to reject the Amash Amendment, and instead move forward with an approach that appropriately takes into account the need for a reasoned review of what tools can best secure the nation."
I've said it once and I'll say it again. We need to stop trying to secure and protect the nation and focus on protecting the constitution. The government cannot protect a nation, only the citizens can protect a nation.
Want to know how all this secret organization, with secret rules, unlimited access, no oversight, etc. works out? Sounds like the entire Nakita series on TV a few years back. Maybe we can watch the last couple episodes and see what is going to happen.
"Everyone also understands," he said, "that if we give up a capability that is critical to the defense of this nation, people will die."
Americans throughout history have been willing to die to protect our constitutional freedoms. We'll even die to help protect the freedom of others in foreign lands. I think the government is making a huge assumption (Ass U Me) that we are willing to give up those freedoms for safety.
Am I misunderstanding this? Did this judge just make man in the middle attacks legal? If there is no assumption of privacy, then can anyone perform man in the middle attacks? On the internet? Radio signals? Other technologies? As long as there is no assumption of privacy? WOW! I think the there are a bunch of ne'er-do-wells who are now rejoicing at this new turn in the law.
Give me liberty, or give me death!
The DHS is just doing their job. They are providing security for those who feel "right at home" as officials in our government. They help protect those that wish to continue to live as they do, once they are elected. If I held a job with an equally poor performance rating and still be 85% - 98% assured I would continue to be employed in that job, no matter my performance, I would feel "right at home" too. I would also want to get something in place to help secure it. My gosh, it's the american dream. Stop picking on the DHS! It's their job.
My question is this;
Most phone firmware will ask for an unlock code if you insert a different carrier's SIM card. If you type in the correct code the phone will be unlocked. You have not altered the copyrighted software. You have not used the program in a way it was not designed. You have simply provided the key parameter the program requested. How can this be illegal?
If she can win this case I am going to sue Mike and Techdirt for publishing this comment. It's mine! I own it!
"She does not believe the radical positions espoused in a recent so-called policy paper regarding copyright," Reynard said.
I wonder if Mike would publish the original document in total, the RSC would claim copyrights. It would be nice to see some acknowledgement that this was a published policy position that just happened to get squashed. It may have been a short lived policy position, but it was at least a viable position for a short time.
But you HAVE to think of the children! If we don't censor sensitive government and other documents all our children could be irreparably harmed in some unknown manner. OMG! Just think of all the damage that could be done if the children actually seen and read uncensored documents!
Oh...just kidding..
I have pretty much tired of the ease of suing in a court of law when you feel you have been cheated, slandered, or slighted in any way. There is just so little to lose if you fail. I want to bring back the old fashion duel. By using the duel, you have to really think if what you feel slighted, offended, or cheated over, is really that important. If it is, then go for it. If you win, Congratulations! If you lose, we don't have to worry about your issues any further. And all of this can be accomplished with very little cost to society at large.
They are not selling the rights to litigate. Only the rights to sell unix licenses. They have stated they will remain the owners of the existing litigation...they believe there has to be a pot of gold hidden in there somewhere.
If the proposed rules are unnecessary then CTIA shouldn't mind them going into place because it really wouldn't affect their practices at all. Hmm...
Be careful about the "If your not doing anything wrong" logic. If you aren't doing anything wrong, then you won't mind if they place cameras throughout your home, office, car, etc.
"But you don't see us running to the government to force Google to do so."
The scary thing is that is is not a bill that will be voted on by our duly elected representatives. This is a trade agreement that is being negotiated by some politically appointed cronies the general electorate did not hire. No need to vote on this baby...just get each of the national negotiators to agree and it is a done deal. Who needs all the fuss of voters to get things done...regular citizens just get in the way of good government.


text: While it could be useful, clerics are short on feats to begin with. Probably 90% of clerics in my games use their turn attempts to power divine feats or divine meta-magic feats now-a-days. Turn attempts are a powerful commodity that are only used to their potential in a small fraction of games.


text:
Carlton 4 Oakwood Savona
Buying your doors from us
Buying your new doors from the Replacement Door Company is a simple and easy process. This is what to expect
Select your doors from the website or from our showroom, without pressure or jargon.
Call us on 01506 651 610 or fill in the online form and we will confirm the total cost back to you
On agreement we will arrange a convenient time when we can visit to take measurements and talk about door finishes, handles and any other fittings
We will order any items not in stock and then we can give an estimate of how long your doors will take to prepare. Once your doors are ready we will arrange when to fit them at a time that suits you.


text:
Tolga is within approximately eight kilometres from Atherton, travelling through the rainforest canopied Kennedy Highway. Tolga presents a quaint little town with good examples of early Queensland architecture.
A centre strip in the main street features a towering fig tree and heritage and timber display consisting of seven carved poles, much like totem poles. These showcase in creative carving, aspects of the Atherton Tableland's rich heritage including Aboriginal culture, animals plants and threats to the rainforest habitat.
With its range of accommodation from caravan parks, motels to five star retreat, and displays of art work by local people it is an interesting little township.
Close by is Rocky Creek Memorial Park, which is dedicated to the thousands of soldiers who were stationed in this area during World War Two. With its many plaques on display, it is a popular stop-over for many.
Note: Information on listed products and services are provided by the operator and were correct at the time of publishing. Rates are indicative based on the minimum and maximum available prices of products and services. Please visit the operator's website for further information. All prices quoted are in Australian dollars (AUD).


text:
daniel james
INSOLVENCY The latest bankruptcy and insolvency figures make for gloomy reading. In the first three months of 2009 19,062 people went bankrupt and another 10,713 took on individual voluntary arrangements (IVAs) according to the government's Insolvency Service. Those are the highest ever figures as personal debt, rising unemployment and business failures take their toll. The number of companies going out of business fell but the figure was still half as many again as a year ago.You are insolvent when you can't pay your debts. There are various options for handling that situation. IVAs, Debt Relief Orders, Administration Orders and Bankruptcy are possibilities for individuals in financial trouble. Get advice from Citizens Advice (look for details of your nearest one in the phone book or online at www.citizensadvice.org) National Debtline on 0808 8084000, CCCS on 0800 1381111 or www.cccs.co.uk IVA - Individual Voluntary Arrangement: This is a formal agreement through the county court. You agree to pay a certain amount off your debts each month for a specified length of time such as five years. The amount that you still owe at the end of that time is written off. Your IVA is set up by an Insolvency Practitioner. The downside is that you need a reasonable amount of money each month to make your payments, people you owe money to can stop the IVA by refusing to agree to it and the Insolvency Practitioner's fees can be high. Debt Relief Orders are alternatives to IVAs or bankruptcy. They are for people with less than £300 worth of assets, less than £15,000 in unsecured debts, who can only afford to pay up to £50 a month towards those debts and don't own their own homes. Not many people will qualify as most will have assets worth more than £300.(You can own a car worth up to £1,000.) You pay £90 to your local Citizens Advice Bureau or other advice agency. The application form is filled in online. If you do get a Debt Relief Order it lasts for 12 months and at the end of that time you are no longer liable for the debts included in the order. Administration Orders: If someone you owe money to has already taken legal proceedings against you in the county court you might be able to apply for an administration order. But your total debts must be less than £5,000. All your debts are added together and you make one payment a month to the court which then shares it out among your creditors. If the court grants you an order your creditors can't take any further action against you. Bankruptcy is the last resort. You can apply to the court to be made bankrupt if you owe at least £750. Someone you owe at least £750 to can apply to have you declared bankrupt. If you apply to be made bankrupt you pay the court fees which amount to several hundred pounds. If someone else petitions to have you declared bankrupt they pay the fees. The idea is that your assets are taken and sold to repay your debts. It may seem like a good way out as you are usually bankrupt for just a year, at the end of which time you are discharged from bankruptcy. But think about it carefully and get advice as you lose some of your assets which could include your home if you own it. You may have to go on making monthly payments for up to three years after you are discharged, or even longer if the court decides on a longer period. You can't be a company director or hold high office such as a politician or Lord Mayor while you are bankrupt and you can't get credit. It can be a good solution if you have no assets, owe a lot of money and can't see any way of paying it off. Once you are bankrupt your creditors can't take any further action against you. Get advice before taking any action. There may be other options such as getting creditors to agree to write off your debts, making a lump sum payment in 'full and final settlement' of a debt, or persuading all your creditors to accept small, regular payments to clear the arrears if you can afford them. If you do have at least £100 a month to pay towards your debts and you owe at least £5,000 you may be able to set up a Debt Management Plan. The advice agencies above may be able to help you do this for free.
Businesses that are insolvent may go into administration, liquidation, bankruptcy or be wound up. Call Business Debtline for advice on 0800 197 6026. You can find more information about insolvency, bankruptcy and the alternatives at www.insolvency.gov.uk


text:
SAO PAULO — Brazil is running out of time.
World Cup organizers will mark 100 days to go on Tuesday with work still to be done on stadiums and infrastructure in the 12 host cities.
As national teams enter their final phase of preparations — Wednesday in the only date this year before mid-May that all players are available to national teams for exhibitions — the Brazilian government is trying to ensure the country will be prepared for the 32-nation tournament, which opens June 12. Brazil had nearly seven years to prepare after winning the bid in 2007.
There are four stadiums still under construction, and work outside many venues is far from over. Airports likely won't have all the work completed, and many urban projects initially expected to be ready for the World Cup won't be finished until after the event.
Doubts also remain about whether host cities will meet FIFA's requirements for fan areas with outdoor viewing screens.
Only six of the dozen stadiums were completed by last year's deadline. Two may be ready less than a month before the World Cup begins, including the Sao Paulo site of the opener between Brazil and Croatia.
FIFA expected Itaquerao to be ready in mid-April, but FIFA secretary general Jerome Valcke said last week the venue will not be ready before May 15.
The other venue with a tight schedule is in the southern city of Curitiba, which until a few weeks ago was in danger of being dropped. Local organizers said they believe the stadium will be ready by the end of April, but FIFA expects it to be finalized in mid-May.
There also is concern with the wetlands city of Cuiaba, where the stadium is not ready and work outside the venue seems far from complete.
"We have to work in conditions where the cement is not even dry (and) we already put things in place," Valcke said. "There is no criticism, there is just a challenge. For sure the stadiums are beautiful. It will work, and you will have what you expected."
Equipping a stadium to World Cup working standards requires 90 days, so FIFA and local organizers will have to start installing temporary structures needed for media and sponsors while construction work continues outside the venues.
Another FIFA concern is with the fan fests. FIFA marketing director Thierry Weil said this month that soccer's governing body could sue the venues that breach their contract.
The northeastern city of Recife announced recently that it will not spend public money on the event and is seeking private partners.


text:
Follow RFF News on your cell phone. Text follow rff to 40404 you will receive txt messages with RFF News
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to RFF KrisCe--glad you found us!I can't wait for the Mole!
I just want to say... in the long run isn't that the best way to advertise for "The Mole". Those little hidden things that make the show as great as it is.
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text:
Get DVD Talk Feeds
"How Much Do You Love Me?" is truly the Monica Bellucci show. The Italian sex bomb embarks on her most heated role to date in this impenetrable French comedy/psychological war from veteran filmmaker Bertrand Blier, single-handedly selling every frame of this creation with a gift for comedy that nearly matches her intoxicating sway.
Francois (Bernard Campan) is a sad sack with a heart problem looking to blow his lottery winnings down at Paris's most revered bordello. There Francois meets Daniela (Monica Bellucci), a prostitute who knows how to play the role of alluring wounded bird well. Offering her 100,000 Euros a month to move in with him, Francois takes Daniela home, hoping their relationship will grow into a full-fledged romance. All seems well until Daniela has a change of heart and allows her vicious husband/pimp (Gerard Depardieu) to enter the picture, leaving Francois's physical and mental health at a breaking point.
Obviously, "How Much" coasts on a sizable amount of insanity. The question is, how is the absurdity portioned out to the audience? Director Blier is triumphant exploring the darkly comic heart of this production, chasing clever moments of comedy and relishing the psychological torture of the characters as they engage in a tug of war of wills and allegiances. It's a modest, intimate filmmaking endeavor, focused on a man who is undertaking a dream relationship and suffering the increasingly treacherous consequences, and I enjoyed how Blier maintained his patience with the characters and situations. Frustration is not an easy feeling to convey onscreen, yet "How Much" is overflowing with aggravation and interpersonal tension, mixed deliciously with barnstorming sexuality. It's an interesting screen cocktail, for sure.
Granted, with Monica Bellucci in the cast, few of the other actors are going to make an impression. Let me state for the record that Campan is a delight as the feeble Francois, and Depardieu is appropriately refrigerator-like and bullying as a pimp.
But let's not kid ourselves here; Bellucci is truly the centerpiece, overwhelming the film with her arresting screen-melting skills. While also displaying an impressive comedic range, her sex appeal towers Godzilla-like over the production. Paraded around by Blier in various cleavage-popping outfits (and often nothing at all), Bellucci is an amnesia-inducing, hot-blooded presence, blowing the top right off the film with her pristine, slap-yourself-in-the-face magnetism. We live in a world where little boys such as Ellen Page are regarded as lust-worthy beings, so it's especially delightful to watch Bellucci, in full command of her biblical temptations, give an exhilarating, breathy performance of undiluted sensuality and unnerving persuasion. It's not hard to appreciate why Francois goes to such disastrous lengths to keep Daniela around.
The final 20 minutes of "How Much" spiral into a dream world...I think. The interpretational ambitions of the film explode in a fireworks display of violence, sexual humiliation, and slapstick comedy that either highlights Blier's depth of thematic investment or perhaps he forgot to take his meds in the editing room. "How Much" certainly releases a scent of linear plot construction for the first 70 minutes of the picture, but that entire story is thrown to the four winds for the finale, which will surely leave the casual viewer with a nasty taste of pretention. Maybe even the seasoned cineastes as well. It's a bungled climax in pursuit of something intangible, and all the visual and aural clues leading up to the final minutes hardly prepare for the farcical derailing that eventually occurs.
Presented in anamorphic widescreen (2.35:1 aspect ratio), "How Much Do You Love Me?" is a deeply colorful picture, and the DVD reproduces this intensity with success. The picture constantly toys with lighting and makes great use of come-hither neon, and the DVD experience sells the heat well, only tripping up in the darker moments, which tend to melt into a smear.
The Dolby Digital 2.0 mix is a docile effort, but handles the balance of the hot sax score with the dialogue agreeably. With Bellucci front and center, there's little need for sound at all.
A theatrical trailer is presented, along with peeks at "The Bubble," "Lights in the Dusk," "I Don't Want to Sleep Alone," and "The Man of My Life."
"How Much Do You Love Me?" radiates sensuality out of every pore, and if you're any kind of fan of Bellucci it's a must see to warm up a frosty winter night. My advice would be to shut off the film at the 70-minute mark and invent your own ending, preferably a scenario involving Bellucci and a bubble bath or maybe a topless bedtime story. Anything would be more coherent and desirable than the climax Blier has cooked up here, tainting a sly, uneasy French comedy with a paralyzing sting of irresponsible cinematic surrealism I wouldn't wish on my worst enemy.


text:
Friday, August 15, 2008
You know who I miss?....
11 comments:
- Tao of Stieb said...
Ricky Romero faces big fat Bartolo Colon tonight in Syracuse versus the Pawtucket Red Sox.
Go Ricky!
- August 15, 2008 at 10:46 AM
- eyebleaf said...
ack, i'm with you on all fronts, brother. i really miss aaron too. once again, we've been decimated by injury this year. i really thought this was the year for hill to make the all-star team and solidify himself as a stud 2nd baseman in the AL. for shame. get well, get well soon, we want you to get well...
these next 15 games, these are, in all likelihood, my playoffs. i will enjoy them.
and you're absolutely right, fuck youk. youuuuuuuuuuuuuuuk. that dirty goateed motha sucka. the greek god of walks. so fucking lame. i hate the way he shakes his whole body when he's at the plate. fuckin hate youk.
- August 15, 2008 at 12:04 PM
- The Ack said...
RR vs BFB - epic, epic pitching matchup.
...and, it's just something about Youkilis. That diseased rat nesting on his mountainous chin. His beyond-gay delicate little batting stance. His ability at the plate - wait, did I just say that? FUCK.
- August 15, 2008 at 12:39 PM
- Torgen said...
I'd miss Hill even more if there was a chance he could be playing short and not costing Inglett playing time. Maybe I'm looking too hard at the WPA chart, though.
- August 15, 2008 at 1:11 PM
- MK Piatkowski said...
I so miss Aaron - my second favourite player on the team behind Doc. Heck, I went to a game just to get his bobble-head (which looks scarily like Rios). I still haven't forgiven Scrappy for elbowing him.
Thanks for reminding me about Buck Coats. Sure hope he's a September call-up - I really like the guy.
- August 15, 2008 at 4:05 PM
- Tao of Stieb said...
Maybe it was always Scrappy Doo's intention to play second base this year, and he knocked Hill's brains around in order to get it done.
It's like All About Eve. Or Showgirls.
- August 15, 2008 at 4:27 PM
You know, I'm really worried about Hill's concussion. He hasn't even been close to coming back, unlike Ryan Church. Could this be a career-threatening injury. I'd feel a lot better if I heard encouraging news about it but all I hear is "he's not close". Ugh.
- August 16, 2008 at 1:16 AM
SI had an article this past week where they talked about this generation of second basemen: Kinsler, Pedroia, Uggla, Kendrick, and Utley. I feel like Utley's in a class by himself, but Hill definitely has to be considered just as good as any of the others.
- August 16, 2008 at 1:44 PM
- The Ack said...
sp - agreed. If he hasn't even resumed "baseball activities", it's not exactly encouraging....but, let's not speak of it for now....
- August 16, 2008 at 3:17 PM
- Joanna said...
I miss Aaron too. Always reminded me of Luke Skywalker for whatever reason.
And the name isn't Youkilis, it's Pukelis.
- August 16, 2008 at 4:27 PM
- bdubs said...
Youkilis looks like he drinks tonic water before each at bat. I can't think of a face that I loathe more than KY Jelly.
- August 16, 2008 at 5:02 PM


text:
New Rewards Added:
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All of the Wild Kitchen reward levels are tickets that can be used at any time within the next 2 years for our meals (in case you can't make it to the first dinners)
Anyone who has already pledged who increases their pledge by at least $50 after today (June 21st), also gets this reward. To increase your pledge, sign into your kickstarter account, then click "manage your pledge". To increase the amount without changing your reward, fill in the additional amount at the top of the page in the grey box.
To clarify: For example, If you have already pledged $35, you would need to increase your pledge to $85 to get this deal. If you've pledged $50, you'll need to up it to $100, etc.
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4 tickets to a celebratory Wild Kitchen feast. A family style meal eaten around communal tables, with each course focused on wild foraged ingredients from our local landscape. Come meet, feast, and support Forage Kitchen.
THE PROJECT Forage Kitchen is the first co-working space for food. More than a shared use kitchen, it will be a home for food makers, and a hub for the Bay Area food community. A philosophically focused space, where local food producers can start their projects with the support of others going through the same struggles. We will work together to use local produce and meats from local producers, while at the same time advancing the urban food-making/growing community. This space will be a model for other spaces world-wide, and we're super excited to see it happen.
If you are starting a business, we'll give you a home. Office, kitchen, business support, equipment rental, prep help, dish washing, all in one place. If you need to work on the computer, you'll come to Forage Kitchen. Need to test a recipe? Come to Forage Kitchen. Need to make a ton of product for an event? Come to Forage Kitchen. More than a kitchen, a community of makers working side by side to create something special. We'll also have retail space to get your product out there, as well as relationships with local stores to help with that all too confusing process of retail distribution.
If you're a home cook and want to take a class or do a big project on professional equipment, we'll have space for you too. For $99/month you can become a member of our kitchen and use it as much as you want, with support on your recipes, discounts on classes, and invites to member only parties. If you'd rather just take classes and come to parties, $25/month is all it takes to join us.
THE IMPACT This space will provide a much needed resource for the food community of San Francisco. A space to help small businesses thrive, but also one where people can get their feet wet when deciding if making food full time is for them. A welcoming space that will bring food makers and food lovers together under one roof. These spaces are a much needed next step for the food movement across the country. Spaces that will help us all get out of our cramped kitchens to come together around food.
HOW DOES THIS FUNDRAISER WORK? This Kickstarter fundraiser is all or nothing: if we don't reach our goal, we will not receive any of the donations pledged and your credit card will not be charged. If we do reach our goal (and I hope we do!) your credit card will be charged on June 29th when the campaign ends. To the right you'll find a list of rewards for different levels of pledges. Please help us make our dream become a reality!
MORE ABOUT THE REWARDS: If you want more than one of these, email us, we'll make it happen.
$15 Pledge
Our eternal thanks, and a Forage Kitchen sticker delivered to your door:
$35 Pledge
At this level you'll get our never ending love, plus a sticker, plus you'll get invites to the parties below. Not bad for $35. You'll also get a one month subscription to our member blast, an email that gets you discounts on classes at Forage Kitchen, as well as invites to member only events. We'll email you ticket info after your donation. Space is limited at these events, so not everyone will get into every one, but hope to see you at at least a couple. ALL THE LEVELS ABOVE WILL ALSO GET INVITES TO THESE PARTIES. The parties are:
May 31st: Wild Boar Ramen Movie Night
If you havn't seen Tampopo, you need to. This is possibly the best food movie ever made, a cult Japanese epic focused on the delights of ramen. Every time I've seen it I've wished I was eating, and so it will be. Pledge at this level and you'll get invited to hang out and watch it on the (pretty) big screen, and we'll have steaming hot ramen available for purchase.
June 28th: The Underground Market - Kickstarter Celebration!
We'll be celebrating the (hopeful) success of our kickstarter campaign withe the revival of The Underground Market! Our favorite vendors from markets past will be back for a great night. We'll also be having a date auction during the event with some of our favorite local chefs on the auction block.
Date TBA: Forage Kitchen opening celebration
You'll also get an invite to our opening party at Forage Kitchen, Date TBA
What's the money being used for?
It's a good question. The money from our kickstarter will be used for the following:
$100K Equipment (stoves, tables, etc.)
$20K for hiring staff (gives us a head start on getting folks to help with the space)
$30K Construction costs and architect fees (this amount will get us under way)
$50 pledge:
You'll get a choice of one of these silk screened T-shirts with our nifty logo or a cool illustration from our video.
$99 Pledge:
One month "Maker" (non-business) membership to Forage Kitchen when we open. This gets you unlimited kitchen time with professional equipment on our Maker Days, discounted classes, and invites to member only events. Good for a home cook who wants to make a big batch of jam, pickles, sauerkraut, cookies, sausage....anything really! You'll also get an invite to the parties above.
$100 Pledge
A Forage Kitchen hand made T-shirt, Forage Kitchen sticker, and a pound of handmade pasta from Underground Market vendor Baia Pasta. (International shipping: add $50)
Pledge $150
Locals Underground Market Box: Month Subscription to Josey Baker Bread, 4 savory and sweet biscuits from Biscuit Bender, Jam by INNA jam, free range beef jerky from Oaktown Jerk, a pound of pasta from Baia pasta, and an illustrated, silkscreened recipe booklet with 4 recipes from The Underground Market.
Pledge $200
Distant Friends Box: A gift box with handmade products from our Underground Market vendors. The box will include Jalapeño jam by INNA jam, free range beef jerky from Oaktown Jerk, a pound of pasta from Baia pasta, and a recipe booklet with 4 recipes from The Underground Market and a Forage Kitchen T-shirt Shipped right to your door. Please add $50 extra for international shipping.
Pledge $200
Underground Market cooking class
This reward gets you a spot in one of several cooking classes taught by Underground Market vendors. Learn bread baking with Josey Baker, vegan cooking with Rawdaddy, Caramel making with Nosh This, or Raw dessert creation with Sidesaddle Kitchen.
Pledge $500 or more
Ticket to our Founders Dinner
A special presentation of The Wild Kitchen. Come to a meal sourced not only from the wild, but also from The Underground Market. Each course will focus on wild foraged ingredients, but will also highlight a product made by an Underground Market vendor, the very people who will benefit from Forage Kitchen. Several of the vendors will be on hand eating at the meal, and will talk about their businesses and how they got started.
Pledge $800
Private event with The Underground Market
Choose from:
Catered brunch with City Smoke House BBQ
Ice Cream Social by Frozen Kuhsterd
Bhan Mi Bar from Rice Paper Scissors
All great for home of office parties.
Pledge $1,000
Small Business Starter
75 hours of kitchen rental for a food business. This is a reduced rate, and perfect for a small business who wants to reserve space in our kitchen (it'll fill up fast). We'll also have storage, office space, and business support available.
Pledge $1,000
Founders Wall
Give at this level and we'll let the world know you helped us get where we are. Your name on the "founders wall" at Forage Kitchen, as well as a Forage Kitchen T-shirt and sticker.
Pledge $2,500
Private Foraging Walk
A private foraging walk with forageSF. You and up to 15 friends will find out what is wild and edible in San Francisco. This is also a good reward for a business.
Pledge $5,000
Founders Dinner and Founders Wall
4 tickets to our founders dinner, 2 t-shirts, your name on the Founders Wall at Forage Kitchen, The Underground Market Food Box, and our eternal thanks.
Pledge $10,000 or more
Private Wild Kitchen Dinner
Private Wild Kitchen dinner for up 80 people, anywhere within 100 miles of San Francisco. This 8 course meal will focus on locally foraged wild ingredients. From wild mushrooms to acorn flour, wild nori to wild radish. Taste what the oceans and landscapes of California have to offer. Locals also get into the above parties with this level, as well as a VIP bracelet for free food and drink all night.
Thank you so much for taking the time to learn about this fundraising campaign and Forage Kitchen! We're really excited about seeing this space become a reality, and you're the ones who'll help us get there, so thank you. Please reach out if you have any questions or suggestions: email@example.com
Funding period
- (44 days)


text: A face lift, technically known as a rhytidectomy is a very popular plastic surgery procedure in Wisconsin All of the Perfect Yourself face lift surgeons in Wisconsin have gained an excellent reputation and are all board certified. Facelift surgery can reduce some of the more visible signs of ageing. A facelift smoothes the loose skin on your face and neck and tightens underlying tissue. As a result, your face will appear firmer and fresher making you look younger. Your Perfect Yourself plastic surgeon in Wisconsin will carry out the skillful removal of excess facial skin from the neck, chin and cheek areas under general anesthetic. Starting high in the temple area the hair at the incision courses down following the curves in front of the ear round the earlobe and up behind the ear before curving gently back into the hair again. It may be necessary to add an incision under the chin which is also well hidden. Using these incisions on both sides, the skin and deep tissues are remodeled and re-draped. Stitches secure layers of tissue and incisions and metal clips may be used on the scalp. The scars will be hidden around your ears or in your hairline and will usually fade over 3 to 6 months. A Wisconsin face lift procedure normally takes two to three hours and usually requires a 1-2 day hospital stay. Before choosing your face lift surgeon from Wisconsin, your expectations need to be realistic. For most patients the effects of facelifts last well so that even years later they will continue to look and feel younger. The results of any facelift should be lasting but remember the procedure cannot stop the ageing process. Your Wisconsin facelift surgeon will discuss your individual requirements with you at your consultation. Following the operation, your Wisconsin face lift surgeon will discuss your recovery procedure, healing and pain relief, your Wisconsin plastic surgeon will also ask to see you 2 weeks following your surgery for a follow-up consultation. Recovery is normally between two to three weeks, however 1-2 days after surgery you should be on your feet. It is important not to carry out vigorous activities for the first five days after the surgery. You can return to work and resume most normal activities after three weeks and begin exercise after six weeks.


text:
Thanks for visiting the forum, ladies and gentlemen. Feel free to leave comments, questions, or any other random musings that you think people take interest in. I am Shagmunky, also known as Hugh Newell, and I'll be throwing out some of my own thoughts from time to time.
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Those Humorous Penguins. Not your daddy's penguin comic.


text:
USN-2230-1: chkrootkit vulnerability
4 June 2014
chkrootkit vulnerability
A security issue affects these releases of Ubuntu and its derivatives:
- Ubuntu 14.04 LTS
- Ubuntu 13.10
- Ubuntu 12.04 LTS
- Ubuntu 10.04 LTS
chkrootkit could be made to run programs as an administrator.
Software Description
- chkrootkit - rootkit detector
Thomas Stangner discovered that chkrootkit incorrectly quoted certain values. A local attacker could use this issue to execute arbitrary code when chkrootkit is run and gain root privileges.
Update instructions
The problem can be corrected by updating your system to the following package versions:
- Ubuntu 14.04 LTS
- chkrootkit - 0.49-4.1ubuntu1.14.04.1
- Ubuntu 13.10
- chkrootkit - 0.49-4.1ubuntu188.8.131.52
- Ubuntu 12.04 LTS
- chkrootkit - 0.49-4ubuntu1.1
- Ubuntu 10.04 LTS
- chkrootkit - 0.49-3ubuntu0.1
To update your system, please follow these instructions: https://wiki.ubuntu.com/Security/Upgrades.
In general, a standard system update will make all the necessary changes.


text:
GoPro cable cam
I've decided I'm going to try and compile a bunch of footage this summer from all the mountain bike trips I go on and at the end of the season put together a killer riding video. With that being the plan, I wanted to make sure that I get some interesting shots and plan out the video a bit so it turns out better than my typical head cam videos do. One of the shots I'm really eager to try is a cable cam shot through the forest on a long a trail. You'll often see these super long shots following a rider in mountain bike videos and I think they are rad. Anyway, I started Googleing around and found tons of examples of cable cams. One that caught my eye was from this Vimeo video:
DIY GoPro Cable Cam from Maia Media on Vimeo.
I really liked the use of the RAM mounts because I find them to be very stout and easy to move into various positions, both of which are useful in a cable cam (I think... :) ). Anyway, I also had the RAM mount stuff, so I just went over to Lowes and walked around looking for stuff to use. Here is the list of things I ended up using for my cable cam:
List of items used:
2. RAM Mount handle bar mount with tripod adapter
3. Duct Tape
5. 1/2 in threaded rod - 1 foot - Can't find a link to just one foot. You could shop around or cut a longer one down.
8. A few locking nuts to match your threaded rod
I ended up having all the RAM mounts and GoPro tripod mount already from mounting my GPS on my motorcycle and mounting the GoPro on a tripod. I picked up the rest of the stuff at Jax and Lowes near my house. I just walked around Lowes until something came to mind, and then went over to Jax to get the paracord and ended up getting the line tensioner while I was there.
Here is the stuff I picked up at Lowes:
And here is what I got from Jax:
And the tensioner:
There's not really much to explain about what I came up with:
I just found a 12 inch length of rod and wouldn't you know it, right above it was two pulleys that had a hole that perfectly matched the rode. I just screwed a pulley on each side after a locking nut (which is totally optional IMO) and then I tried to attached the handle bar RAM mount in the middle. The handle bar mount turned out to be a bit too big, so I just wrapped maybe twenty wraps of duct tape around the rod first. I already had some paracord in my box of stuff, so I tested out the dolly with my wife in the living room and the camera rolls nicely along the cord. Here is some video I took after the weather got nice enough to go outside and play. This is maybe an 80' run from a tree to a post near my house. I think 200' of cord will be perfect for the long forest shot.
The way I attach the cord between two objects is like so:
1. I take the end of the long cord and tie it around an object (tree, fence post, etc) with a bow line knot. This is a great anchor knot and it unties very easily. Here's a video showing how to tie one:
2. Then I took about a 6 foot length of paracord and tied multiple overhand knots along the cord. I can now wrap this cord around a stationary object and then use the cord tensioner to attach to two of the overhand knots and tighten up the cable portion of the setup:
After I had the line rigged up I had some concerns about how to stop th camera at the end of the line. I didn't want it just bashing into the object it was tied to as I figured it wouldn't be long before I broke a pulley. I ended up laying my jacket over the line like so:
This worked like a charm bringing the camera to a gentle stop and had the collateral effect of dampening vibration on the line.
Feel free to shoot me any questions/suggestions in the comments.
- - Rob


text:
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European Commission
Press release
Brussels, 23 August 2013
August 2013: Flash Consumer Confidence Indicator
In August 2013, the DG ECFIN flash estimate of the consumer confidence indicator improved markedly in both the euro area (-15.6 after -17.4 in July 2013) and the EU (-12.8 after -14.8 in July 2013).
Computation of Flash CCI
To compute the flash consumer confidence indicator for the EU and euro area, DG ECFIN uses the data available on the cut-off date. The estimation procedure combines historical data with information from those Member States for which data are available in the reference month. Experience has shown this procedure to be statistically reliable.
Further information on the computation procedure can be found in the European Business Cycle Indicators of January 2010.
Scheduled publication dates
The next Business and Consumer Survey is due to be published on 30 August 2013.
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