text:
After a decade that has worshipped the 'crowd', and the infinite capacities of the collective intelligence, the tide seems to be rolling back as people once more begin to suspect the fallibility of 'Groupthink' and once again idolize the tyrannical creative genius.
This underlying dialogue affects everything – our attitudes to politics, the way we structure our organisations, even the art we admire as we fall in and out of love with auteurism.
On a more banal level, it impacts the way that we go about effecting tasks, and how we construct the goldfish bowl of collective actions – from conferences, to workshops, to committees and boards. (For the practical minded, I will end this post with some suggestions on how to apply this thinking to structuring working groups, if you are really busy, you can go straight there.)
The basic truth I am exploring is that different unit sizes of people are better at different things.
Without doubt technology has changed those dynamics, taking the theoretical concept of the 'general will' and hardwiring it, making group action possible at much greater scale and speed than ever before.
But humans remain substantially the same in their cognitive capabilities and emotional instincts. Which means that nothing foolproof can be created by lone geniuses, and nothing truly beautiful can be created by wise crowds.
So how do you know how many people you should get to do what?
1) Individual Brilliance
I spend a lot of the last year or more tirelessly advocating an open-minded an open-hearted sense of collaboration, and an openness to letting ideas or projects be strengthened and improved by exposure to as much external stimulus as possible. 99% of which I stand by.
But then I rediscovered Rousseau's Confessions…and read for the first time Steinbeck's incredible East of Eden:
"And this I believe: that the free, exploring mind of the individual human is the most valuable thing in the world. And this I would fight for: the freedom of the mind to take any direction it wishes, undirected. And this I must fight against: any idea, religion, or government which limits or destroys the individual. This is what I am and what I am about."
These both reminded me that any really original, well-developed and imaginative idea, a synthesis that has integrity and power, is developed in a period of solitude and meditation. The same even applies to blog posts.
2) Pairs Solve Problems
Budding philosophy students are sometimes puzzled to flip open Plato and discover not well-reasoned essays, but these rather strange little two-character plays, often featuring Socrates and some randomly selected, often very confused 4th Century BC Greek called Phaedo or Phaedrus or Parmenides.
The pairs are rarely evenly matched in intellect or moral clarity, but the dialectic celebrates the fact that two heads are better than one. Generally one of the partnership has the driving thesis, but by dealing with the confusion, agitation and indignation of their interlocutor, the thesis will gradually become better and better and rise to the level of genuine synthesis.
The same works for being a detective, or indeed for comedy. And as anyone who has ever spent the late hours of the evening doing a wall review of an important presentation with someone who simply refused to understand it, it works there too. Ultimately, pairs are great at solving problems, and if you want strategic solutions, putting two heads together is generally the best way to do it.
On the other hand, this is what happens when one smart person tries to do dialectic on their own, or with a hostile partner:
3) Triumvirates Create Friction
Ancient Rome at the close of the Republic was a fanatically warlike culture. As a result, it is deeply unsurprising that they opted twice for the triumvirate form of government, first with Caesar, Crassus and Pompey, and then much more finally with Octavius, Lepidus and Mark Anthony. Because nothing is more certain than that a triumvirate will end up fighting.
The competitive urge create by triumvirates, both for dominance and for each other's exclusive attention, can briefly create a highly creative and expressive dynamic. If you are looking to open up a question, find some disruptive ideas, or get beyond obvious solutions, a trio left alone to fight for an hour might get you there. If you are looking to create a stable form of government, look elsewhere.
4) Fours Execute Missions
Four is my desert island group size, being both the size of my current team, but also the size of all the greatest bands in the history of music. It is also apparently the size on Navy Seal units.
A group of four is however generally considered highly unstable – which is not my experience at Jumptank, and hopefully is not true of Navy Seals, but obviously and spectacularly is true of most of the greatest bands in the history of music, who very often after a decade of intense brotherhood and success shift into a couple of subsequent decades not speaking to each other.
The tricky thing about fours is that they create a lot of opportunities for pairing off into cabals. But if this can be avoided, a four can be highly effective. There are two key rules to getting the most out of a four:
a) Make sure they have a clear, emotional shared mission. For the Seals, I guess this is easy – for bands it is harder because the mission is so often success…which means that when you achieve it, the band breaks up.
b) Make sure the group has a diverse group of skills and personalities. This is the whole strength of fours – it is probably the largest group where a diversity of skills can be effectively hammered together. When everyone has a unique contribution to make, the power of the whole can be incredible. When everyone is stepping on each other's toes, it can spiral quickly. The Beatles worked great when there was a funny drummer, a thoughtful guitarist, a melodic bass player and an angry rhythm player. When they all wanted to be everything, their time was up. Whereas the Stones, where Charlie Watts is happy to be 'the bed I lie on' (Keith Richards) are still just about bumbling along fifty years in.
5) Democracy is Odd, not Even
Anything over 4 is basically hopeless for actually creating anything, but if you are making decisions, there is definitely some wisdom in numbers. Groups are good at criticizing and judging (as long as something is pretty well thought through already.)
One secret quirk of decision-making groups is that it can actually be pretty important to think about whether the size of a group is odd or even, if there is any chance that they might formally or informally need to vote on something. The group will want to act effectively as a group – which might lead to some consensus voting that could lead you in the wrong direction:
6) 12 Apostles, not 12 Angry Men
Once you get to double figures, the group begins to lose the ability to even make decisions effectively. I mentioned this to someone recently, and they raised the test case of jury sizes – if a group of say 12 (also an even number) is so bad at making decisions, why has it been a key historical unit for judging?
My answer is this:
The point of having 12 people on a jury is not to make quick, effective decisions – but to maximize doubt. If that is your goal, by all means have a 12-person decision-making panel. If not, I would think 12 apostles – great for spreading the word, for going and doing likewise, but not a nimble and accurate decision-making group.
7) Dunbar's Number: 100-230
The final unit size I'd like to consider is the ideal maximum size for a team, or a company. The key element to remember here is that you aren't just herding cattle – you are trying to create highly effective and sustainable networks. The ideal number here is 'Dunbar's number' – that a group shouldn't exceed roughly 150, a number limited by the size of a human's neocortex.
If it feels to you like a healthy community ought to be able to be bigger than this, that's because you're thinking about the wrong number. The question isn't how many people are in the group, but how many relationships exist within the group, and therefore how well integrated it is. This increases exponentially, as below – so 150 people actually means 11,175 effective working relationships to maintain. Ow.
The number is actually supposed to vary a bit with intelligence levels, meaning you can stretch the effective group to about 230 in academic circles for example. Though I personally am yet to see a cohesive unit of 230 academics.
8) The Wisdom of Crowds
Many people have already written brilliantly on this subject, both on 'community crowds' (eg very large groups of programmers working on improvements to open source software) and the intuitive capabilities of 'real crowds' (ie randomly selected, much better at Who Wants to be a Millionaire than your best friend, but occasionally spectacularly wrong.)
My only contribution would be that real crowds are good for research; and community crowds, whilst connected to a larger effort by software platforms, tend to work in practice in ones, or twos, or sometimes, very briefly, in triumvirates.
1. Give well-stimulated individuals the scope to create and craft ideas.
2. Encourage dialectic pairs to improve and substantiate those ideas.
3. Allow threes to get a couple of disruptive new ideas on the table.
4. Give a well-balanced four the mission of bringing the ideas to fruition.
5. Get a group of 7 or a 9 to sift and choose the best ideas.
6. Use the broader group (12, 14, 18…?) to go forth and spread the word.
7. Don't get a team of any larger than 150 to execute anything, ever.
8. Test your solution against the crowd – don't expect them to design it.


text:
Difference between revisions of "Jining (Shandong)"
Revision as of 18:39, 2 April 2012
Jining (济宁; Jìníng) is a city in Shandong.
Jining is a prefecture-level city in southwestern Shandong province. The city has around 200,000 inhabitants and the prefecturate around 8 million. The city is located right to the north of Nanyang Lake (南阳湖; Nányáng Hú) and is today the northernmost city reachable by navigation on the Grand Canal. The birth place of Confucius, Qufu, is in the prefecturate.
Get in
By plane
There is an airport in Jining 28km from the city centre and with quite few flights.
By train
There a six trains each day from Jinan to Jining with a travel duration of 2½-3 hours and costs of ¥14-45. There are two trains each day from Qingdao with a travel duration of around 8 hours and costs of ¥41-120. Also trains from major cities like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Harbin.
Get around
Very good place too eat, there are a lot of places that works 24 hrs a day, with a westn food.
There are 3 MC doanlds
5 Subway 2 Pizza Hut 1 Pizza Pizza 1 Habibi´s
No McDonalds, Subway or Pizza Hutt in Jining. The only fast food restaurants are KFC and Dicos.
Get out

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Kubiuk, Hino Score As Yale Blanks Defending Ivy Champions
PRINCETON, N.J. - Yale women's soccer coach Rudy Meredith knew it would take a complete performance to knock off Princeton in Saturday's Ivy League opener. His team delivered. Mary Kubiuk and Miyuko Hino both scored, and the Bulldogs' defense held the Tigers in check en route to a 2-0 victory at Roberts Stadium.
"Our forwards worked hard and were able to put some pressure on them," Meredith said, "and defensively this was probably one of our best performances in quite a while."
Kubiuk, a freshman who scored the game-winning goal in Tuesday's win over Quinnipiac, got Yale (5-3, 1-0 Ivy) on the board late in the first half when she got behind the defense and knocked in the rebound of a Becky Brown shot. Brown also set up Yale's second goal early in the second half. She sent a ball through to Hino, who broke in alone and beat Princeton goalkeeper Alyssa Pont at 55:43.
The Tigers (2-5-1, 0-1 Ivy) nearly got right back in the game less than a minute after Hino's goal, but Ayana Sumiyasu made an outstanding save to rob Jen Hoy.
"That save really turned the momentum," Meredith said. "If they score, it could have changed the game. I think it helped settle us down and maybe took a little wind out of their sail."
Sumiyasu finished with three saves to post her third shutout of the season. She had plenty of help from defenders Sophia Merrifield, Caitlin Collins, Hannah Smith, Megan Ashforth and Lauren Mathy. All five of Yale's wins this season have come by shutout.
Princeton outshot the Bulldogs 9-6, including 5-2 in the second half, and had a 10-3 edge in corner kicks.
The Tigers shared last year's Ivy League title with Harvard.
The Bulldogs play the Crimson in their next game on Oct. 3. Kickoff is slated for 4:30 p.m. at Reese Stadium.
Report filed by Tim Bennett, Yale Sports Publicity


text:
This Week's Theme: Facial Hair
Last Week's Winner: Yok from Perth Australia, for submitting this Washed Up Stars inspired piece. That's twice now, jeeez. I wonder if we should make up some kind of retirement rules or something?
Next Week's Theme: Jumping
Next Week's Prize: Some awesome prizes which will be announced later in the week
This Week's Prize: Ron English's new book - READ OUR REVIEW
Submission Guidelines for next week:
We had some great entires this week that we couldn't run, either because they weren't sized right or had nothing to do with theme. Just to be clear, when the next theme comes out the old theme is offically over. Please don't send in more submissions for old themes. It makes up feel bad when you send us stuff and we can't post it up so please read the guidlines below:
- The size formatting is max 600 pixels in width OR length- if they
are bigger than this they will not be posted. So if you have a long skinny
please make sure it is not over 600 in length or we will not be able to see it well.
- Name your submission your first and last name. Example: john_doe.jpg
- Include the words "Fecal Face" somewhere in the art so we know you created it (please try not to add it in later with Photoshop).
- One submission per person by Thursday at 2pm PST.
- If you have a website (or two or three) please specify which one you would like me to link in the body of your email. Also, let us know where you're from!
- Send it all to freefridayz (at) fecalface.com.
#1 - Julissa Gillig (Wadsworth, IL)
#2 - Josh Spencer (Sydney, Australia)
#3 - Jeroen Blok
#4 - Pat Bradbury (Hertfordshire, UK)
#5 - Anna Wetzel (Seattle, WA)
#6 - Geoff McManus
#7 - Andy Michelsen (Covina, CA)
#8 - Yok Yokkerismo (Perth, Australia)
#9 - Aaron Dooley (Hollywood, CA)
#10 - David Calistro (Argentina)
#11 - Gabriel Molina
#12 - Poops
#13 - Justin Bhatia (Calgary, Canada)
#14 - Jason Wright (Charlotte, NC)
#15 - Hayden Peake (Melbourne, Australia)
#16 - Matt Marlatt (Canton, OH)
#17 - Quinn Harris
#18 - Polly Dedman (Melbourne, Australia)
#19 - Verena Urrutia (Chile)
#20 - Mike Moreyda
#21 - Bernardo Bittencourt (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil)
#22 - Dmitri Karakostas (Windsor, Ontario)
#23 - Dan Century
#24 - 1V4N5 (Mexicali, Mexico)
#25 - Side Project (Sydney, Australia)
#26 - Rico Strinati (Limerick, Ireland)
#27 - L. Evans (Michigan)
#28 - Won Kim (Chicago, IL)
#29 - Mr. Headup (Spain)
#30 - Alex Nowicki
#31 - The Gorbott (Washington, DC)
#32 - Taylor Crossland (St. Louis, MO)
#33 - Jesse Balmer
#34 - Jonathan LeBlanc (Ontario, Canada)
#35 - Raniel Dantic
#36 - Nathan Ohlrich
#37 - Layla Cavalcante (Brasil, brasilia)
#38 - Jean Matos (Brazil)
*Don't forget next week's theme: Jumping
|< Prev
|Next >


text:
Download key generator for Ashampoo Photo Commander 12.0.5
Enter Ashampoo Photo Commander 12, the ultimate in photo management. Effortlessly browse through large photo collections and remove annoying image defects on the fly. Optimize color and contrast settings and make your photos shine. Get creative and bring your photos to life with professional image effects and surprise your friends with self-made calendars, collages and greeting cards.
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With tonal corrections, gradation curves and RAW support, Ashampoo Photo Commander 12 is ideal for professional use.


text:
|Send News. Want a reply? Read this. More in the FAQ. News Forum - All Forums - Mobile - PDA - RSS Headlines Twitter
A post on the Galactic Civilizations II Forums weighs the pros and cons of a December versus a January release for the Twilight of the Arnor expansion for Stardock's space strategy sequel. This culminates in a poll offering fans the unusual choice of helping decide the release date for the add-on.
Copyright © 1996-2019 Stephen Heaslip. All rights reserved.
All trademarks are properties of their respective owners.
Privacy Policy. Manage Cookie Settings.
News CGI copyright © 1999-2019 James "furn" Furness &
Blue's News.
All rights reserved.
Chatbear v1.4.0/blue++: Page generated 18 January 2019, 13:38.
Chatbear Announcements.


text:
A Developer.com Site
An Eweek.com Site
How do I change the root ftp directory in VSFTPD on Redhat 9.0 to point to the apache web root /var/www/html directory instead? So i can upload all my files automatically to the web root.
Good Grief
The only workaround I could find is just to create a seperate user that has the web root dir as it's home dir. Then in VSFTPD just have it make the root dir the users home dir.
It works but not what i had in mind. This will actually work better having a seperate restricted user account that can be used.
Hey Hey,
Here's what you need to do
1. vi /etc/vsftpd.conf
2. Add the line 'user_config_dir=/etc/vsftpd_user_conf' (no quotes)
3. mkdir /etc/vsftpd_user_conf; cd /etc/vsftpd_user_conf
4. vi <username you want to use>
5. Enter the line 'local_root=/var/www/html'
Now when that user logs in the file /etc/vsftpd_user_conf/<username> will be used to read the users config parameters. (man vsftpd.conf for more info)
IT Blog: .:Computer Defense:.
PnCHd (Pronounced Pinched): Acronym - Point 'n Click Hacked. As in: "That website was pinched" or "The skiddie pinched my computer because I forgot to patch".
Forum Rules
Advertiser Disclosure:
Some of the products that appear on this site are from companies from which QuinStreet receives compensation. This compensation may impact how and where products appear on this site including, for example, the order in which they appear. QuinStreet does not include all companies or all types of products available in the marketplace.


text:
The Right Tire Pressure for a Road Bike
Proper road tire pressure is critical. Set it too high and cornering traction will suffer. Set it too low and you'll be more susceptible to pinch flat punctures. To identify the proper inflation range, look on your tire's sidewall. There you'll find the manufacturer's recommended tire pressure range, which for road tires is usually between 90 and 140psi.
Within that range, you can fine tune your pressure based on surface conditions and the type of riding you plan to do. If you're riding on rougher roads, opt for the lower end of the recommended range to increase traction and smooth out the ride. It's also a good idea to run lower pressure when riding in the rain, as you'll be less likely to slide out in tight corners. On the other hand, if you're riding on smooth, dry roads, push the upper limit of the psi range for lower rolling resistance and increased speed.
If you have any questions about correct road tire pressure, call the Performance Bicycle Spin Doctor product support line at 1-800-553-TECH. Happy riding.


text:
Panasonic is currently the king of plasma TV. So much so, that its LCD screens often get overlooked. Now, though, it's joined the LED market, with a range of TVs from 19-42in. This set, the TXL42D25B, is the biggest in its arsenal.
Is it good enough to challenge the LED lineups of Samsung, Sony et al?
Distinguishing features
The advantages of LED of CCFL are now well-known, and include energy efficiency, thin screens, improved brightness, and wider colour gamuts. But there's more to a good HDTV than how it's lit, and thankfully Panasonic hasn't eschewed other technology.
The TX-L42D25B features the latest version of a technology called In-Plane Switching (IPS). This produces a wider viewing-angle and addresses one of LCD's traditional bugbears.
The TV is also capable of playing a variety of media types, including JPEG photos, MP3 music and DivX/ MPEG/AVC-HD video formats. Multimedia alternatives to USB are present in the form of an SD card slot and networked playback. The latter gives you a choice of any DLNA-compliant media servers that may be on your home network and is one of the brand's Viera Tools.
On top of this is VieraCast, Panasonic's on-line entertainment and information portal. This enables access to on-demand video clips from the likes of Eurosport and YouTube. Skype is also supported, and if you buy Panasonic's optional USB camera, video phoning becomes an option. Networking is wired, although a wireless 'dongle' is available optionally, but I'd prefer to see the function built into the set.
The TX-L42D25B is also one of the UK's only TVs to boast no fewer than three types of TV tuner. One current trend that hasn't made it into the screen, though, is native 3D support. As far as Panasonic is currently concerned, 3D is suited to its plasma panels.
A way with hues
Up and running, the Panasonic's colour reproduction stands out – whether the green grass on a football pitch or the red blood in Ninja Assassin. I viewed both of these in HD – Freeview for the football, and Blu-ray for the movie – but the chromatic capabilities also extend to SD DVDs.
The latter cannot, of course, hope to get close to HD's detail, which is simply sublime, but the screen's upscaling acquits itself well. It's just a pity that none of the TX-L42D25B's armoury of electro-trickery can tame the feathery artefacts that spoil a fair few standard-def digital broadcasts.
Contrast ratios and black levels were commendably good, especially after calibration. Of the picture tweaks on offer, 'intelligent frame creation' had a remarkable effect, especially with 60Hz film-derived video such as Region 1 DVDs. The judder disappears to the extent that the result could almost pass for genuine 1080p24.
The splendid images are let down by a gutless sound system that's suited only to uncritical viewing. For movies and music, add on an audio system via the rear-panel analogue and digital audio outputs.
As a first foray into LED tech goes, the TX-L42D25B impresses – it's definitely the best LCD screen I've yet seen from Panasonic. Well worth auditioning if you're looking for a new 42in set.
Follow TechRadar Reviews on Twitter: http://twitter.com/techradarreview


text:
Antoine Albeau holds the pressure in the 2009 PWA Gran Canaria
- 15 July 2009 | Windsurfing
Antoine Albeau (JP/NeilPryde) managed to hold firm under building pressure today, while competition between the top five has reached an all-time high. Williams and Pritchard battled for second, yet an upset in the final elimination left the door open for the brilliant Cyril Moussilmani (Starboard/North Sails).
New challenges awaited the fleet at Pozo this morning, with a course format that favored the more technical sailor. A six-mark layout shortened the broad reaches and increased the pressure at the gybes, forcing a day of tight and unforgiving racing.
Cracks began to show in Albeau's amour, as the current leader failed to impose himself upon the fleet in the early rounds. However, like a true champion, his great mental attitude stood up to the pressure, and the giant Frenchman dominated the final round, finishing the day with a well-deserved victory.
Finian Maynard (RRD/NeilPryde) started excellently under the new format, winning the day's first elimination and finishing runner up in round two. At times, Maynard looked like the favorite, his tactical sailing and consistent speed giving him an advantage.
However, a cynical run in with a pack of Moussilmani brothers on the final gybe of the semi final led to a very unlucky ending for Maynard. As he found himself in their dirty wind, all three Frenchmen passed him, pushing him out of a qualifying position, and out of the final.
The leader-board changed time and time again as Kevin Pritchard (Starboard/Gaastra/Dakine) and Ross Williams (Tabou/Gaastra) switched places after each round, with only one point separating them at all times. Williams' luck unfortunately ran out when he suffered a crash after clipping his fin on the third buoy. This poor move by Williams handed Pritchard the lead, and pushed the Englishman down to fourth.
Throughout the event Cyril Moussilmani (Starboard/North Sails), has continued to creep up on the leaders, waiting for his chance to strike. In a display of tactical awareness, Moussilmani took his chances, and a series of consistent finishes have led him to a well-deserved third.
Peter Volwater (F2/MauiSails) sailed brilliantly today, backing up a solid performance through the entire event with a win in the opening elimination. Diony Guadagnino (Hot Sails Maui, MFC) impressed everyone with his consistency and speed, whilst Steve Allen, Cedric Bordes (Tabou/Gaastra) and Benny Van Der Steen (Exocet/Simmer Style) all recorded impressive results.
There is a forecast of a swell building soon, and the wave fleet are keen to get back on the water. For now, the racers will have to stay focused as even the smallest mistake can have a dramatic affect on their overall result.
Results (after nine eliminations):
Antoine Albeau
Kevin Pritchard
Cyril Moussilmani
Ross Williams
Men's Single:
1 Phillip Köster
2 Victor Fernandez
3 Jonas Ceballos
4 Dario Ojeda
Women's Single:
1 Daida Ruano Moreno
2 Iballa Ruano Moreno
3 Nayra Alonso
4 Junko Nagoshi


text:
Transform your photos into one-of-a-kind, hand painted masterpieces!
Image Size
The image is near the edges of the product but doesn't cover the entire product. Some of the background color may appear around the outside edges of the image.
Background Color
Our lightweight, microfiber wall tapestries are available in three different sizes and feature incredible artwork to complement any wall space. Each tapestry has hemmed edges for secure hanging with nails and/or thumbtacks.
Care Instructions
Machine wash cold and tumble dry with low heat.
Ships Within
1 - 2 business days
There are no comments for Maple Woods Trail. Click here to post the first comment.
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Carol Ryan
January 19th, 2019
Kimberly Jones
January 15th, 2019
I bought this tapestry for my mother who is in the final stages of lung caner. I wanted to brighten her room and bring her some cheer. I paid extra to have it shipped Next Day Air. We received the package 5 days after ordering. However, I was very diappointed at the taperstry when I opened it. It is very blurry and distorted. The fabric is OKAY somewhat thin, but not terrible. I have ordered many tapestries from another company recently as Christmas gifts for 1/2 the price that are way better quality and very clear and vibrant. I will not order again from Fine Art America....
Maple Woods Trail - A trail in Herry Woods is covered with autumn Maple leaves south of Clarksville Iowa. All Rights Reserved 2016 Bonfire Photography
If you want to know who you are, take 10,000 photographs. Then you will have begun the journey to personal expression. My images are made to look into not at, only by looking into and image can you see it. I shoot a lot in the "fly over states" I like to think of them as drive through states, have a look at what you are missing. Welcome to my website. Photography has become my passion the past six years with a focus towards landscapes. When I look at photography it is more than a picture, it is a historical record of the past, as each image once it records the scene, the scene is already in the past. It is also one man's confirmation of his personal journey in this thing we call life. Beauty Of Nature Forever Inspires Revered...
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If you're not happy with a purchase that you made on FineArtAmerica.com, for any reason, you can return it to us within 30 days of the order date. As soon as it arrives, we'll issue a full refund for the entire purchase price. Please note - Fine Art America does not reimburse the outgoing or return shipping charges unless the return is due to a defect in quality.
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text:
Local Gospel singer to open concert featuring The Needhams
Local Gospel singer and Nashville recording artist Fred Walter will open a concert for The Needhams at the Osakis Public School Auditorium on Thursday, June 15.
Walter's new CD, "Get Ready for a Revival," will be available for the first time.
The concert, featuring Christian music for the whole family, starts at 7 p.m. A free-will offering will be accepted as admission.
Walter grew up in Osakis, went to school in Villard and he was surrounded by music at every turn.
His parents enjoyed southern gospel music and took him to a few concerts when he was a young boy, including one by the Blackwood Brothers, fueling his love for the genre.
Over the years, Walter has sung in nursing homes, assisted living facilities, weddings, funerals and churches, including his home church of New Life Christian Church in Alexandria.


text:
Henderson County
Elementary schools
Monday — Breakfast: Pillsbury mini french toast or cereal with whole grain toast, oranges. Lunch: chicken teriyaki nuggets and roll or mac and cheese and roll, steamed broccoli, garden salad, canned pears.
Tuesday — Breakfast: sausage little or cereal with whole grain toast, grape juice. Lunch: grilled cheese with tomato soup or beef and bean burrito, spicy black beans, Caesar salad, applesauce.
Wednesday — Breakfast: apple frudel or cereal with whole grain toast, pineapple tidbits. Lunch: lasagna or turkey and cheese wrap, garden salad, oven fried okra, 100% fruit juice.
Thursday — Breakfast: egg and cheese on whole grain biscuit or cereal with whole grain toast, banana. Lunch: corn-dog or meatloaf and whole grain roll, baked sweet potatoes, seasoned collard greens, starfruit.
Friday — Breakfast: Pillsbury cinni minis or cereal with whole grain toast, orange juice. Lunch: ham and cheese on kaiser or sunbutter and jelly sandwich, baby carrots, broccoli and dip, strawberry cups.
Middle and high school
Monday — Breakfast: chicken biscuit or mini pancakes, cereal with whole wheat biscuit, cheese grits, diced peaches. Lunch: chicken fajita or cheese quesadilla, lettuce and tomato, black beans, Mexicali corn, mixed fruit, 100% fruit juice.
Tuesday —Breakfast: sausage biscuit, french toast sticks with syrup, yogurt and muffin, fresh oranges, pineapple juice. Lunch: beef lasagna or turkey and cheese on whole wheat bun, Caesar salad, rosemary roasted potatoes, honey glazed carrots, applesauce, fresh fruit.
Wednesday — Breakfast: steak biscuit, pancake on a stick, cereal with whole wheat biscuit, cheese grits, fresh apples, grape juice. Lunch: baked ham with pineapple glaze, homemade whole wheat rolls, sweet potato casserole, green beans, orange wedges, assorted fruit juices, apple cranberry crisp.
Thursday — Breakfast: sausage biscuit and gravy, cinnamon roll, yogurt and muffin, choice of fruit and juice. Lunch: cheeseburger or chicken pot pie with whole wheat biscuit, side salad, baked fries, braised cabbage, sliced peaches, 100% fruit juice.
Friday — Breakfast: egg and cheese biscuit, breakfast burrito, cereal with whole wheat biscuit, fresh bananas. Lunch: chicken rings or Papa John's pizza, sweet potato waffle fries, manager's choice vegetable, manager's choice of fruit and juice.
In addition to the breakfast menu, a choice of cereal, toast, juice and milk will be offered. In middle and high schools, a smoothie entree will be offered. A pre-plated salad or salad bar is offered daily in all schools. In middle and high schools, mega pizza, double cheeseburger or deluxe chicken sandwich is available Monday through Thursday and a large chef salad, a bag lunch, assorted juice, fresh fruit and a variety of milk are available each day. In elementary school, students may also choose from a salad plate or grilled cheese sandwich. Students may choose one entree and two vegetables daily.
Transylvania County
Universal breakfast is free to all students. Lunch is served with a choice of fresh fruit, juice and a variety of milk every day. A salad bar, baked potato and sandwiches are available daily in all schools.
Monday — Breakfast: cereal and grahams. Lunch: pepperoni pizza or chicken fillet, broccoli, veggie beans, pears.
Tuesday — Breakfast: cinna minis. Lunch: barbecue pork or deli turkey, baby carrots, green beans, peaches.
Wednesday — Breakfast: sausage biscuit. Lunch: steak nuggets with roll or stromboli, veggie beans, mixed veggies, applesauce.
Thursday — Breakfast: steak biscuit. Lunch: beef taco with fixings or pork canitas with fixings, spanish rice, veggie beans, corn, strawberries.
Friday — Breakfast: honey bun. Lunch: hot dog with chili or hamburger, sweet potato fries, coleslaw, fruit mix.
Polk County
Skim/low fat milk served with breakfast and lunch. Juice served at breakfast.
Elementary schools, middle and high schools
Monday — Breakfast: breakfast pizza. Lunch: hot dog on wheat bun with chili, potato tots, creamy coleslaw, fresh apple.
Tuesday — Breakfast: egg biscuit. Lunch: whole wheat sub sandwich with lettuce, tomato, pickles, onion, sun chips, seasoned green peas, cherry crisp.
Wednesday — Breakfast: whole grain mini pancakes. Lunch: roast turkey with stuffing, sweet potato souffle, green beans, cranberry sauce, whole grain roll, ice cream.
Thursday — Breakfast: ham biscuit. Half day for studens, no lunch.
Friday — No school for students.
School menus: Dec. 16-20
Henderson County


text:
Lady Dragons open sectional play with rout of Kouts
DeMOTTE — The Argos girls' soccer team got off to a strong sectional start Monday as the defending-champion Lady Dragons claimed a 7-0 rout over Kouts at the Class A Covenant Christian Sectional.
Playing on a field much smaller than last year and controlling the play meant the Kouts' defense was soon packed in the box. The Dragons countered with balls to the wings and crosses. Allie Flower got to the end of a Raelynn LaFrance cross and knocked a half-volley in for an early goal. Katie Williams dribbled to the other wing, cut back, and crossed a ball that found Jami Patterson for a nice header and some breathing room. Patterson scored again on a pass from freshman Valerie Rospopo to make it 3-0 at the break.
"We passed well from the start, and my only complaint was that we missed several chances early," Argos girls soccer coach Jon Alcorn said. "We had three or four opportunities to put it away, and in tourney time, we need to be more efficient. We had some tremendous passing in the second half also, and saw some great things from the younger players."
Freshmen and sophomores combined for two goals and six assists.
Abby Stauffer won a ball on the wing near midfield and hit Kayla Prochno checking into space at the center. The senior took a few dribbles, saw the keeper was off her line, and hit a booming strike from 35-plus yards. The Dragons created two or three one-on-ones with the keeper later but kept missing.
Freshmen Lillie Kozuch and Hannah Harrell got the Dragons going again when Kozuch won a ball at midfield against the run of play, and slipped the ball ahead to Harrell charging into a gap. Kozuch received the ball back as the two combined to cover 40 yards quickly. Entering the penalty area, and with the keeper rushing out, Kozuch laid the ball toward the far post, where Harrell was able to touch it in. A few minutes later, Katie Williams assisted Patterson a second time as the senior completed the hat trick. The final tally of the night found Kozuch assisting another freshman, Valerie Rospopo.
The Dragons, now 10-5-2, play Rensselaer Central, the bye team, on Thursday at 6 p.m. ET.
Kouts finished their inaugural season at 5-7-2.
At Covernant Christian Sectional at DeMotte
A — Allie Flower (Raelynn LaFrance), 8th minute
A — Jami Patterson (Katie Williams), 18th minute
A — Patterson (Valerie Rospopo), 33rd minute
A — Kayla Prochno (Abby Stauffer), 43rd minute
A — Hannah Harrell (Lillie Kozuch), 64th minute
A — Patterson (Williams), 71st minute
A — Rospopo (Kozuch), 76th minute
Shots on Goal: Argos 20, Kouts 1
Saves: Argos 1 (Karlee VanDerWeele), Kouts 13 (Deliyah Garner)
Corners: Argos 6, Kouts 1
Records: Argos 10-5-2, Kouts 5-7-2


text:
18‑Port Fast Ethernet PoE Switch with 2 Gigabit Uplink Ports
DES‑1018MP (Max PoE)
- Product Status: Live
The D-Link DES-1018MP 18-Port Fast Ethernet PoE Switches with 2 Gigabit Uplink Ports enables users to easily connect and supply power to PoE-capable devices such as wireless access points (APs), network cameras and IP phones. They can also connect other Ethernet devices like computers, printers and network attached storage (NAS) to fit into any type of network application.
List Retailers
18-Port Fast Ethernet PoE Switch with 2 Gigabit Uplink Ports
The D-Link DES-1018MP 18-Port Fast Ethernet PoE Switches with 2 Gigabit Uplink Ports enables users to easily connect and supply power to PoE-capable devices such as wireless access points (APs), network cameras and IP phones.
The DES-1018MP can also connect other Ethernet devices like computers, printers and network attached storage (NAS) to fit into any type of network application.
Product Highlights
Allows for flexible installation for wireless access points or network video cameras
Connect wireless access points, network cameras or IP phones with a single Ethernet cable, providing both power and network connectivity
Full 15.4W PoE power on every PoE port
With maximum power budget of 246.4W, DES-1018MP can support full 15.4W on every PoE port
Enhanced surge protection on all PoE ports
This protects the switch especially when supplying power to outdoor PoE-capable devices
16 Fast Ethernet PoE Ports and 2 Gigabit uplink ports
Provides redundant, wired speed connection for reliable networking
Power Over Ethernet IEEE 802.3af
The DES-1018MP features 16 ports that support the IEEE 802.3af PoE protocol. Each of the PoE ports can supply up to 15.4 watts, with a total PoE budget of 246.4 watts (DES-1018MP), allowing users to attach an IEEE 802.3af-compliant device to the DES-1018MP without requiring additional power.
With max PoE power support, the DES-1018MP ensures that adequate power is supplied to the most power demanding PoE devices, even when all 16 PoE ports are used. PoE is especially suitable for devices that are far from power outlets or when users want to minimise the clutter of extra cables as power is supplied via the Ethernet cables themselves.
Expand Your Network
The addition of 2 Gigabit combo uplink ports means businesses can increase their network bandwidth via wired speed while offering redundancy so voice and surveillance data are transferred reliably. The combo design can increase bandwidth by offering two Gigabit copper or fibre connections, giving administrators more options for expansion.
Cut Your Energy Costs
To help small businesses save on operating costs, the DES-1018MP supports IEEE 802.3az Energy Efficient Ethernet (EEE). This feature senses network traffic to automatically put ports that are not being used to sleep and also powers them on as required. The DES-1018MP also features a smart fan that automatically adjusts itself to reduce power consumption and noise whenever possible to conserve energy, so users can reinvest the cost-savings back into their business.2
Hassle-Free Setup
The DES-1018MP is a plug and play device that requires no configuration, so setup is simple and hassle-free. Simply connect the switch to a network to connect multiple computers, share files and make VoIP calls. Support for Auto MDI/MDI-X on all ports eliminates the need for crossover cables when connecting to another switch or hub.
Auto-Negotiation on each port senses the link speed of a network device (either 10 or 100) and intelligently adjusts for compatibility and optimal performance. Combining the convenience of PoE, fast performance, reliability, and ease of use, the 18-Port Fast Ethernet PoE Switch with 2 Gigabit Uplink Ports is the ideal choice for adding PoE devices to a network.
2. Energy savings from IEEE 802.3az Energy Efficient Ethernet (EEE) are dependent on actual usage scenarios.
Functions & Features
Versatile Connectivity
- DES-1018MP - 16 x 10/100 Mbps PoE ports
- 2 x Gigabit combo uplink ports
- 2 kV surge protection for PoE ports1
- IEEE 802.3x flow control
Easy Setup
- Plug and play installation
- Auto MDI/MDIX crossover for all ports
Green Features
- IEEE 802.3az Energy Efficient Ethernet
- Smart fan (DES-1018MP only)
- RoHS compliant
Technical Specifications
Device Interfaces
- 16 10/100 Mbps PoE ports
- 2 x 10/100/1000BASE-T/SFP combo ports
- IEEE 802.3 10BASE-T Ethernet (twisted-pair copper)
- ANSI/IEEE 802.3 NWay auto-negotiation
- IEEE 802.3x flow control
- IEEE 802.3x Flow Control
- IEEE 802.3az Energy-Efficient Ethernet (EEE)
Switching Fabric
- 1.6 Gbps switching fabric
64 Byte Max. Forwarding Rate
- 5.36 Mpps
Transmission Method
- Store-and-forward
MAC Address Table
- 8k
Packet Buffer
- 384 Kbytes
Media Interface Exchange
- Auto MDI/MDIX adjustment for all ports
LED Indicators
- Per unit: Power
- Per port: Activity / Link and Speed
- Per PoE port: Power fail, Power OK
- 1 smart fan
PoE Standard
- IEEE 802.3af
PoE Ports
- Ports 1~16 up to 15.4 W per port
PoE Power Budget
- 246.4 watts
Surge Protection
- Ports 1~16 up to 2 kV
- 280 x 210 x 44 mm (11" x 8.3" x 1.7")
- 2.15 kg (4.74 lbs)
- Internal AC input: 100 ~ 240 VAC, 50~60 Hz
Power Consumption
- Maximum Power Consumption: 301.6 watts (PoE on), 15.6 watts (PoE off)
- Standby Power Consumption: 9.3 W/100 V, 10.5 W/240 V
- Operating: 0 to 40 ˚C (32 to 104 ˚F)
- Storage: -40 to 70 ˚C (-40 to 158 ˚F)
- Operating: 0% to 95% RH non-condensing
- Storage: 0% to 95% RH non-condensing
- 361,802 hours
Heat Dissipation
- 1029.5 BTU/h
- FCC Class A
- RoHS
- C-Tick
- cUL
2. Energy savings from IEEE 802.3az Energy Efficient Ethernet (EEE) are dependent on actual usage scenarios.


text:
|Provisional Irish Republican Army
(Óglaigh na hÉireann)
|Participant in the Troubles
Masked Provisional IRA volunteers at a rally in August 1979
|1969–1997 (formal end to the armed campaign was declared in 2005)
|IRA Army Council
|~10,000 over 30 years, ~1,000 in 2002, of which ~300 in active service units[1]
|Originated as
|Irish Republican Army
|British Army, RUC[2][3][4]
The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) is an Irish republican paramilitary organisation whose aim was to remove Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom and bring about a united Ireland by force of arms and political persuasion.[5] It emerged out of the December 1969 split of the Irish Republican Army due to differences over ideology and over how to respond to violence against the nationalist community. This violence had followed the community's demands for civil rights in 1968 and 1969, which met with resistance from the unionist community and from the authorities, and culminated in the 1969 Northern Ireland riots.[6] The IRA conducted an armed campaign, primarily in Northern Ireland but also in England, over the course of which is believed to have been responsible for the deaths of approximately 1,800 people. The dead included around 1,100 members of the British security forces, and about 630 civilians.[7][8] The IRA itself lost 275 – 300 members,[9] of an estimated 10,000 total over the thirty-year period.[1] The Provisional Irish Republican Army is also referred to as the PIRA, the Provos, or by its supporters as the Army or the 'RA;[10] its constitution establishes it as Óglaigh na hÉireann ("The Irish Volunteers") in the Irish language.[11]
The IRA's initial strategy was to use force to cause the collapse of the Northern Ireland administration and to inflict enough casualties on the British forces that the British government be forced by public opinion to withdraw from Ireland.[12] This policy involved recruitment of volunteers, increasing after Bloody Sunday, and launching attacks against British military and economic targets.[13][14] The campaign was supported by arms and funding from Libya[15] and from some groups in the United States.[16][17] The IRA agreed to a ceasefire in February 1975, which lasted nearly a year[18] before the IRA concluded that the British were drawing them into politics without offering any guarantees in relation to the IRA's goals, and hopes of a quick victory receded.[19] As a result, the IRA launched a new strategy known as "the Long War". This saw them conduct a war of attrition against the British and increase emphasis on political activity, via Sinn Féin.[20]
The success of the 1981 Irish hunger strike in mobilising support and winning elections led to the Armalite and ballot box strategy with more time and resources devoted to political activity. The abortive attempt at an escalation of the military part of that strategy led republican leaders increasingly to look for a political compromise to end the conflict, with a broadening dissociation of Sinn Féin from the IRA. Following negotiations with the SDLP and secret talks with British civil servants, the IRA ultimately called a ceasefire in 1994 on the understanding that Sinn Féin would be included in political talks for a settlement.[citation needed] When this did not happen, the IRA called off its ceasefire from February 1996 until July 1997, carrying out several bombing and shooting attacks. These included the Docklands bombing and the Manchester bombing, which together caused around £500 million in damage.[21][22] After the ceasefire was reinstated, Sinn Féin was admitted into all-party talks, which produced the Belfast Agreement of 1998.
On 28 July 2005, the IRA Army Council announced an end to its armed campaign, stating that it would work to achieve its aims using "purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means",[23] and shortly afterwards completed decommissioning. In September 2008, the nineteenth report of the Independent Monitoring Commission stated that the IRA was "committed to the political path" and no longer represented "a threat to peace or to democratic politics", and that the IRA's Army Council was "no longer operational or functional".[24][25] The organisation remains classified as a proscribed terrorist group in the UK and as an illegal organisation in the Republic of Ireland.[26][27] Two small groups split from the Provisional IRA, first in 1986 (Continuity IRA) and then in 1997 (Real IRA). Both reject the Belfast Agreement and continue to engage in violence.
In August 1969, a confrontation between nationalists and police in Derry following an Apprentice Boys of Derry march led to the Battle of the Bogside – three days of heavy fighting between rioters throwing stones and petrol bombs and police who saturated the area with CS gas. Fighting spread beyond Derry over the following days. Burning, damage or intimidation by loyalists forced 1,505 Catholics from their homes in Belfast in the Northern Ireland riots of August 1969, with over 200 Catholic homes being destroyed or requiring major repairs.[6] The Irish Republican Army (IRA) had been poorly armed and unable to adequately defend the Catholic community, which had been considered its traditional rôle since the 1920s.[28] Veteran republicans were critical of the IRA's Dublin leadership which, for political reasons, had refused to prepare for aggressive action in advance of the violence.[29][30] On 24 August Joe Cahill, Seamus Twomey, Dáithí Ó Conaill, Billy McKee and several other future Provisional leaders came together in Belfast intending to remove the Belfast leadership and turn back to traditional republicanism.[31] Although the pro-Goulding commander Billy McMillen stayed in command, he was told it was only for three months and he was not to have any communication with the IRA's Dublin based leadership.[31]
Traditional republicans formed the "Provisional" Army Council in December 1969, after an IRA Convention voted to change the IRA's constitution to recognise the Parliaments of Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom.[32][33] Opponents of this change argued strongly against this move, and when the vote took place, Seán Mac Stíofáin, present as IRA Director of Intelligence, announced that he no longer considered that the IRA leadership represented republican goals.[34] However, there was not a walkout. Those opposed, who included Mac Stíofáin and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, refused to go forward for election to the new IRA Executive.[35]
While others canvassed support throughout Ireland, Mac Stíofáin was a key person making a connection with the Belfast IRA under Billy McKee and Joe Cahill, who had refused to take orders from the IRA's Dublin leadership since September 1969, in protest at their failure to defend Catholic areas in August.[36][37] Nine out of thirteen IRA units in Belfast sided with the Provisionals in December 1969, roughly 120 activists and 500 supporters.[38] The first "Provisional" Army Council was composed of Seán Mac Stíofáin, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Paddy Mulcahy, Sean Tracey, Leo Martin, and Joe Cahill,[39] and issued their first public statment on 28 December 1969, stating:
We declare our allegiance to the thirty-two county Irish republic, proclaimed at Easter 1916, established by the first Dáil Éireann in 1919, overthrown by forces of arms in 1922 and suppressed to this day by the existing British-imposed six-county and twenty-six-county partition states.[40]
The Sinn Féin party split along the same lines on 11 January 1970, when a third of the delegates walked out of the Ard Fheis in protest at the party leadership's attempt to force through the ending of the abstentionist policy, despite its failure to achieve a two-thirds majority vote of delegates required to change the policy.[41] Despite the declared support of that faction of Sinn Féin, the early Provisional IRA was extremely suspicious of political activity, arguing rather for the primacy of armed struggle.[42]
There are allegations that the early Provisional IRA received arms and funding from the Fianna Fáil-led Irish government in 1969, resulting in the Arms trial. Roughly £100,000 was donated by the Irish government to "Defence Committees" in Catholic areas and, according to historian Richard English, "there is now no doubt that some money did go from the Dublin government to the proto-Provisionals".[43]
The Provisionals maintained the principles of the pre-1969 IRA, considering British rule in Northern Ireland and the government of the Republic of Ireland to be illegitimate and that the IRA's Army Council was the legitimate government of the all-island Irish Republic. This belief was based on a complicated series of perceived political inheritances which constructed a legal continuity from the Second Dáil. Most of these abstentionist principles were abandoned in 1986, although Sinn Féin still refuses to take its seats in the Parliament of the United Kingdom.[44][45]
The Provisionals inherited most of the existing IRA organisation in the north by 1971 and the more militant IRA members in the rest of Ireland. In addition, they recruited many young nationalists from the north, who had not been involved in the IRA before, but had been radicalised by the communal violence that broke out in 1969. These people were known in republican parlance as "sixty niners", having joined after 1969.[46]
The IRA is organised hierarchically. At the top of the organisation is the IRA Army Council, headed by the IRA Chief of Staff.
All levels of the IRA are entitled to send delegates to IRA General Army Conventions (GACs). The GAC is the IRA's supreme decision-making authority. Before 1969, GACs met regularly. Since 1969, there have only been two, in 1970 and 1986, owing to the difficulty in organising such a large gathering of an illegal organisation in secret.[47][48]
The GAC in turn elects a 12-member IRA Executive, which selects seven volunteers to form the IRA Army Council.[47] For day-to-day purposes, authority is vested in the Army Council which, as well as directing policy and taking major tactical decisions, appoints a Chief of Staff from one of its number or, less commonly, from outside its ranks.[49]
The chief of staff then appoints an adjutant general as well as a General Headquarters (GHQ), which consists of a number of individual departments. These departments are:
At a regional level, the IRA is divided into a Northern Command, which operates in the nine Ulster counties as well as County Leitrim and County Louth, and a Southern Command, operating in the rest of Ireland. The Provisional IRA was originally commanded by a leadership based in Dublin. However, in 1977, parallel to the introduction of cell structures at local level, command of the "war-zone" was given to the Northern Command. According to Ed Moloney, these moves at reorganisation were the idea of Ivor Bell, Gerry Adams and Brian Keenan.[50]
The IRA refers to its ordinary members as volunteers (or óglaigh in Irish). Up until the late 1970s, IRA volunteers were organised in units based on conventional military structures. Volunteers living in one area formed a company as part of a battalion, which could be part of a brigade, although many battalions were not attached to a brigade.
For most of its existence, the IRA had five Brigade areas within what it referred to as the "war-zone". These Brigades were located in Armagh, Belfast, Derry, Donegal and Tyrone/Monaghan.[51] The Belfast Brigade had three battalions, respectively in the west, north and east of the city. In the early years of the Troubles, the IRA in Belfast expanded rapidly. In August 1969, the Belfast Brigade had just 50 active members. By the end of 1971, it had 1,200 members, giving it a large but loosely controlled structure.[52] Derry city had one battalion and the South Derry Brigade. The Derry Battalion became the Derry Brigade in 1972 after a rapid increase in membership following Bloody Sunday when British paratroopers killed 13 unarmed demonstrators at a civil rights march.[53] County Armagh had three battalions, two very active ones in South Armagh and a less active unit in North Armagh. For this reason the Armagh IRA unit is often referred to as the South Armagh Brigade. Similarly, the Tyrone/Monaghan Brigade, which operated from around the Border of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, is often called the East Tyrone Brigade. Fermanagh, South Down and North Antrim had units not attached to Brigades.[54] The leadership structure at battalion and company level was the same: each had its own commanding officer, quartermaster, explosives officer and intelligence officer. There was sometimes a training officer or finance officer.
In 1977, the IRA moved away from the larger conventional military organisational principle owing to its perceived security vulnerability. A system of two parallel types of unit within an IRA brigade was introduced in place of the battalion structures. Firstly, the old "company" structures were used for tasks such as "policing" nationalist areas, intelligence gathering, and hiding weapons. These were essential support activities. However, the bulk of actual attacks were the responsibility of a second type of unit, the active service unit (ASU). To improve security and operational capacity, these ASUs were smaller, tight-knit cells, usually consisting of five to eight members. The ASU's weapons were controlled by a quartermaster under the direct control of the IRA leadership.[55] By the late 1980s and early 1990s, it was estimated that the IRA had roughly 300 members in ASUs and about another 450 serving in supporting roles.[54]
The exception to this reorganisation was the South Armagh Brigade, which retained its traditional hierarchy and battalion structure and used relatively large numbers of volunteers in its actions.[56]
The IRA's Southern Command, located in the Republic of Ireland, consists of a Dublin Brigade and a number of smaller units in rural areas. These were charged mainly with the importation and storage of arms for the Northern units and with raising finances through robberies and other means.[57] They also maintained a sizable presence in North Kerry, where many training camps were based.[citation needed]
Following the violence of August 1969, the IRA began to arm and train to protect nationalist areas from further attack.[58] After the split, the Provisional IRA began planning for an "all-out offensive action against the British occupation".[59]
The Official IRA were opposed to such a campaign because they felt it would lead to sectarian conflict, which would defeat their strategy of uniting the workers from both sides of the sectarian divide. The IRA Border Campaign in the 1950s had avoided actions in urban centres of Northern Ireland to avoid civilian casualties and resulting sectarian violence.[60] The Provisional IRA, by contrast, was primarily an urban organisation, based originally in Belfast and Derry.
The Provisional IRA's strategy was to use force to cause the collapse of the Northern Ireland administration and to inflict casualties on the British forces such that the British government be forced by public opinion to withdraw from Ireland. According to journalist Brendan O'Brien, "the thinking was that the war would be short and successful. Chief of Staff Seán Mac Stíofáin decided they would 'escalate, escalate and escalate' until the British agreed to go".[12] This policy involved recruitment of volunteers and carrying out attacks on British forces, as well as mounting a bombing campaign against economic targets. In the early years of the conflict, IRA slogans spoke of, "Victory 1972" and then "Victory 1974".[13] Its inspiration was the success of the "Old IRA" in the Irish War of Independence (1919–1922). In their assessment of the IRA campaign, the British Army would describe these years, 1970–72, as the "insurgency phase".[61]
The British government held secret talks with the IRA leadership in 1972 to try and secure a ceasefire based on a compromise settlement within Northern Ireland after the events of Bloody Sunday when IRA recruitment and support increased. The IRA agreed to a temporary ceasefire from 26 June to 9 July. In July 1972, IRA leaders Seán Mac Stíofáin, Dáithí Ó Conaill, Ivor Bell, Seamus Twomey, Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness met a British delegation led by William Whitelaw. The IRA leaders refused to consider a peace settlement that did not include a commitment to British withdrawal, a retreat of the British Army to its barracks, and a release of republican prisoners. The British refused and the talks broke up.[62]
The Provisionals' goal in this period was the abolition of both the Northern Ireland and Republic of Ireland states and their replacement with a new all-Ireland federal republic, with decentralised governments and parliaments for each of the four Irish historic provinces. This programme was known as Éire Nua (New Ireland). The Éire Nua programme remained policy until discontinued by the Provisionals under the leadership of Gerry Adams in the early 1980s in favour of the pursuit of a new unitary all-Ireland Republic.[citation needed]
By the mid 1970s, the hopes of the IRA leadership for a quick military victory were receding. The British military was unsure of when it would see any substantial success against the IRA. Secret meetings between Provisional IRA leaders Ruairí Ó Brádaigh and Billy McKee with British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Merlyn Rees secured an IRA ceasefire which began in February 1975. The IRA initially believed that this was the start of a long-term process of British withdrawal, but later came to the conclusion that Rees was trying to bring them into peaceful politics without offering them any guarantees.[19] Critics of the IRA leadership, most notably Gerry Adams, felt that the ceasefire was disastrous for the IRA, leading to infiltration by British informers, the arrest of many activists and a breakdown in IRA discipline resulting in sectarian killings and a feud with fellow republicans in the Official IRA. The ceasefire broke down in January 1976.[18]
Thereafter, the IRA, under the leadership of Adams and his supporters, evolved a new strategy termed the "Long War", which underpinned IRA strategy for the rest of the Troubles. It involved a re-organisation of the IRA into small cells, an acceptance that their campaign would last many years before being successful and an increased emphasis on political activity through the Sinn Féin party. A republican document of the early 1980s states, "Both Sinn Féin and the IRA play different but converging roles in the war of national liberation. The Irish Republican Army wages an armed campaign... Sinn Féin maintains the propaganda war and is the public and political voice of the movement".[63] The 1977 edition of the Green Book, an induction and training manual used by the Provisionals, describes the strategy of the "Long War" in these terms:
Confidential documents released on 30 December 2008 from the British state archives show that the IRA leadership proposed a ceasefire and peace talks to the British government in 1978. The British refused the offer. Prime Minister James Callaghan decided that there should be "positive rejection" of the approach on the basis that the republicans were not serious and "see their campaign as a long haul". Irish State documents from the same period say that the IRA had made a similar offer to the British the previous year. An Irish Defence Forces document, dated 15 February 1977, states that "It is now known that feelers were sent out at Christmas by the top PIRA leadership to interest the British authorities in another long ceasefire."[65]
IRA prisoners convicted after March 1976 did not have Special Category Status applied in prison. In response, over 500 prisoners refused to wash or wear prison clothes (see Dirty protest and Blanket protest). This activity culminated in the 1981 Irish hunger strike, when seven IRA and three Irish National Liberation Army members starved themselves to death in pursuit of political status. The hunger strike leader Bobby Sands and Anti H-Block activist Owen Carron were elected to the British Parliament, and two other protesting prisoners were elected to the Irish Dáil. In addition, there were work stoppages and large demonstrations all over Ireland in sympathy with the hunger strikers. Over 100,000 people attended the funeral of Sands, the first hunger striker to die.[66]
After the success of IRA hunger strikers in mobilising support and winning elections on an Anti H-Block platform in 1981, republicans increasingly devoted time and resources to electoral politics, through the Sinn Féin party. Danny Morrison summed up this policy at a 1981 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (annual meeting) as a "ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other".[67] (See Armalite and ballot box strategy)
In the 1980s, the IRA made an attempt to escalate the conflict with the so called "Tet Offensive". When this did not prove successful, republican leaders increasingly looked for a political compromise to end the conflict. Gerry Adams entered talks with John Hume, the leader of the moderate nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and secret talks were also conducted with British civil servants. Thereafter, Adams increasingly tried to disassociate Sinn Féin from the IRA, claiming they were separate organisations and refusing to speak on behalf of the IRA.[68] Within the Republican Movement (the IRA and Sinn Féin), the new strategy was described by the acronym "TUAS", meaning either "Tactical Use of Armed Struggle" or "Totally Unarmed Strategy".[69]
The IRA ultimately called an ceasefire in 1994 on the understanding that Sinn Féin would be included in political talks for a settlement. When this did not happen, the IRA called off its ceasefire from February 1996 until July 1997, carrying out several bombing and shooting attacks. The bombings caused severe economic damage, with the Manchester bombing and the Docklands bombing causing approximately £500 million in combined damage. After its ceasefire was reinstated, Sinn Féin was re-admitted into the "peace process", which produced the Belfast Agreement of 1998.
In the early days of the Troubles the Provisional IRA was very poorly armed, but starting in the early 1970s it procured large amounts of modern weaponry from such sources as supporters in the United States, Libyan leader Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi,[18] and arms dealers in Europe, America, the Middle East and elsewhere.
In the first years of the conflict, the IRA's main activities were providing firepower to support nationalist rioters and defending nationalist areas from attacks. The IRA gained much of its support from these activities, as they were widely perceived within the nationalist community as being defenders of Irish nationalist and Roman Catholic people against aggression.[70]
From 1971–1994, the IRA launched a sustained offensive armed campaign that mainly targeted the British Army, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), and economic targets in Northern Ireland. The first half of the 1970s was the most intense period of the IRA campaign.[citation needed] In addition, IRA units carried out sectarian killings such as the Kingsmill massacre of 1976, which in itself was a retaliation for the Reavey and O'Dowd killings the previous day, when the loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force killed six Catholic civilians.[71]
The IRA was chiefly active in Northern Ireland, although it took its campaign to England. The IRA also targeted certain British government officials, politicians, judges, establishment figures, British Army and police officers in England, and in other areas such as the Republic of Ireland, West Germany and the Netherlands. By the early 1990s, the bulk of the IRA activity was carried out by the South Armagh Brigade, well known through its sniping operations and attacks on British Army helicopters. The bombing campaign principally targeted political, economic and military targets, and approximately 60 civilians were killed by the IRA in England during the conflict.[72] It has been argued that this bombing campaign helped convince the British government (who had hoped to contain the conflict to Northern Ireland with its Ulsterisation policy) to negotiate with Sinn Féin after the IRA ceasefires of August 1994 and July 1997.[citation needed]
On 31 August 1994, the Provisional IRA declared an indefinite ceasefire. However, from December 1995 until July 1997, the Provisional IRA called off its 1994 ceasefire because of its dissatisfaction with the state of negotiations. They re-instated the ceasefire in July 1997, and it has been in operation since then.[73]
The Provisional IRA decommissioned all of its arms between July and September 2005. The decommissioning of its weaponry was supervised by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD). Among the weaponry estimated, (by Jane's Information Group), to have been destroyed as part of this process were:
Having compared the weapons destroyed with the British security forces estimate the IRA weaponry, and due to the IRA's full involvement in the process of destroying the weapons, the IICD arrived at their conclusion that all Provisional IRA weaponry has been destroyed.[75] Since the process of decommissioning was completed, unnamed sources in MI5 and the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) have reported to the press that not all IRA arms were destroyed during the process. This claim remains unsubstantiated so far.[76] In its report dated April 2006 the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC) points out that it has no reason to disbelieve the IRA or information to suspect that the group has not fully decommissioned. Rather, it indicated that any weaponry that had not been handed in had been retained by individuals outside the IRA's control.[77]
Apart from its armed campaign, the IRA has also been involved in many other activities.
As with other paramilitary groups and similar organisations, the IRA and its members have allegedly been involved in many other activities, including racketeering, bank robbery, fuel laundering, and kidnapping.[78][79][80] While this has been primarily to raise funds for the republican cause, it has also been suggested that some funds went directly to volunteers for personal gain.[81]
In 2004, £26.5m was stolen from the Northern Bank's vaults in Belfast city centre. The British and Irish governments agreed with the Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland's report blaming the robbery on the IRA. On 18 January 2005, the IRA issued a two-line statement denying any involvement in the robbery: "The IRA has been accused of involvement in the recent Northern Bank robbery. We were not involved".[82] In February 2005, the Independent Monitoring Commission's Fourth Report stated their belief that the robbery was carried out with the prior knowledge and authorisation of the IRA's leadership.[83] Commentators including Suzanne Breen have stated that the IRA was the only organisation capable of carrying out the raid.[84] In May 2009, two men were arrested in Cork, and charged with IRA membership and offences relating to the robbery.[85]
According to several sources, the organisation has also been involved in the Irish drugs trade. A 1999 Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering report by John Horgan and Max Taylor cited Royal Ulster Constabulary reports, alleging that this involves the "licencing" of drug operations to criminal gangs and the payment of protection money, rather than direct involvement.[86][87][88] The IRA has consistantly denied involvement in the drugs trade, and has taken action against dealers in the past.
According to Horgan and Taylor's report, the IRA are also involved in several legitimate businesses including taxi firms, construction, restaurants and pubs. The IRA have also been involved in racketeering, which involves the extortion of money from legitimate businesses for "protection".[89]
Speaking at the party's 2005 Ard Fheis, Gerry Adams stated that "'There is no place in republicanism for anyone involved in criminality". However, he went on to say "we refuse to criminalize those who break the law in pursuit of legitimate political objectives".[90]
The IRA saw itself as the police force of nationalist areas of Northern Ireland during the Troubles instead of the RUC.[citation needed] There were a number of reasons for this. In many Nationalist areas of Northern Ireland, the RUC and British Army, as a result of their conduct and perceived involvement in oppression and violence against Nationalists, were considered biased and untrustworthy, and so were not welcome.[91] Also, the RUC and other forces of the authorities were, in some instances, reluctant to enter or patrol certain Nationalist areas unless it was in armoured Land Rovers and in convoy.[citation needed] Police stations were also heavily armoured because of persistent attacks from the IRA. This gave them the appearance of being fortresses. Therefore, the community would turn to the IRA first to deal with troublemakers or those practising what came to be called "anti-social behaviour".[92] In efforts to stamp out "anti-social behaviour" and alleged instances of drug dealing reported to or noticed by the organisation, the IRA killed or otherwise attacked suspected drug dealers and other suspected criminals. These attacks varied in severity and depended on various factors. In the first instance, the IRA may serve a caution on the perceived offender, with further transgressions escalated to an attack known as a "punishment beating". Shooting the offender was seen as a last resort. The process which the IRA went through to determine an offenders "guilt" or "innocence" was never open to debate or scrutiny. The IRA also engaged in attacks which broke the bones of alleged offenders, or involved shooting through the hands, or knees for persistent offenders of activities such as joyriding or drug dealing. In certain cases, for persistent offenders the IRA would serve a notice for the individual to leave the country, this was known as being "put out" of the community/country, and the clear message given to individuals served with these notices was that if they returned to the community/country they would be killed. This practice was frequently criticised by all sections of the political establishment in Northern Ireland as "summary justice".
In an effort to stamp out what the IRA termed "collaboration with British forces" and "informing", they killed a number of Catholic civilians, such as Joseph Fenton. Purges against these individuals, whom the IRA considered traitors to their own community and to the cause of nationalism, were most prevalent when the IRA found itself persistently vulnerable to infiltration. Investigations into informers and infiltration are suspected to have been dealt with by an IRA unit called the Internal Security Unit (ISU), known colloquially as the "Nutting Squad". This unit is said to be directly attached to IRA GHQ. Where a confession was solicited, the victim was often exiled or executed with a bullet in the back of the head. The body was either buried or, later in the IRA campaign, left in a public place, often in South Armagh.
One particular example of the killing of a person deemed by the IRA to have been an informer that is the source of continuing controversy is that of Jean McConville from Belfast, who was killed by the IRA. Ed Moloney and IRA sources continue to claim she was an informer despite the Police Ombudsman recently stating that this was not the case. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) have described the killing as a "war crime". Her family contend that she was killed as a punishment for aiding a dying British soldier in West Belfast.
In March 2007, Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan announced that there would be an inquiry into claims of collusion between IRA members and the British security forces.[93]
The IRA has also feuded with other republican paramilitary groups such as the Official IRA in the 1970s and the Irish People's Liberation Organisation in the 1990s.
Leading Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA) member Joseph O'Connor was shot dead in Ballymurphy, west Belfast on 11 October 2000. Claims have been made by O'Connor's family and people associated with the RIRA that he was killed by the IRA as the result of a feud between the organisations.[94] but Sinn Féin denied the claims.[95] No-one has been charged with his killing.
This is a summary. For a detailed breakdown of casualties caused by and inflicted on the IRA see Provisional IRA campaign 1969-1997#Casualties
The IRA was responsible for more deaths than any other group during the Troubles.[96] Members of the IRA, however, have frequently disputed that the forces ranged in opposition to the IRA throughout "the Troubles" represent separate, distinct "organisations". In the republican analysis of the conflict, organisations like the UDR, British Army, the UVF, and the UDA represent an alliance of state and paramilitary forces, making a tally of this type nonsensical as it does not represent the nature of the conflict in their view.[97]
Two very detailed studies of deaths in the Troubles, the CAIN project at the University of Ulster, and Lost Lives,[98] differ slightly on the numbers killed by the Provisional IRA, but a rough synthesis gives a figure of 1,800 deaths. Of these, roughly 1,100 were members of the security forces: British Army, Royal Ulster Constabulary and Ulster Defence Regiment; between 600 and 650 were civilians and the remainder were either loyalist or republican paramilitaries (including over 100 IRA members accidentally killed by their own bombs).
The IRA lost a little under 300 members killed in the Troubles.[99] In addition, roughly 50–60 members of Sinn Féin were killed.[100] Far more common than the killing of IRA volunteers, however, was their imprisonment. Journalists Eamonn Mallie and Patrick Bishop estimate in their book The Provisional IRA that roughly 8,000 people passed through the ranks of the IRA in the first 20 years of its existence, many of them leaving after arrest, "retirement" or "disillusionment". They give 10,000 as the total number of past and present IRA members at that time.[101]
The IRA is a proscribed organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000.[26] In Northern Ireland, the IRA are referred to as terrorists by the Ulster Unionist Party, the Democratic Unionist Party, and the Progressive Unionist Party. Members of the IRA are tried in the Republic of Ireland in the Special Criminal Court. On the island of Ireland, the largest political party to state that the IRA is not a terrorist organisation is Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin is widely regarded as the political wing of the IRA, but the party insists that the two organisations are separate. Peter Mandelson, a former Northern Ireland Secretary (a member of the British cabinet with responsibility for Northern Ireland) contrasted the post-1997 activities of the IRA with those of Al-Qaeda, describing the latter as "terrorists" and the former as "freedom fighters" (though Mandelson subsequently denied this sentiment).[102] The IRA prefer the terms freedom fighter, soldier, or volunteer.[103][104][105]
The IRA described its actions throughout "The Troubles" as a military campaign waged against the British Army, the RUC, other security forces, judiciary, loyalist politicians and loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland, England and Europe. The IRA considers these groups to be all part of the same apparatus.[106] As noted above, the IRA seeks to draw a direct descendancy from the original IRA and those who engaged in the Irish War of Independence. The IRA sees the previous conflict as a guerrilla war which accomplished some of its aims, with some remaining "unfinished business".[107] The IRA considers its members guerrillas fighting a war.
A process called "Criminalisation" was begun in the mid 1970s as part of a British strategy of "Criminalisation, Ulsterisation, and Normalisation". The policy was outlined in a 1975 British strategy paper titled "The Way Ahead", which was not published but was referred to by Labour's first Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees, and came to be the dominant British political theme in the conflict as it raged into the 1980s.[citation needed]
Another categorisation avoids the terms "guerrilla" or "terrorist" but does view the conflict in military terms. The phrase originated with the British military strategist Frank Kitson who was active in Northern Ireland during the early 1970s. In Kitson's view, the violence of the IRA represented an "insurrection" situation, with the enveloping atmosphere of belligerence representing a "low intensity conflict" — a conflict where the forces involved in fighting operate at a greatly reduced tempo, with fewer combatants, at a reduced range of tactical equipment and limited scope to operate in a military manner.[citation needed]
Membership of the IRA remains illegal in both the UK and the Republic of Ireland, but IRA prisoners convicted of offences committed before 1998 have been granted conditional early release as part of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement.[citation needed] In the United Kingdom a person convicted of membership of a "proscribed organisation", such as the IRA, still nominally faces imprisonment for up to 10 years.[108]
In the early to mid 1970s, the numbers recruited by the Provisional IRA may have reached several thousand, but these were reduced when the IRA re-organised its structures from 1977 onwards. An RUC report of 1986 estimated that the IRA had 300 or so members in Active Service Units and up to 750 active members in total in Northern Ireland.[54] This does not take into consideration the IRA units in the Republic of Ireland or those in Britain, continental Europe, and throughout the world. In 2005, the then Irish Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Michael McDowell told the Dáil that the organisation had "between 1,000 and 1,500" active members.[109] According to the book The Provisional IRA (by Eamon Mallie and Patrick Bishop), roughly 8,000 people passed through the ranks of the IRA in the first 20 years of its existence, many of them leaving after arrest, "retirement" or disillusionment.[101] In later years, the IRA's strength has been somewhat weakened by members leaving the organisation to join hardline splinter groups such as the Continuity IRA and the Real IRA. According to former Irish Minister for Justice Michael McDowell, these organisations have little more than 150 members each.[109]
The popular support for the IRA's campaign in the Troubles is hard to gauge, given that Sinn Féin, the IRA's political wing, did not stand in elections until the early 1980s. Most nationalists in Northern Ireland voted for the moderate Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) until 2001. After the 1981 hunger strike, Sinn Féin mobilised large electoral support and won 105,000 votes, or 43% of the nationalist vote in Northern Ireland, in the United Kingdom general election, 1983, only 34,000 votes behind the SDLP.[110] However, by the 1992 UK General Election, the SDLP won 184,445 votes and four seats to Sinn Féin's 78,291 votes and no seats.[111] In the 1993 Local District Council Elections in Northern Ireland, the SDLP won 136,760 votes to Sinn Féin's 77,600 votes.[112]
Few Protestant voters voted for Sinn Féin. In 1992, many of them voted for SDLP West Belfast candidate Joe Hendron rather than a unionist candidate in order to make sure Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin lost his seat in the constituency.[113]
The IRA enjoyed some popular support in the Republic of Ireland in the early 70s. However, the movement's appeal was hurt badly by bombings such as the killing of civilians attending a Remembrance Day ceremony at the cenotaph in Enniskillen in 1987 (Remembrance Day bombing), and the death of two children when a bomb exploded in Warrington, which led to tens of thousands of people demonstrating on O'Connell Street in Dublin to call for an end to the IRA's campaign. Sinn Féin did very badly in elections in the Republic of Ireland during the IRA's campaign. For example, in the December 1981 local government elections, Sinn Féin candidates won just 5% of the popular vote.[114] By the 1987 Irish General Election, they won only 1.7% of the votes cast.[115] They did not make significant electoral gains in the Republic until after the IRA ceasefires and the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Sinn Féin's highest proportion of the popular vote was 7% in the Irish general election, 2007.
Sinn Féin now has 28 members of the Northern Ireland Assembly (out of 108), five Westminster MPs (out of 18 from Northern Ireland) and four Republic of Ireland TDs (out of 166).
The IRA have had contacts with foreign governments and other illegal armed organisations.
Libya has been the biggest single supplier of arms and funds to the IRA, donating large amounts: three shipments of arms in the early 1970s and another three in the mid 1980s, the latter reputedly enough to arm two regular infantry battalions.[15]
The IRA has also received weapons and logistical support from Irish Americans in the United States, especially the NORAID group. Apart from the Libyan aid, this has been the main source of overseas IRA support. American support has been weakened by the War against Terrorism, and the fallout from the events of 11 September 2001.[16][17]
In the United States in November 1982, five men were acquitted of smuggling arms to the IRA after they revealed the Central Intelligence Agency had approved the shipment (although the CIA officially denied this).[116] There are allegations of contact with the East German Stasi, based on the testimony of a Soviet defector to British intelligence Vasili Mitrokhin. Mitrokhin revealed that although the Soviet KGB gave some weapons to the Marxist Official IRA, it had little sympathy with the Provisionals.[117] The IRA has received some training and support from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 1977, the Provisionals received a 'sizeable' arms shipment from the PLO, including small arms, rocket launchers and explosives, but this was intercepted at Antwerp after the Israeli intelligence alerted its European counterparts.[118] In the 1980s, the Provisionals also had some contact with Hezbollah.[citation needed]
It has been alleged that the IRA had a co-operative relationship with Basque militant group ETA since the early 1970s. In 1973 it was accused of providing explosives for the assassination of Luis Carrero Blanco in Madrid.[119] In the 1970s, ETA also exchanged a quantity of handguns for training in explosives with the IRA.[120] In addition, the leaders of the political wings of the respective Irish Republican and Basque separatist movements have exchanged visits on several occasions to express solidarity with each others' cause.[121] Prominent former IRA prisoners such as Brendan McFarlane and Brendan Hughes have campaigned for the release of ETA prisoners.[122][123] In the mid 1990s after the IRA ceasefire, Basque media outlets followed the process carefully, sending a team to follow the families of those killed on Bloody Sunday as they campaigned for apology.[citation needed]
In May 1996, the Federal Security Service (FSB), Russia's internal security service, publicly accused Estonia of arms smuggling, and claimed that the IRA had contacted representatives of Estonia's volunteer defense force, Kaitseliit, and some non-government groups to buy weapons.[124][125] In 2001, three Irish men, who later became known as the Colombia Three, were arrested after allegedly training Colombian guerrillas, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in bomb making and urban warfare techniques. The U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations in its report of 24 April 2002 concluded "Neither committee investigators nor the Colombians can find credible explanations for the increased, more sophisticated capacity for these specific terror tactics now being employed by the FARC, other than IRA training".[126]
The IRA ceasefire in 1997 formed part of a process that led to the 1998 Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement. One aim of the Agreement is that all paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland cease their activities and disarm by May 2000.
Calls from Sinn Féin led the IRA to commence disarming in a process that was monitored by Canadian General John de Chastelain's decommissioning body in October 2001. However, following the collapse of the Stormont power-sharing government in 2002, which was partly triggered by allegations that republican spies were operating within Parliament Buildings and the Civil Service, the IRA temporarily broke off contact with General de Chastelain.[citation needed]
In December 2004, attempts to persuade the IRA to disarm entirely collapsed when the Democratic Unionist Party, under Ian Paisley, insisted on photographic evidence. Justice Minister Michael McDowell (in public, and often) insisted that there would need to be a complete end to IRA activity.[citation needed]
At the beginning of February 2005, the IRA declared that it was withdrawing from the disarmament process, but in July 2005 it declared that its campaign of violence was over, and that transparent mechanisms would be used, under the de Chastelain process, to satisfy the Northern Ireland communities that it was disarming totally.
On 28 July 2005, the IRA Army Council announced an end to its armed campaign. In a statement read by Séanna Breathnach, the organisation stated that it had instructed its members to dump all weapons and not to engage in "any other activities whatsoever" apart from assisting "the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means". Furthermore, the organisation authorised its representatives to engage immediately with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) to verifiably put its arms beyond use "in a way which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as quickly as possible".[23]
This is not the first time that organisations styling themselves IRA have issued orders to dump arms.[citation needed] After its defeat in the Irish Civil War in 1924 and at the end of its unsuccessful Border Campaign in 1962, the IRA Army Council issued similar orders. However, this is the first time in Irish republicanism that any organisation has voluntarily decided to dispose of its arms.[127]
On 25 September 2005, international weapons inspectors supervised the full disarmament of the IRA, a long-sought goal of Northern Ireland's peace process. The office of IICD Chairman John de Chastelain, a retired Canadian general who oversaw the weapons' decommissioning at secret locations, released details regarding the scrapping of many tons of IRA weaponry at a news conference in Belfast on 26 September. He said the arms had been "put beyond use" and that they were "satisfied that the arms decommissioned represent the totality of the IRA's arsenal."
The IRA permitted two independent witnesses, including a Methodist minister, Rev. Harold Good, and Father Alec Reid, a Roman Catholic priest close to Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams, to view the secret disarmament work.[128] Ian Paisley, the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), complained that since the witnesses were appointed by the IRA themselves, rather than being appointed by the British or Irish governments, they therefore could not be said to be unbiased witnesses to the decommissioning. Nationalists and Catholics viewed his comments as reflecting his refusal to support devolution in Northern Ireland with Catholics in power.[129]
The 10th report published in April 2006 from the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC), an organisation monitoring activity by paramilitary groups on behalf of the British and Irish governments, prefaced its remarks about IRA activity by commenting that the IRA leadership has committed itself to following a peaceful path and that in the last three months this process has involved the further dismantling of the IRA as a military structure.
The report commented that there was no paramilitary or violent activity sanctioned by the leadership; there is a substantial erosion in the IRA's capacity to return to a military campaign; and, that the IRA had no intentions of returning to violence.[130]
The IMC has come in for criticism (mainly by Republicans) as having been set up outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement as a sop to Unionism. Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy stated that the IMC was established outside and in breach of the terms of the Good Friday Agreement and that it is politically biased, and had an anti-Sinn Féin agenda.[131]
On 4 October 2006, the IMC ruled that the IRA were no longer a threat.[132]
In late 2008, the Sunday Times newspaper quoted a senior Garda intelligence officer as saying that "the IRA had recruited in recent years, still held arms despite apparently decommissioning the lot, and was being maintained in 'shadow form.'"[133]
The IRA traditionally uses a well-known signature in its public statements, which are all issued under the pseudonym of "P. O'Neill" of the "Irish Republican Publicity Bureau, Dublin".[134] According to Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, it was Seán Mac Stiofáin, as chief of staff of the IRA, who invented the name. However, under his usage, the name was written and pronounced according to Irish orthography and pronunciation as "P. Ó Néill". Ó Brádaigh also maintains that there is no particular significance to the name. According to Danny Morrison, the pseudonym "S. O'Neill" was used during the 1940s.[134]
The IRA has been infiltrated by British Intelligence agents, and in the past some IRA members have been informers. Members suspected of being informants were usually executed after an IRA "court-martial". The IRA executed 63 people as informers in the Troubles.[citation needed]
The first large infiltrations of IRA structures occurred in the mid 1970s, around the time of the ceasefire of 1975. Many IRA volunteers were arrested when this ceasefire broke down in 1976. In the 1980s, many more IRA members were imprisoned on the testimony of former IRA members known as "supergrasses" such as Raymond Gilmour and Martin McGartland. Sean O'Callaghan, one of the IRA commanders in the Republic of Ireland, was an informer for the Garda Siochana throughout the 1980s until he was discovered and placed in protective custody in Britain.
In recent years, there have been some high profile allegations of senior IRA figures having been British informers. In May 2003, a number of newspapers named Freddie Scappaticci as the alleged identity of the British Force Research Unit's most senior informer within the Provisional IRA, code-named Stakeknife, who is thought to have been head of the IRA's internal security force, charged with rooting out and executing informers. Scappaticci denies that this is the case and, in 2003, failed in a legal bid to force the then NIO Minister, Jane Kennedy, to state he was not an informer.[135] She has refused to do so, and since then Scappaticci has not launched any libel actions against the media making the allegations.
On 16 December 2005, senior Sinn Féin member Denis Donaldson appeared before TV cameras in Dublin and confessed to being a British spy for twenty years.[136] He was expelled from Sinn Féin and was said to have been debriefed by the party.[137] Donaldson was a former Provisional IRA volunteer and subsequently highly placed Sinn Féin party member. Donaldson had been entrusted by Gerry Adams with the running of Sinn Féin's operations in the U.S. in the early 1990s.[138] On 4 April 2006, Donaldson was found shot dead at his retreat near Glenties in County Donegal.[139] When asked whether he felt Donaldson's role as an informer in Sinn Féin was significant, the IRA double agent using the pseudonym "Kevin Fulton" described Donaldson's role as a spy within Sinn Féin as "the tip of the iceberg".[140] The former Force Research Unit and MI5 operative using the pseudonym "Martin Ingram" concurs with "Kevin Fulton" and has alleged that Gerry Adams knew that Donaldson was an agent. Ingram was described in court as a Walter Mitty type character. Ingram has also claimed that Martin McGuinness is a British agent. As evidence for this claim he alleges that McGuinness was involved in the death of IRA volunteer and FRU agent Frank Hegarty in May 1986.[141] McGuinness has denied any involvement in the Hegarty case and brushed off allegations that he is a spy.[142] McGuiness also brushed off the most recent allegations made by Ingram in the Sunday World newspaper on 28 May 2006.[143]
On 8 February 2008, Roy McShane was taken into police protection after being unmasked as an informer. McShane, a former IRA member, had been Gerry Adams' personal driver for many years. Adams said he was "too philosophical" to feel betrayed.[144]
Redirecting to Irish Republican Army


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