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Fathers Day this year was a lovely long lunch at my mums, we started with a beetroot soup, then had a warming beef pot roast & to finish with I made dessert. I had some egg whites in the freezer that were begging to be whipped into a meringue. I remembered this Jamie Oliver recipe that sounded perfect for this time of year. Normally I think of a pav/meringue as a summer cake, laden with tropical fruit & cream. This version however was smothered in roasted nuts, pears & a chocolate ginger sauce as well as the usual whipped cream. By the time you pile everything on it ends up being a pretty massive affair & to prove how much it was enjoyed, after 5 adults & the 2 kids dug in there was only a teeny piece left. We all felt sick of course but couldnt stop going back for more it was so good. So hope all the Dad's out there had a good day, for me that means, family, good food, nice wine & a nap on the couch after lunch as you are so full you cannot budge an inch! This is my crunchy entry for the cookbook challenge though after the topping went on the meringue wasnt really all that crunchy, oh well, I had good intentions.
Notes: I couldnt for the life of me get the skins of the nuts before they were roasted so I roasted them & peeled them afterwards which was much easier, any tips? Also, used pears in juice rather than syrup, sauce tasted good this way but maybe it would have been thicker & sticker if syrup used instead?
Tray Baked Meringue with Pears, Cream, Toasted Hazelnuts and Chocolate Sauce - Jamie Oliver - Jamie at Home
4 large egg whites
200g unrefined golden caster sugar
a pinch of sea salt
100g hazelnuts, skins removed
2 x 400g tins of halved pears in syrup
optional: 2 pieces of stem ginger, thinly sliced
200g dark chocolate (minimum 70% cocoa solids)
400ml double cream
50g icing sugar, sifted
1 vanilla pod, halved & seeds scraped out
zest of 1 orange
Preheat oven to 180c. Line a 40 x 25cm baking tray with baking paper.
Put your egg whites into a squeaky clean bowl, whisk on medium until the whites form firm peaks then with the mixer running, gradually add the sugar and a pinch of salt. Turn the mixer up to high & whisk for about 7 to 8 minutes until white and glossy. Spoon the meringue on to the tray & shape it into an A4 size rectangle. Place in the oven & bake for 1 hour or until crisp on the outside & a little sticky inside. At the same time, bake the hazelnuts on a separate tray in the oven for an hour or until golden. Take our of oven when ready and allow to cool.
Drain the tin of pears, reserving the syrup from 1 can. Cut each pear half into 3 slices. Pour the pear syrup into a saucepan with the ginger and warm gently over medium heat until it starts to simmer. Take off the heat and snap the chocolate in to the pan, stirring until it's all melted.
To assemble, place your meringue on a board or tray. Whip the cream with the icing sugar & vanilla until it forms smooth, soft peaks. Smash or chop the toasted hazelnuts and sprinkle half of them over the meringue. Spoon half of the cream over the top & drizzle with some of the sauce. Divide most of the pears over the top evenly. Pile over the rest of the cream & pears. Drizzle with more chocolate sauce, then sprinkle over the remaining nuts & some grated orange zest. Serve straight away.


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An 89-year-old man pleaded guilty Tuesday in Detroit to serving as a drug mule in a scheme to distribute more than 1,400 pounds of cocaine.
Leo Sharp of Michigan City, Indiana, is one of the oldest criminal defendants to step inside Detroit's federal court. He was contrite and very talkative during his appearance, saying he had never before committed a crime and worked for a drug organization because he needed money.
Sharp was 87 in 2011 when a Michigan state trooper pulled him over on Interstate 94, west of Detroit. Anxious and upset about what the trooper would find, he declared: "Just kill me and let me leave this planet."
In court, Sharp wore a dark suit that had a lapel pin signifying his service in the second world war. He playfully winked at drug agents who investigated the case. His hearing aids weren't strong enough so US district judge Nancy Edmunds invited Sharp to stand just a few feet away from her.
"You knew it was cocaine, right?" Edmunds asked.
"I did," Sharp replied. "Oh, yes."
The delivery of more than 200 pounds wasn't Sharp's first interstate haul. He admitted he was responsible for more than 1,400 pounds of drugs. The government said it has evidence that Sharp was transporting marijuana and cocaine from the west coast back in 2000.
Nonetheless, prosecutors are showing mercy by recommending a five-year prison sentence because of Sharp's age and his war service. It's a significant break: the sentencing guidelines, which aren't mandatory, call for a minimum of 14 years.
Defense attorney Darryl Goldberg said he will ask for less than five years when Sharp returns to court on 11 February.
Sharp owes $500,000 as part of the plea deal and has agreed to give up his lily nursery in Apopka, Florida.

subset: commoncrawl


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Happy Birthday, david
I first posted this story in November of 2001, when my nephew David turned one. I posted it again last year when he turned two, because it's such a wonderful story. So here it is, David's birthday again, and now he's three. For those of you who never read this story, please do. I love to tell it. I've also added an update at the end.
the story of david, on his first birthday
Several years ago, in the courthouse I work in (I was not working there yet at the time), an employee found the lifeless body of a newborn infant in a bathroom stall. One of the emergency workers who responded to the scene, Tim Jaccard, was so moved by the scene that he was motivated to start the AMT Children of Hope Foundation, a group which went on to found Safe Havens. Safe Havens are hospitals, private homes and houses of worship throughout Long Island that have drop-off points for women who have given birth, but for various reasons do not want to keep the babies. These are infants that may otherwise have been abandoned in restrooms or dumpsters, left for dead. Tim comes into this story again later.
My sister and her husband tried for many years to have a baby. When it became apparent that they were suffering from infertility, they sought medical help. They went through many tries at in-vitro fertilization, which is a physically and emotionally straining process. It never worked for them. They went through years of testing, experiments and physical procedures to try and conceive. They got to a point where they realized that it was just not going to happen for them. This is when they decided to try and adopt.
They first went to Catholic Charities, because my cousin adopted three children through them. They were turned down because my brother-in-law is Jewish. Nevermind that they are financially stable, own their own home, can provide a stable, loving environment for a child, and promised to raise the child Catholic. It wasn't good enough for them. Catholic Charities was a dead end.
They tried posting their number in colleges and on internet message boards made specifically for that purpose. Lots of phone calls, more dead ends.
One day my sister was talking to her friend Mary about her and her husband's frustration. Turns out Mary is Tim Jaccard's secretary. Mary put my sister in touch with Tim and the wheels began turning.
There were more dead ends at first. A young girl who decided to give her baby to someone else. A woman who, at the last minute, decided to keep her baby. That one was at Christmas time, and my sister had announced to us on Christmas Eve that they would be getting a baby. Two days later, the woman said no. And how can you be mad at that, really? She wanted to keep and raise her baby and that's a good thing, despite the pain it brought to my family. My sister and her husband made the decision that they would not tell anyone the next time there was hope for a baby. They would wait until the baby was born, the papers were signed and then and only then would they spread the news.
Cut to last December. I was sitting at my desk at work, when my sister (who works with me) came into my office looking pale. She was shaking. She had just received a phone call from Tim. There was a baby boy, born on November 20th and the mother, an illegal immigrant who had just come here from Burma, did not want this baby. She was ready and willing to sign papers giving him up. My sister and her husband had known about this woman since the baby was born, but said nothing to any family member, remembering what happened the last time. But now she had to tell me because Tim said on the phone to be ready to be a mother in two days. Two days. After years of waiting and hoping and being disappointed, she had two days to get ready for a baby. She was to leave work immediately and head to to the woman's apartment in Queens, where Tim was waiting for my sister and her husband to meet the mother. The mother wanted to see them first, to know who she was giving her baby up to. I walked my sister out to her car and wished her luck. As soon as she was gone, I broke a promise I made and called my mother.
Two hours later, my mother and I were in Target, spending a small fortune on baby supplies. Clothes, diapers, bottles and every accessory both useful and extravagant, were bought. By the time we got home, my father, who cannot keep a secret to save his life, had told every relative within shouting distance. Basically meaning everyone in town. Friends and family kept pulling up to the house, dropping off supplies. A bassinet. Enough diapers to last a month. More clothes, baby blankets, crib sheets. There were moments where we felt like we were jinxing the whole thing, pusing our luck, but we decided to test fate and stock up anyhow. Any woman who has ever had a child will tell you nine months is barely enough time to get everything ready. Imagine only having two days to prepare. We figured it was better to have this stuff ready for her than to have nothing ready at all, and have to run out that day to buy all the things they would need.
Sometime that night my sister called and said it was definite. The baby was theirs. He would be delivered to their home, by Tim, the next night. She still wouldn't believe it, wouldn't talk in definite tones until the baby was in her arms. Can you blame her?
The next day was a frenzy. There were still so many things to get, so many people to call. My sister was frantic, her husband was neurotic. By 9pm, there were 20 people, friends and family, sitting in their living room waiting for David. We had champagne ready. Finally, Tim pulled up at around 10pm. My sister freaked out and wouldn't go to the door. She was afraid Tim would be standing there empty handed, come to bring the bad news that the woman had changed her mind. I looked out the window and saw Tim lifting a little baby out of a car seat. I shoved my sister towards the front door and told her to chill out. And Tim walked in, held out David, and put him in my sister's waiting arms. There was not a dry eye in the house. My father was crying, the neighbors were crying. I thought my sister and her husband were both going to pass out. They held him and stared at him for the longest time and nobody moved, nobody talked. Finally, someone popped the cork on a champagne bottle and we all cheered. For the next hour, David was passed from person to person and we all stared in wonder at the baby we had waited so long for.
David is a year old now. Not a day goes by that I don't look at him and think about the birth mother he has out there somewhere, and I wonder if she knows what she gave up. I look at his engaging smile and listen to his loud laugh and kiss his soft little cheeks and I wonder. I see my sister and her husband with their child and I am so happy for them, and so thankful that Tim Jaccard afforded them this opportunity, that this adorable child was not abandoned in a dumpster in the dark of night because the mother had no one to turn to.
So happy first birthday, David. You are a lucky boy. You had a selfless, caring birth mother who made a choice that was hard for her and right for you. And you ended up in the arms and hearts of two people who will give you a lifetime of love.
It's been three years since David was brought into our lives. He has been the source of much entertainment over that time, and continues to be the smartest, cutest, funniest, most charming and amazing three year old in existence. Really.


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I had plenty of ideas for blocks but had to drop one after the other as they were all way over my head! I finally settled on a block that does not feature Pippi herself but one of her favourite foods....cake, preferably eaten for breakfast ;)
Pippi takes all her friends to the candy shop where they buy up a ton of sweets and goodies and have a very good time together. So that was my inspiration.
Do have a look at the flickr group Amy and Kerry both made amazing Pippi blocks this month!
x Leila
P.S please check back tomorrow for some exciting news....!


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Injection molding is a manufacturing process for producing plastic parts from both thermoplastic and thermosetting plastic materials. Material is fed into a heated barrel, then mixed and forced into a mold cavity by a reciprocating screw or a ram injector, where it cools and hardens to the configuration of the mold cavity. After a part is designed, usually by an industrial designer or an engineer, molds are then manufactured by an injection mold company, where it is assigned to a mold maker or toolmaker. The mold is usually constructed using either steel or aluminum and precision-machined to form the features of the desired part. Injection molding is widely used for manufacturing a variety of parts, from the smallest component to entire body panels of cars.
Plastic injection molding is the preferred process for manufacturing plastic parts. Injection molding is used to create many things such as electronic housings, containers, bottle caps, automotive interiors, pocket combs, and most other plastic products available today. It is ideal for producing high volumes of plastic parts, due to the ability of making multi-cavity injection molds, where multiple parts are made with one cycle.
Some disadvantages of this process are expensive tooling investment, the need to prototype (some custom complex parts may encounter problems during the injection molding process, such as warp) and surface defects.
Glossy Surface, Diamond Buff Polish
Non-Glossy Surface, Paper Polish
Rough Surface, Stone Polish
Very Rough Surface, Dry Blash Polish


text:
400 watt 120 Volt metal halide ballast for horizontal or vertical lighting systems with socket assembly. Does not include lamp or reflector.The ballasts manufactured by American Agriculture are ETL (Edison Testing Laboratories) listed to assure top performance. Only top quality components are used. We will hold firm to this policy. The heat-sink case or housing that holds the components is made from extruded aluminum. In the extrusion process fins are made. These fins help to transfer the heat from the transformer to the air without the need for air vents. You will find fins like these on high quality stereo gear and used there for the same purpose. You should also note that these ballasts have not been painted. The painting of the heat sink case or housing inhibits the heat transfer process dramatically. Other manufactures that paint their air vent free ballasts for cosmetic reasons run the risks of baking the components. Electrical components work better when they run cool. We will never paint our ballasts. Six feet of heavy-duty power cord and fifteen feet of heavy-duty lamp cord are standard. The lamp cord comes complete with a mogul socket and assembly to attach to all Control Wizard Products reflectors. The socket is rated at 5kv and is universal. That is to say that any HID lamp will screw in, even horizontal only position oriented lamps with base pins. A close up of the ceramic socket shows the slot the pin slides into. The ballast comes in both 120 and 240-volt applications. Please note the ballast voltage that you require and order from that section of the web site.
Lamps / Tubes / Bulbs
are available separately.
— Ships separately from Portland, Oregon USA.


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Radiation Detectors and NukAlert on Sale!
Shepherd Survival Supply only carries the best and highest quality Geiger counters and radiation detectors, including the popular Nukalert. All of our radiation meters are all recently certified and calibrated, to ensure you will receive only the most accurate of readings and not any false signals or readings. When you need a device like this, you need it to work properly and accurately to give you the best information possible on how you will protect your family and act in an emergency.
The NukAlert is our most popular radiation detection device, due to its convenient keychain size and excellent detection range of 100 mR/hr up to a staggering 5000 R/hr. Our CD V-700 is our number 1 selling low-range Geiger counter, best for detecting very small levels of radiation in the air, food, or water with a detection range of 0-50 mR/hour. The CD V-715 and CD V-717 are our high range radiation detectors that are best suited for radiation levels of 1-500 R/hr.


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Houseboats are safe, but are you educated on what makes them safe? Here at Houseboat magazine, we're dedicated to making sure not only that everyone has a great time on their houseboats, but that everyone gets home safely, too. To that end, we've compiled these tips to help your time on the water be as relaxing and stress-free as possible.
Water belongs on the outside, not inside
It's a long-held superstition by seamen that water inside your craft is a harbinger of doom. Don't let a leaky hull or intense storm sink or capsize your boat: have a bilge pump ready. The pictured manual bilge pump from West Marine will handle most-sized water mishaps until a more permanent solution can be found. This bilge pump is easy to use, and features a no-pinch handle, to allow for continuous pumping without pain. With how easy it is to store this bilge pump, there's no reason not to have one on board at all times.
Carbon monoxide (CO)
Carbon monoxide is a colorless, odorless gas that can quickly incapacitate and even kill those who inhale it. It enters your bloodstream through breathing, and the symptoms of dizziness, weakness, light-headedness and irritated eyes can often be confused with heatstroke or dehydration. Carbon monoxide can find its way into your houseboat by poorly ventilated engines, or through wind blowing exhaust in through windows or doors. To detect, and therefore avoid, carbon monoxide, you need to install a CO detector. Kidde has been making CO alarms with electrochemical sensing technology for years, and all of Kidde's CO alarm products-from basic units to premium CO alarms-include the company's patented Nighthawk electrochemical CO sensor. On the pictured model, the readout will show the level of CO, which can indicate a low leak or issue before the levels get to emergency status.
Know where you are
Knowing where you are on a big lake can mean the difference between making it to the dock before a storm blows in and getting caught when the winds start to blow. For navigation, we looked to Garmin for a marine unit perfect for a houseboater's needs. They suggested the GPSMAP 700 series of units, which is Garmin's first and only seven-inch touchscreen plotter, so it gives the feeling and functionally of a networked product, but with a much smaller footprint. There are different versions-the GPSMAP 720 comes with a worldwide basemap, and the 740 adds coastal charts of the US and Bahamas. Additionally, each of those two models comes with a sounder version, which is standard with a 1- kW-capable sonar transceiver to define fish targets and underwater structure.
Being in an unfamiliar lake can be an intimidating experience. Even if you are at your home body of water, you may run into a situation that requires some outside assistance. For times like these, a radio can be a lifesaver. This West Marine VHF radio reflects the latest in Class D Digital Selective Calling (DSC) features and includes DSC calling with Position send, Request and test calling. Built to withstand the toughest of environments, it meets a high submersible standard, features a microphone with a non-slip rubber grip, and provides a large backlit full dot matrix-display for easy viewing. More information on how to make an emergency call can be found at http://boatsafe.com/nauticalknowhow/radio.htm.
Stop fires as soon as they start
Prevention is key to avoiding fire damage to your houseboat, but in the case where flames have broken out already, you want to have a fire extinguisher handy. I know, it seems counterintuitive to bring a fire extinguisher into a situation where you are surrounded by water, but trust me, you'd rather put the grease fire out with chemicals designed to do the job, rather than water, which will spread the flames. Kidde's line of marine fire extinguishers feature dry chemical models that cover most hazards associated with watercraft. All of these also feature corrosion-resistant, attractive white finish. Disposable and rechargeable models are available. All models come with retention brackets and meet U.S.C.G approvals.
Kidde suggests you remember the PASS method of extinguishing a fire.
P - Pull the pin and hold the extinguisher with the nozzle pointing away from you.
A - Aim low at the base of the fire.
S - Squeeze the lever slowly and evenly to discharge the extinguishing agent. (When the agent first hits the fire, the fire may briefly flare up. This should be expected.)
S - Sweep the nozzle from side to side, moving carefully toward the fire. Keep the extinguisher aimed at the base of the fire.
Spend these colder months brushing up on your safety knowledge and preparedness, and let's all make the summer of 2012 the safest one on record for houseboaters everywhere.
For more information:
West Marine
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LAUREL HILL � With only one senior, Jessica Fickett, on the Laurel Hill girls basketball team roster the future looks bright for the Hoboes.But how that will play out this season still remains to be seen.
LAUREL HILL � With only one senior, Jessica Fickett, on the Laurel Hill girls basketball team roster the future looks bright for the Hoboes.
But how that will play out this season still remains to be seen.
The Hoboes are in a tough District 1-1A that includes perennial powerhouses Paxton and Ponce de Leon.
Laurel Hill coach Scott Varnum admits it will be tough to get past the Bobcats and Pirates, but he likes a lot of things about his team.
"We've got some size (with post players Jhanea Griffin and Gracie Reese) on the teams in the district," he said. "We want to take advantage of that and get ourselves to where we want to be."
Reese, a 6-foot-3 inch freshman, reminds Varnum a lot of her older brother, Brad, who is now playing professional basketball in Europe.
"She's really long like Brad," he said. "She's been doing a really good job on the boards. She's been averaging about 14 rebounds a game and I am really happy with that.
"We are trying to get her to square up and take the ball to the hole (basket) more. has been in a little slump lately and we are just trying to get her over that."
Griffin had no problem taking care of things inside when she scored 19 points in a recent game against Ponce de Leon. And Varnum said that was with Griffin slowed by a nagging injury.
Varnum and the Hoboes welcome point guard Ty DeAndrade back after she suffered a season-ending injury to her right anterior cruciate ligament a year ago.
"Ty DeAndrade is going to get better," Varnum said. "She's working hard. You never doubt her as an athlete.
"She does everything she can for her team and her teammates. She's rehabbed hard and is still dealing with some issues. She's not 100 percent yet, but I'd call her 80 or 85 percent."
DeAndrade and Griffin aren't the only players trying to get back to full strength.
Bridget Zessin, who like Griffin played volleyball) has been slowed by a toe injury. Varnum said the toe would probably require surgery, but he expected Zessin, who is the daughter of Laurel Hill boys basketball coach, Kent Zessin, to make a quick recover.
Varnum said the Hoboes need for Zessin to average in double figures scoring for Laurel Hill to be competitive in most games.
"We've got to get Bridget Zessin shooting the ball more," he said. "We've got to get her more involved in the game.
"She's one of my better passers. She understands the game and she's been around the game all of her life."
Zessin will play guard and forward.
Stormy Hansley along with Fickett also will play guard.
Varnum knows anything can happen between now and the district tournament at the end of January.
And while expects to see Paxton and Ponce de Leon fight for the district honors he won't be surprised by anything.
"We are all pretty close teams three through seven," he said. "I think Paxton and Ponce de Leon, with their guard play, it really sets them a part. They really get after you in the fourth quarter and you have to handle it.
"It's going to be very competitive."
Randy Dickson is the Crestview News Bulletin�s sports editor. Email him at firstname.lastname@example.com, tweet him @BigRandle, or call 682-6524.


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Rams Runner-up at Long Island Intercollegiate
The Bridge - Par 72 - 6,925 Yards
Bridgehampton, N.Y. - The Farmingdale State golf team took second place at the Long Island Intercollegiate Championship at The Bridge, in Bridgehampton, N.Y. The Rams finished three strokes behind Dowling College, who captured the team championship with a two-day team total of 656 (325-331).
The conditions were better suited for scoring in today's final round as the wind diminished overnight. Senior Matt Livolsi (Stewart Manor, N.Y./Sewanhaka) finished in fourth place individually for Farmingdale State, shooting a final round 78 for a two-day total of 158. Senior Masa Maruyama (Yamanashi, Japan/Sundai), who was in third place after round one, posted an 86 to finish in eighth place. Seniors Larry Hipp (Bethpage, N.Y./Bethpage) and Jim McLaughlin (Oceanside, N.Y./Oceanside) finished in a tie for 12th place with two-day totals of 168.
Nassau's Mike Midgette and Luke Walters of Dowling College each had a two-day total of 154 and went to playoff holes. After pars on the 10th hole, Midgette had a par 5 on 18 as Walters recorded a double bogey, naming Midgette the tournament medalist. Dowling's Anthony Corzi took third place with rounds of 75 and 81, while St. Joseph's Matt Dennis, who shot a final round best 74, finished in fifth place.
Farmingdale State next travels to Hershey Country Club in Hershey, Penn. on May 11-14 for the Division III National Championship.


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Napoleon's friend Pedro wants to ask the most popular girl in class to the school dance which leads to the following exchange:
Napoleon: [referring to the dance] Who are you gonna ask?
Pedro: That girl over there.
This scene takes place in chapter 9 of the film – the title of this chapter? Date cake. Yes, the cake is the star! Here are our three heroes - Napoleon (left), Pedro (right), and Cake (held by Pedro):
In homage to this scene I now refer to 'building a cake'. Pedro must be quite a skilled baker as it's a tall and impressively decorated cake – from the height I'm guessing it has layers.
This shot shows the message iced onto the frosting - Pedro hearts Summer:
Unsurprisingly, from Summer's nonplussed reaction, Pedro doesn't get his date. Am I the only one thinking she must be hard to please? If this cake didn't sway it, what would?
Frosted layer cake, built by Pedro to win the girl of his dreams, CAFTA salutes you!


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Bare Nominals
Summary and Keywords
Bare nominals (also called "bare nouns") are nominal structures without an overt article or other determiner. The distinction between a bare noun and a noun that is part of a larger nominal structure must be made in context: Milk is a bare nominal in I bought milk, but not in I bought the milk. Bare nouns have a limited distribution: In subject or object position, English allows bare mass nouns and bare plurals, but not bare singular count nouns (*I bought table). Bare singular count nouns only appear in special configurations, such as coordination (I bought table and chairs for £182).
From a semantic perspective, it is noteworthy that bare nouns achieve reference without the support of a determiner. A full noun phrase like the cookies refers to the maximal sum of cookies in the context, because of the definite article the. English bare plurals have two main interpretations: In generic sentences they refer to the kind (Cookies are sweet), in episodic sentences they refer to some exemplars of the kind (Cookies are in the cabinet). Bare nouns typically take narrow scope with respect to other scope-bearing operators like negation.
The typology of bare nouns reveals substantial variation, and bare nouns in languages other than English may have different distributions and meanings. But genericity and narrow scope are recurring features in the cross-linguistic study of bare nominals.
Keywords: noun, article, bare, reference, genericity, kind, indefinite, scope
1. Grammar and Meaning of Bare Nominals Across Languages
Bare nominals are nominal structures that appear as arguments without an overt quantifier, definite or indefinite article, or other determiner. There are various nominal structures without overt determiners, including proper names (Mary, London) and pronouns (she, we). Bare nominals differ from proper names and pronouns in that they have a nominal core, an expression belonging to the lexical category of nouns. Research in syntax has focused on the internal structure of bare nominals and their status as arguments. In full noun phrases, determiners are responsible for referential force. The question of how bare nominals achieve reference in the absence of a determiner has been addressed in by semanticists. The distribution and interpretation of bare nominals is subject to cross-linguistic variation, so we also discuss the typology of bare nominals. Further features of bare nominals include their tendency to take narrow scope, their relevance for aspectual theory, and dependent readings. Finally, we deal with bare singulars in special configurations like predication, incorporation, the complement of certain prepositions, and coordination.
1.1. The Grammar of Bare Nominals
The distinction between a bare nominal and a singular/plural noun that is part of a larger nominal structure is not visible from the morphology, but has to be made in the syntactic context: Milk is just a mass noun in the nominal phrase the milk in 1a, but a mass noun that functions as a bare nominal in 1b, because it occupies the direct object position. Cookies is a plural noun in many cookies in 2a, which functions as a bare nominal in 2b, 2c:
Bare nominals have a restricted distribution. English uses bare mass nouns and bare plurals as arguments, but not bare singular count nouns (1c). Bare singulars only appear in special configurations: in predication (3a), in the object position of certain verbs (3b), or prepositions (3c) and in coordination (3d):
The conditions under which bare singulars are licensed strongly depend on the configuration in which they appear. The VN and PN configurations in 3b and 3c are heavily constrained, and productively appear only with certain verbs, certain prepositions, and certain nouns. In contrast, bare coordination is fully productive, and there are virtually no restrictions on the nouns in 3d (Heycock & Zamparelli, 2003, 2005; Le Bruyn & de Swart, 2014). Bare predication in 3a is somewhat in the middle: A wide range of nouns can appear here, but they belong to specific lexical classes (professional roles, religions, nationalities) (de Swart, Winter, & Zwarts, 2007; Matushansky & Spector, 2005). The status of bare singulars in special configurations like 3 will be addressed later. For the time being, we focus on examples like 1 and 2.
The lexical and grammatical restrictions on bare nominals set them aside from other nominal structures, and raise important questions for linguistic theory. Syntacticians have investigated the internal structure of nominal phrases to determine how bare nominals can function as arguments.
The puzzle of bare nominals for syntactic theory is best illustrated by a comparison with the internal structure of full nominal phrases like the fresh milk or many cookies.
Consider the standard way to build the syntactic tree of a full-fledged nominal phrase like the fresh milk. The tree in Figure 1 shows that milk is a noun (N) that combines with the adjective (A) fresh to build a noun phrase (NP) fresh milk. The NP combines with the article the, which resides in the determiner position (D). Since Abney (1987), it is common practice to assume that the determiner is the head of the nominal structure, so DP is the label of the structure as a whole.
Figure 1: syntactic tree DP
Things are a bit more complex with plural NPs, because we are now dealing with a morphologically complex noun. If we take the -s on cookies to spell out the plural value of the noun in the number projection (Num), we obtain the syntactic tree in Figure 2 for plural DPs. Details vary depending on specific assumptions of the syntactic framework, but Figures 1 and 2 cover the basics: Nouns are embedded under functional projections where they contribute to the construction of nominal structures that reflect information on singular/plural (role of Num) and reference (role of D).
Figure 2: syntactic tree plural DP
As D is the head of the nominal structure, we expect DPs, not NPs or NumPs as arguments of the verb. Yet we know, from the basic observations in (1) and (2) that bare mass nouns and bare plurals can appear in subject and object position, at least in English. Different strategies have been explored in the literature to reconcile bare nominals with argumenthood.
One approach is to adopt a strict correlation between the DP shape of the nominal phrase and its syntactic position. Building on Stowell (1989) and Longobardi (1994), Borer (2005) hypothesizes that arguments correspond with DPs across the board (in all configurations, in all languages). If nominals in subject, direct, or indirect object position must have the shape of a DP, and bare nominals lack an article or other determiner, how can they appear here? Longobardi (1994), Borer (2005), and others assume that a null D is involved. Under this analysis, a DP is projected, and a determiner is present in the syntactic structure, even though it is not lexically spelled out. The bare plural cookies in 2b, for instance, would have the structure [DP [D Ø] [NumP [Num−s] [NP cookie]]]. Licensing of the null D is subject to language-specific grammatical constraints. All nouns can appear bare in regular argument position in languages like Mandarin Chinese, Hindi, Russian, etc., whereas no nouns can do so in languages like French or St'át'imcets (see the discussion on typology). Languages like English (but also Dutch, German, Spanish, Italian, etc.) occupy an intermediate position in that they freely use null Ds with mass nouns and plurals (see examples 1b and 2b, c), but not with singular count nouns (example 1c).
Syntactic evidence in favor of the null D analysis comes from Italian, in which bare nominals show up as post-verbal subjects, or in direct or indirect object position, but not as preverbal subjects (Longobardi, 1994):
The contrast between 4a and 4b indicates that null Ds are lexically governed, just like other empty categories (Rizzi, 1986): As the preverbal subject position in 4a is not a governed position, Italian bare nominals do not appear here. Longobardi interprets the null D in terms of a default existential quantifier, which accounts for the indefinite interpretation of acqua in 4b.
Longobardi's null D analysis of Italian bare nominals does not easily extend to other languages. In English, bare mass nouns and bare plurals are perfectly felicitous in subject position (compare 2c and the translation of 4), so the syntactic support for a licensing approach is missing. Yet English shares with Italian the indefinite interpretation of bare nominals. Beyond Germanic and Romance, bare nominals are not restricted to indefinite interpretations, but may be compatible with definiteness (for instance Serbo-Croatian 5b). In order to remedy the problems, Bošković (2008) proposes a parameterized version of the DP hypothesis. He suggests that languages that are systematically articleless, such as Serbo-Croatian project NPs, not DPs 5b, in contrast to English 5a:
The introduction of the DP/NP parameter strongly reduces the typological need for null Ds, but does not do away with them altogether. English has a definite and an indefinite article, so it qualifies as a DP language, and null Ds are posited for the bare mass nouns and bare plurals in 1b and 2b, c.
In sum, a strictly syntactic approach to bare nominals in terms of DPs with a null D has the advantage of uniformity, but faces empirical problems in the light of substantial cross-linguistic variation. Bošković (2008) creates room for arguments with different syntactic shapes (NP, NumP, or DP). The increased flexibility in grammatical structure shifts the burden of the analysis of bare nominals onto the semantics. The question of how bare nominals can function as arguments is then rephrased as the question of how bare nominals can achieve reference in the absence of an overt determiner.
3.2. What Bare Nominals Refer to: Kinds, Free Variables, Properties
From Carlson's (1977) seminal work onward, the referential force of bare nominals has dominated the semantic debate. English bare mass nouns and bare plurals have two main interpretations: They can be generic or existential. Carlson (2003) provides the examples in 6:
Bare plurals in the subject position of stage-level predicates (describing temporary situations) are typically existential 6a, whereas bare plurals in the subject position of individual-level predicates (describing long-lasting properties) are generic 6b. The fact that bare plurals are not ambiguous in context leads Carlson (1977) to posit a unified analysis in terms of kind reference: Bare plurals name the kind. Kind reference is most easily perceived with kind-level predicates that directly ascribe a property to the kind, as in 6c. With individual-level predicates, the generic generalization ranges over entities realizing the kind 6b. The existential interpretation of the bare plural in 6a arises from an existential quantifier in the sentence (introduced by the stage-level predicate), not from the bare plural itself.
The kind-based analysis treats bare plurals as radically different from singular indefinites, the existential interpretation of which is rooted in the indefinite article. Even though singular indefinites also give rise to existential interpretations with stage-level predicates 7a, and generic readings with individual-level predicates 7b, they do not have kind reference, as witnessed by their incompatibility with kind-level predicates 7c:
The contrast between 6c and 7c confirms that bare plurals are not the plural counterpart of singular indefinites. Another argument Carlson advances in favor of the special status of bare plurals builds on scope differences. Singular indefinites can take wide or narrow scope with respect to another scope-bearing operator in the sentence (negation, universal quantifier, intensional verb), but bare plurals are restricted to a narrow scope interpretation:
Both 8a and 8b support a narrow scope interpretation of the indefinite (✔¬∃) under which no spots were noticed. In addition, the singular indefinite in 8a supports a wide scope interpretation of the indefinite under which there is a spot on the floor that I didn't see (✔∃¬). This reading is not available (*∃¬) for the bare plural in 8b. Carlson assumes that the existential force of the bare plural in the object position of a stage-level predicate is contributed by the predicate. As the verb scopes below negation, so does the bare plural. Narrow scope is thus a side effect of kind reference.
Carlson assigns the bare plural an interpretation that is unrelated to the singular indefinite, and thereby accounts for the differences between the two in contexts like 6c vs. 7c and 8a vs. 8b. In doing so, he misses out on the similarities between generic and existential interpretations in 6a, b; and 7a, b. With the advent of dynamic semantic theories that aim to analyze the discourse anaphora, an alternative approach to indefinites in terms of free variables emerged in File Change Semantics (Heim, 1982) and Discourse Representation theory (DRT, Kamp, 1984; Kamp & Reyle, 1993). Singular indefinites and bare plurals both license anaphora outside their scope, as illustrated with the so-called donkey sentences in 9a, b:
The subscript i on a donkey and it in (9a) indicates that a coreferential interpretation is intended, and this reading of farmers beating their own donkeys is intuitively accessible for both sentences in 9a and 9b. Yet a traditional first-order logical analysis under which the singular indefinite in 9a denotes an existential quantifier is unable to explain the anaphoric dependency of it on a donkey, as illustrated in 9ai. The problem resides in the indefinite's position in the antecedent of the conditional. As the existential quantifier ∃y does not scope over the consequent, the variable y representing the pronoun remains unbound, and its interpretation is contextually determined. In order to capture the bound variable reading of 9a, DRT takes indefinites to denote free variables, without any quantificational force of their own. The quantifier every behaves as an unselective quantifier that binds both variables x and y, yielding the desired anaphoric dependency 9aii. Bare plurals license anaphora outside of their scope, just like singular indefinites do, so the DRT analysis in 9b is identical to 9aii, except for the fact that the bare plural denotes a group of entities (indicated by means of the capital Y) (Kamp & Reyle, 1993). Diesing (1992) and Krifka, Pelletier, Carlson, ter Meulen, Chierchia, & Link (1995) posit an implicit generic quantifier that accounts for generic generalizations like 6b and 7b along similar lines.
Variable binding does not come into play in environments like 6c, in which the bare plural directly refers to the kind. So DRT treats bare plurals as ambiguous: They denote either variables or kinds. When they denote free variables, they behave in ways similar to singular indefinites (compare 6a, b; and 7a, b), but singular indefinites do not have a kind denotation, hence the contrast between 6c and 7c.
A strong desire to return to a unified analysis of bare plurals that places special emphasis on kind reference has given rise to the neo-Carlsonian analysis by Chierchia (1998) (more in the discussion on reference). But Krifka (2004) points out that even theories that build on a unified analysis of bare plurals in terms of inherent kind reference need flexible type-shifting mechanisms to derive other readings. He takes his starting point in the English bare plural as a plural noun, so in his analysis bare plurals are neither kind referring nor indefinite, but denote properties. In order to function as an argument, the type of the noun must be shifted from <e,t> to something else, typically e (kind reference) or <<e,t>,t> (existential quantifier). This type-shifting function is performed by overt determiners in full DPs, but in the absence of these can happen freely whenever a type mismatch makes function application impossible. Where syntactic theories posited a null D, type-shifting approaches posit free (i.e., syntactically invisible) type-shifting operations to explain the appearance of bare nominals as arguments.
The debate on bare nominals started out with English bare plurals and mass nouns, but gradually the empirical dataset grew, as cross-linguistic studies revealed the ways in which languages vary in the grammar and interpretation of bare nominals. Thus we need a typology of bare nominals.
3.3. Variation in the Grammar and Interpretation of Bare Nominals
Some languages have a more restricted distribution of bare nominals than English. As observed in relation to example 4 discussed in the introduction, Italian bare nominals only appear in post-verbal position. French and St'át'imcets (Matthewson, 1998) are even stricter, and do not allow argumental bare nominals at all:
French grammar has a full range of definite and indefinite articles for singular, plural, and mass nouns. The use of these articles is obligatory, so they effectively block bare singulars, bare mass nouns, and bare plurals, as we see in 10. Other languages are freer than English; for instance, Serbo-Croatian does not have either definite or indefinite articles, and also uses bare singulars in argument position, as illustrated in 5b. These data indicate that the distribution of bare nominals inversely correlates with the nominal grammar: The richer the article system of a language, the less freedom for bare nominals, and vice versa.
Chierchia (1998) proposes a parameterized theory that governs the distribution of bare nominals across languages. The parameter [±pred] determines whether nouns have a predicative denotation and denote in the domain of type <e,t> expressions, where they combine with a determiner to build a DP. The parameter [±arg] determines whether bare nouns can be used as arguments, and thus denote in the domain of type e expressions. In Chierchia's neo-Carlsonian ontology, denotation in type e implies that the bare nominal has kind reference. No language can have a setting of [-pred, -arg], as it must be possible to use a bare noun either as a predicate, or as an argument. The typology of bare nominals thus consists of three classes of languages:
In Chierchia's ontology, predicates derived from kinds are always mass, so the feature [-pred] triggers the use of classifiers with numerals to ensure countability in languages like Mandarin Chinese (11a). The feature [-arg] in 11b explains why French does not have bare nominals at all (no kind reference), but resorts to the full-fledged paradigm of definite and indefinite articles in 10. The feature setting [+pred,+arg] accounts for languages like English, where kind reference correlates with plurality. Bare plurals have kind reference, because they denote the sum of all realizations of the kind across possible worlds. Mass nouns are inherently plural in Chierchia's ontology, so they pattern with bare plurals, in contrast to bare count singulars, which do not have kind reference.
Chierchia appeals to an additional blocking principle that explains the differences between English and articleless languages like Russian or Serbo-Croatian (see example 5b). Even with that enrichment, Chierchia's typology does not explain the full range of variation across the languages of the world. The three-way partition does not accommodate Brazilian Portuguese (Munn & Schmitt, 1999), Indonesian (Chung, 2000) or Dëne Sųłiné (Wilhelm, 2008). Certain empirical claims that Chierchia makes have been challenged as well, for instance, Cheng and Sybesma (1999) argue that Mandarin classifiers take up the role of the determiner in some cases.
Dayal (2004) proposes an extension of Chierchia's theory to account for kind reference of bare singulars and bare plurals in Hindi. They can both be used with kind-level predicates in Hindi, so both have kind reference:
The Hindi bare plural in 12a denotes the sum of all realizations of the kind across possible worlds, and thus achieves kind reference. The Hindi bare singular in 12b denotes the unique kind, an interpretation that would be rendered by the definite singular generic in English. In Dayal's analysis, Hindi uses bare singulars for atomic kind reference, because the language does not have a definite article, in contrast to English. In support of this analysis, Dayal points out that bare singulars and bare plurals both get a definite interpretation in episodic contexts (see 12c and d). As illustrated in 12c, the introduction of a new discourse referent requires the use of the unstressed numeral ek ('one').
The Hindi data illustrate that blocking does not only constrain the distribution of bare nominals, it also affects their interpretation. As illustrated in examples 1 and 2, English bare mass nouns and bare plurals have generic or indefinite interpretations, but cannot be interpreted as definite. Similar observations were made by Longobardi (1994) for Italian bare nominals (see example 4). In contrast, Hindi bare singulars get a definite or generic interpretation, but not an indefinite one (12b, c). Serbo-Croatian differs from English, Italian, and Hindi in not having any articles; and in this language, bare nominals can have a definite or indefinite interpretation, depending on the context (see example 5b). Considerable freedom in the interpretation of bare nominals has also been reported for Russian, Polish, and other articleless languages like Dëne Sųłiné (Wilhelm, 2008) or Karitiana (Müller & Bertucci, 2012):
The emerging generalization is that if a language does not have a grammaticalized article system, no blocking arises, and bare nominals are freely used with definite, indefinite, and generic reference. In languages like English and Italian, the grammaticalized definite article blocks the definite interpretation of the bare nominals, and restricts them to a generic or indefinite interpretation. In Hindi, the unstressed numeral ek ('one'), which shares important features with English a, blocks the indefinite interpretation of bare singulars.
Chierchia (1998) formulates the blocking principle as an elsewhere condition: If the language has an article or determiner D that encodes a particular semantic operation that maps a noun (type <e,t>) onto an argument (type e referring to an entity or type <<e,t>,t> denoting a generalized quantifier), bare nominals cannot have that interpretation. For Chierchia, the blocking principle comes on top of his parameterized typology. We can do without the parameters [±pred] and [±arg], if we combine a blocking mechanism with Krifka's (2004) type-shifting principles. De Swart and Zwarts's (2010) work out this combination in the framework of Optimality Theory. Optimality Theory (OT) is based on the competition between possible output candidates for the same input, and defines the optimal outcome as the candidate that best fits the constraint ranking (Prince & Smolensky, 1997). For de Swart and Zwarts (2010), bare nominals and full DPs are competing nominal forms for the expression of the type-shift from type <e,t> (the noun denotation) to type e (definites) or type <<e,t>,t> (indefinites). They propose soft, violable constraints governing the use of definite articles for uniqueness/familiarity, indefinite articles for the introduction of new discourse referents, and an overall economy principle penalizing functional structure (and thus favoring bare nominals). Although the constraints are universal, their ranking is language specific, and reranking of constraints produces a typology. A high ranking of the economy constraint gives rise to the widespread use of bare nominals in languages like Karitiana (example 13) or Serbo-Croatian (example 5b). A low ranking of the economy constraint leads to the full-fledged article system in St'át'imcets (Matthewson, 1998) or French (example 10). Intermediate rankings are needed for languages like Hindi and English, where full DPs coexist with bare nominals in the grammar (examples 1, 2, 12). Optimization over meanings mirrors optimization over forms, and ensures that the meanings overtly expressed by full DPs are not available for bare nominals.
The OT typology developed by de Swart and Zwarts (2010) has a broader empirical scope than Chierchia's (1998) three-way partition, but it focuses primarily on the definite/indefinite contrast, and is less concerned with kind reference. Interestingly, the OT system does not predict that bare nominals necessarily take narrow scope, in contrast to Carlson (1977), Chierchia (1998), and Krifka (2004), who all build narrow scope of bare nominals into their analysis, in reference to Carlson's original observations.
3.4. Narrow Scope of Bare Nominals
Carlson (1977) establishes that bare plurals in English always take narrow scope, whereas singular indefinites take variable scope (compare examples 8a and 8b). Similar claims have been made for bare nominals in other languages, including Spanish (Espinal & McNally, 2011), Hungarian (Farkas & de Swart, 2003), Russian (Geist, 2010), Albanian (Kallulli, 1999), Hebrew (Doron, 2003), Hindi (Dayal, 2004), Mandarin Chinese (Rullmann & You, 2006; Yang, 2001), and Indonesian (Chung, 2000; Sato, 2009). The contrast between obligatory narrow scope for the bare plural and variable scope for the singular indefinite is illustrated for Spanish in (14) (from Espinal & McNally, 2011):
Obligatory narrow scope does not only arise with bare plurals, but has been reported for bare singulars as well. The Hebrew examples in 15 (from Doron, 2003) illustrate:
In languages that lack a morphological singular/plural distinction as well as definite and indefinite articles, such as Mandarin Chinese, the contrast between a bare nominal (as in 16a) and a numeral phrase (as in 16b) shows the differences in scopal behavior (examples from Rullmann & You, 2006):
Yet, there are cracks in the picture. Carlson (1977) himself argues that both narrow and wide scope interpretations are available for sentences like (17):
Kratzer (1980) noted that in contexts like (18) a German bare plural like Tollkirschen can take scope over the modal verb wollte:
Example 18 does not convey that Otto aimed to poison the fruit salad, but rather that there were belladonna berries Otto was accidentally going to put into the fruit salad because he thought they were real cherries.
On the basis of examples like the one in 19, Paul (2016) argues that Malagasy bare nominals take variable scope:
The sentence is appropriate in both contexts 1 and 2, so it supports both a narrow and a wide scope interpretation of the bare nominal with respect to the intensional verb.
Le Bruyn, Que, and de Swart (2012) report an experiment that compares the scopal behavior of English bare plurals (Ns) with that of singular indefinites (a N) and negative polarity items (any N). Participants had to evaluate the coherence of discourses like 20:
Flynn's last utterance only makes sense in the context if his earlier statement means that there are some colleagues he has not cooperated with. Singular indefinites are fine with the wide scope (∃¬) interpretation triggered by discourses like 20. As expected, negative polarity items result in low ratings of coherence, because they take narrow scope with respect to negation. Interestingly, bare plurals behave more like singular indefinites than like negative polarity items. This result shows that the scopal behavior of English bare plurals is more flexible than generally assumed.
The data in 17–20 suggest that a more nuanced view of the scope of bare nominals is called for, notwithstanding the massive, cross-linguistic evidence that supports the narrow scope only interpretation (cf. 8, 14–16). The theoretical implications of wide scope readings of bare nominals for the various approaches of bare nominals in the literature remain to be explored.
3.5. Other Semantic Features: Aspect and Dependent Readings
Verkuyl (1972, 1993) and Krifka (1989) contrast the aspectual behavior of bare plurals with that of singular indefinites, definites, numerals, and quantificational noun phrases in a compositional theory of aspect:
Verkuyl analyzes the contrast between 21a and b in an interval-based semantics, whereas Krifka develops an event-based semantics, but the underlying intuitions are very similar. In Krifka's terms, noun phrases like the puzzle, two puzzles, all the puzzles have quantized reference: Their denotation holds for the whole, not for parts of it. In contrast, the bare plural puzzles refers to more than one puzzle, but does not delimit the quantity of puzzles. Bare plurals have divisive reference (parts of puzzles still qualifies as puzzles, until one reaches the level of individual puzzles) and cumulative reference (puzzles plus more puzzles still qualifies as puzzles). The difference between quantized and divisive/cumulative reference has aspectual implications. When a noun phrase like the puzzle combines with the verb solve, it indicates the inherent end point of the action: Once the puzzle has been solved, Mary cannot go on solving it. Building on Krifka (1989) and Dowty (1991), Tenny (1994) emphasizes that the argument measures out the event. A bare plural does not measure out the event: When puzzles combines with solve, there is no inherent endpoint of the action: In principle, Mary can go on solving ever more puzzles, thus solving puzzles forever. The aspectual differences are reflected in the combination with aspectually sensitive time adverbials: In an hour indicates the time frame within which the activity must reach its inherent endpoint, so it can modify solve the puzzle 21a but not solve puzzles 21b. In contrast, for an hour measures out the duration of the activity, so it can modify solve puzzles in 21b but not solve the puzzle in 21a. The cross-linguistic approach in de Swart (2016) extends this compositional aspect theory to bare singulars.
Divisive and cumulative reference also comes into play in the ability of bare plurals to function as dependent plurals (de Meij, 1981):
Chomsky's (1975) example in 22 has a distributive reading under which different unicycles each have their own (single) wheel. Bare plurals can have singular interpretations when embedded under another bare plural (as in 22), but also in questions, or embedded under negation:
Suppose Brandon has one child. If the bare plural children in Anne's question necessarily refers to multiple children, one would have expected (ii) as Brandon's answer. In reality, (i) is a more likely answer, and (iii) would have misled Anne into thinking Brandon is not a father. In view of the inclusive readings of 22 and 23, Krifka (1989) and Sauerland, Anderssen, and Yatsushiro (2005) propose that plurals are less specific than singulars: They range over singular as well as plural entities. The exclusive plural interpretation of 21b emerges as an implicature of the underspecified plural in episodic context. Farkas and de Swart (2010) argues that the pragmatic approach is too weak, as it would predict a felicitous use of the bare plural in contexts when plural reference is excluded by world knowledge:
People do not have multiple noses, but if the plural interpretation of 24b is just an implicature, plural reference should be cancellable, and 24b should be fine. Yet native speakers strongly prefer the singular indefinite in 24a. In an attempt to restore the correspondence between plural morphology and plural meaning, Farkas and de Swart (2010) assign plural morphology an inclusive plural semantics. The strongest meaning hypothesis assigns the plural the strongest possible meaning in context. In questions and under negation (23), this is an inclusive plural interpretation, but in episodic contexts an exclusive plural interpretation emerges as the strongest meaning, which explains the infelicity of 24b.
Much of the debate on semantic features of bare nominals focuses on bare plurals, because English does not allow argumental bare count nouns, as we noticed in the introduction. However, the cross-linguistic picture is expanding, so more and more research is carried out on bare singulars, in languages that productively use them in subject and object position. We have already seen this with the debate on narrow scope. Interestingly, this development has led to a renewed interest in configurations in which bare count singulars appear in English, such as the examples in 3.
3.6. Bare Singulars in Special Configurations
Danish, French, Romanian, Hungarian, and other languages productively use bare nominals next to full indefinites in predicative position, often with a difference in interpretation, as illustrated in 25 (from Lundskær-Nielsen & Holmes, 1995):
Bare predication gives rise to literal readings with lexical nouns describing professions, religions, or nationalities (Matushansky & Spector, 2005, p. 25a). Full indefinites are used with other nouns, or trigger other meanings (such as the figurative interpretation of 25b). De Swart and Zwarts (2009) observe that such meaning enrichments are the hallmark of many bare singular configurations. Beyssade and Dobrovie-Sorin (2005) and de Swart, Winter, and Zwarts (2007) posit different structures for the two configurations at the syntax–semantics interface: Bare predication lacks a number projection and implies ascription of properties (Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin, 2005) or capacities (de Swart, Winter, & Zwarts, 2007). Indefinite predication projects a full DP (including NumP), and is analyzed in terms of set membership.
Predicative positions are quite different from subject and object position (Longobardi, 1994; Partee, 1987), so the bare nominals in 3b and 26a presumably do not qualify as argumental. Bare nominals in the object position of verbs cannot be so easily dismissed, so examples like 3b are particularly challenging. Meaning enrichment comes into play here as well: Play piano refers to a proper musical performance, not to a toddler randomly hitting the keys. Bare objects come with reduced referentiality features. Discourse anaphoric pronouns are not excluded in sequences like 26a, but the bare nominal in the first sentence does not provide a straightforward antecedent for the pronoun it, as illustrated by the contrast with 26b:
The "weak referentiality" of bare objects comes with more abstract reference to types, kinds, or frames. Aguilar, Le Bruyn, and Zwarts (2014) extend the weak referentiality label to the range of special configurations in which bare singulars appear.
Bare nominals in object position are exceptional in English, but quite common in other languages, and extensive research has been carried out on incorporation or pseudo-incorporation. In languages that freely use argumental bare nouns, it may be hard to distinguish pseudo-incorporation from regular object position, but workable criteria have been developed to keep the two apart by Mohanan (1995) (for Hindi) and Déprez (2005) (for Haitian Creole).
Classical incorporation as studied by Baker (1988) or Rosen (1989) involves special verb–noun configurations at the borderline of morphology and syntax, but there are different kinds of incorporation (Mithun, 1984). Most current research focuses on pseudo-incorporation, as found in Niuean (Massam, 2001):
The bare nominal in 27 clearly occupies an argumental position, and it is arguably an NP rather than just an N: It tolerates adjectival modification, and in certain languages it bears case morphology (e.g., 29b). Pseudo-incorporation has also been studied in West Greenlandic (Van Geenhoven, 1998), Norwegian (Borthen, 2003), Hungarian (Farkas & de Swart, 2003), Maori and Chamorro (Chung & Ladusaw, 2004), Romanian (Dobrovie-Sorin, Bleam, & Espinal, 2006), Spanish and Catalan (Espinal, 2013; Espinal & McNally, 2011) and Hindi (Dayal, 2011b). Besides meaning enrichment and weak referentiality, narrow scope and number neutrality are recurring notions in the debate on pseudo-incorporation.
Narrow scope is a familiar feature of bare nominals, and the incorporated bare noun in the Spanish example 28 patterns with its bare plural counterpart in 14a:
Number neutrality means that the unmarked bare noun can refer to either singular or plural entities. As embedding under negation favors an inclusive interpretation, reference to singular or plural entities by means of unmarked bare nouns is further illustrated in 29:
The incorporation analyzes in the literature differ in their technical details, but most of them treat bare nominals in examples like 27–29 as property denoting. Except for Dayal (2011b), who assigns singular reference to Hindi incorporated nouns, most proposals take incorporated bare nominals to lack grammatical number.
Special mechanisms account for the combination of the verb with a property-denoting argument. Some analyses shift the type of the verb by means of a lexical operation (Espinal & McNally, 2011; Van Geenhoven, 1998), others posit syntactic mechanisms in addition to regular function application (Chung & Ladusaw, 2004; Farkas & de Swart, 2003). The existential quantifier over instantiations of the property is posited low in the compositional interpretation, so it never scopes over other scope-bearing operators in the sentence. Existential closure must be interpreted in such a way that it does not imply discourse referential force, as incorporated bare nominals do not easily antecede anaphoric pronouns (26a) (Farkas & de Swart, 2003).
Bare nominals do not only appear as complements to verbs, but also as complements to prepositions:
Stvan (1998, 2009), Pérez-Leroux and Roeper (1999), and Baldwin et al. (2006) report lexical restrictions on the nouns (lexical classes like religious and educational institutions, as in 30a,b, but also means of transportation as in by plane, by bike), as well as on the prepositions (only simple, general locative prepositions like in, at, to in 30a but not behind, into, towards in 30c). Bare nominals in prepositional phrases display the familiar features of obligatory narrow scope (31a), number neutrality (31b), and weak referentiality (31c):
English also uses bare nominals in more complex prepositional environments:
The reduplicated bare noun in 32a, b is related to semantic plurality (Beck & von Stechow 2007; Jackendoff, 2008; Zwarts, 2013). Reduplication in prepositional environments is a language-specific phenomenon, but it is reminiscent of bare noun coordination, a configuration that is found in a wide range of typologically different languages:
Based on examples like 33a, Heycock and Zamparelli (2003, 2005) and Roodenburg (2004) build an analysis of bare coordination as plural definites. However, examples like 33b (from Le Bruyn & de Swart, 2014) show that existential interpretations are possible as well. All analyses of bare coordination develop a special interpretation of the conjunction as building pairs of entities, rather than denoting set intersection. Meaning enrichment comes into play in the especially tight connection between the conjuncts: Mother and child in 33c can only refer to a mother and her child (not someone else's child).
English makes extensive use of bare nominals in the complement position of prepositions, as illustrated in 30–32, but even in closely related languages like Dutch, German, French, and Norwegian the process is much less productive (Grønn, Le Bruyn, de Swart, & Zwarts, 2011, Kiss, 2015). Hindi imposes strict lexical constraints on verb–noun combinations (Dayal, 2011b), and West Greenlandic has just a handful of verbal roots that allow incorporation (Van Geenhoven, 1998). Spanish and Catalan (Espinal & McNally, 2011) allow pseudo-incorporation with a wide range of "have" verbs (Le Bruyn, de Swart, & Zwarts, 2016), and Hungarian pseudo-incorporation does not impose lexical restrictions on either verbs or nouns (Farkas & de Swart, 2003). This cross-linguistic variation is reminiscent of the overall variation we find in the distribution of bare nominals across the languages of the world. Since argumental bare nouns share semantic features with (pseudo-) incorporated bare nouns, and bare singulars in predicative positions and prepositional phrases, it is not always clear whether we are dealing with distinct phenomena or rather a continuum of properties (Borik & Gehrke, 2015; Carlson, 2006; Mithun, 2010; Van Geenhoven, 1998).
3.7. Widening Perspective
Bare nominals are nouns without an article or other determiner that are used in positions where we also find full DPs. As the D projection is associated with argumenthood, and ensures reference, syntacticians and semanticists have long been concerned with the question of how bare nominals can be used in subject and object position, and what they refer to. The linguistic debate originated in observations made about English bare mass nouns and bare plurals, but over the years, empirical data from a range of different languages have contributed to a more balanced view of the typology of bare nominals. Dayal (2011a) provides a recent overview.
The extension to bare count singulars has led to a renewed interest in special constructions such as predication, pseudo-incorporation, and coordination. New insights are currently obtained by application of more data-intensive methods, including fieldwork on underdescribed languages (monolingual, multilingual, and parallel) corpus research, and psycho-linguistic experimentation.
Further Reading
For a concise overview of definiteness and indefiniteness:
Abbott, B. (2006). Definite and indefinite. In K. Brown (Ed.), Encyclopedia of language and linguistics (2d ed., Vol. 3, pp. 392–399). Oxford: Elsevier.Find this resource:
For more extended references, consult the OUP bibliographies on definiteness (von Heusinger) and indefiniteness (de Swart):
Von Heusinger, K. (2011). Definiteness. Retrieved from http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199772810/obo-9780199772810-0063.xml?rskey=LfMNAJ&result=2&q=definiteness#firstMatch.
de Swart, H. (2013). Indefiniteness. Retrieved from http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199772810/obo-9780199772810-0102.xml?rskey=nzzpQX&result=1&q=indefiniteness#firstMatch.
For a classic overview of issues in the domain of genericity:
Carlson, G., & Pelletier, F. (Eds.). (1995). The generic book. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:
For a classic overview of issues in the grammar of number:
Corbett, G. (2000). Number. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
For an introduction to type shifting in the nominal domain:
Partee, B. H. (1987). Noun phrase interpretation and type-shifting principles. In J. Groenendijk, D. de Jongh, & M. Stokhof Eds.), Studies in discourse representation theory and the theory of generalized quantifiers (pp. 115–144). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris.Find this resource:
For an introduction to scope and scope-bearing operators:
Steedman, M. (2012). Taking scope: The natural semantics of quantifiers, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Find this resource:
For a typological overview of indefinite articles in the languages of the world (Dryer) and in Europe (Schroeder), and an account in Optimality Theory (de Swart & Zwarts):
de Swart, H., & Zwarts, J. (2010). Optimization principles in the typology of number and articles. In B. Heine & H. Narrog (Eds.), Handbook of linguistic analysis (pp. 555–581). Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Dryer, M. (2011). Indefinite articles. In M. Dryer & M. Haspelmath (Eds.), The world atlas of language structures online. Munich: Max Planck Digital Library. Retrieved from http://wals.info/chapter/38.Find this resource:
Schroeder, C. (2006). Articles and article systems in some areas of Europe. In G. Bernini & M. L. Schwartz (Eds.), Pragmatic organization of discourse (pp. 545–614). Berlin: De Gruyter.Find this resource:
For a diachronic analysis of the grammaticalization path of indefinite articles:
Gívon, T. (1991). On the development of the numeral "one" as an indefinite marker. Folia Linguistica Historica, 2, 35–53.Find this resource:
For an overview of Carlson's kind-based analysis:
Carlson, G. (1977). A unified analysis of the English bare plural. Linguistics and Philosophy, 1(3), 413–457. doi:10.1007/BF00353456Find this resource:
Carlson, G. (2003). No lack of determination. In L. Cheng & R. Sybesma (Eds.), The second GLOT International state-of-the-article book: The latest in linguistics (pp. 149–178). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Retrieved from http://www.degruyter.com/view/product/48742.Find this resource:
For an overview of bare nominals across languages in Chierchia's neo-Carlsonian framework:
Dayal, V. (2011a). Bare noun phrases. In K. von Heusinger, C. Maienborn, & P. Portner (Eds.), Semantics: An international handbook of natural language meaning (pp. 1087–1108). Berlin: De Gruyter. Retrieved from https://www.degruyter.com/view/serial/20596.Find this resource:
For recent discussions on incorporation and pseudo-incorporation:
Borik, O., & Gehrke, B. (2015). Introduction. In O. Borik & B. Gehrke (Eds.), The syntax and semantics of pseudo-incorporation (pp. 1–33). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. Retrieved from http://www.brill.com/products/book/syntax-and-semantics-pseudo-incorporation.Find this resource:
Mithun, M. (2010). Constraints on compounding and incorporation. In I. Vogel & S. Scalise (Eds.), Cross-disciplinary issues in compounding (pp. 37–56). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. doi:10.1075/cilt.311.05mitFind this resource:
For a special journal issue on noun incorporation:
Mathieu, E., Chen, C.-H., Geber, D., & Manouilidou, C. (Eds.). (2009). Special issue on Noun incorporation and its kind. Lingua, 119(2), 141–388.Find this resource:
For an overview of bare singulars in special constructions in English and related languages:
de Swart, H. (2015). Constructions with and without articles. In O. Borik & B. Gehrke (Eds.), The syntax and semantics of pseudo-incorporation (pp. 126–156). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. Retrieved from http://www.brill.com/products/book/syntax-and-semantics-pseudo-incorporation.Find this resource:
Abney, S. (1987). The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect (PhD thesis). Cambridge, MA: MIT.Find this resource:
Aguilar-Guevara, A., Le Bruyn, B., & Zwarts, J. (Eds.). (2014). Weak referentiality. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. doi:10.1075/la.219Find this resource:
Baker, M. C. (1988). Incorporation: A theory of grammatical function changing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Retrieved from http://www.ai.mit.edu/projects/dm/theses/baker85.pdf.Find this resource:
Baldwin, T., Beavers, J., van der Beek, L., Bond, F., Flickinger, D. & Sag., I.A. (2006). In search of a systematic treatment of determinerless PPs. In P. Saint-Dizier (Ed.), Computational linguistics dimensions of syntax and semantics of prepositions (pp. 163–179). Berlin: Kluwer Academic Publishers. doi:10.1007/1-4020-3873-9Find this resource:
Beck, S., & von Stechow, A. (2007). Pluractional adverbials. Journal of Semantics, 24, 215–254. doi:10.1093/jos/ffm003Find this resource:
Beyssade, C., & Dobrovie-Sorin. C. (2005). A syntax-based analysis of predication. Proceedings of SALT, 15, 44–61. doi:10.3765/salt.v15i0.2936Find this resource:
Borer, H. (2005). Structuring sense, volume 1: In name only. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Retrieved from https://global.oup.com/academic/product/structuring-sense-9780199263905?cc=nl&lang=en&.Find this resource:
Borik, O., & Gehrke, B. (2015). Introduction. In O. Borik & B. Gehrke (Eds.), The syntax and semantics of pseudo-incorporation (pp. 1–33). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. Retrieved from http://www.brill.com/products/book/syntax-and-semantics-pseudo-incorporation.Find this resource:
Borthen, K. (2003). Norwegian bare singulars (PhD diss.). Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim. Retrieved from http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:123836/FULLTEXT01.pdf.Find this resource:
Bošković, Ž. (2008). What will you have: NP or DP? Proceedings of NELS, 37, 101–114. Retrieved from http://web.uconn.edu/boskovic/papers/nels.illinois.proceedings.final.pdf.Find this resource:
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Carlson, G. (2003). No lack of determination. In L. Cheng & R. Sybesma (Eds.), The second GLOT International state-of-the-article book: The latest in linguistics (pp. 149–178). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Retrieved from http://www.degruyter.com/view/product/48742.Find this resource:
Carlson, G. (2006). The meaningful bounds of incorporation. In S. Vogeleer & L. Tasmowsi (Eds.), Non-definiteness and plurality (pp. 35–50). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. doi:10.1075/la.95Find this resource:
Cheng, L., & Sybesma, R. (1999). Bare and not so bare nouns and the structure of NP. Linguistic Inquiry, 30, 509–542. doi:10.1162/002438999554192Find this resource:
Chierchia, G. (1998). Reference to kinds across languages. Natural Language Semantics, 6, 339–405. doi:10.1023/A:1008324218506Find this resource:
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Chung, S. (2000). On reference to kinds in Indonesian. Natural Language Semantics, 8, 157–171. doi:10.1023/A:1026527925514Find this resource:
Chung, S., & Ladusaw, W. (2004). Restriction and saturation. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Retrieved from https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/restriction-and-saturation.Find this resource:
Dayal, V. (2004). Number marking and (in)definiteness in kind terms. Linguistics and Philosophy, 27, 393–450. doi:10.1023/B:LING.0000024420.80324.67Find this resource:
Dayal, V. (2011a). Bare noun phrases. In K. von Heusinger, C. Maienborn, & P. Portner (Eds.), Semantics: An international handbook of natural language meaning (pp. 1087–1108). Berlin: De Gruyter. Retrieved from https://www.degruyter.com/view/serial/20596.Find this resource:
Dayal, V. (2011b). Hindi pseudo-incorporation. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 29, 123–167. doi:10.1007/s11049-011-9118-4Find this resource:
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Dobrovie-Sorin, C., Bleam, T., & Espinal, M. T. (2006). Bare nouns, number and types of incorporation. In S. Vogeleer & L. Tasmowski (Eds.), Non-definiteness and plurality (pp. 51–79). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. doi:10.1075/la.95Find this resource:
Doron, E. (2003). Bare singular reference to kinds. Proceedings of SALT, 13, 73–90. doi:10.3765/salt.v0i0.2881Find this resource:
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Espinal, M. T., & McNally, L. (2011). Bare singular nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan. Journal of Linguistics, 47, 87–128. doi:10.1007/s11049-011-9118-4Find this resource:
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text:
Attumen Soloed!
Logged into Fae tonight after a little time on my Night Elf Death Knight, Soupdragon, to notice a couple of friends in Tempest Keep, Dan got us both spots and lucky for me, I grabbed the tier 5 chest and shoulders giving me the 2 set finally! That is 15% of your damage heals your pet. So I fiddled around a little with my soloing gear, to be using 2 pieces of tier 5 and 2 pieces of tier 7 (5% extra pet damage). Anyway, after trying back on Jaedia without tier 5, I decided to pop back to Attumen, in Karazhan, and test the new 2 set and my God it makes a difference. Instead of panicking if my pet gets low on health I just need to nuke a little harder. Used foods and 2x level 80 stamina scrolls (on both me and my turtle), overall my pet had 25k health and the only wipes were me playing around with the trash packs before Attumen.
A tip for the trash, prioritise killing Stable Hands first because they damage your pet the most, then Chargers because they're annoying to you, then the rest, and always make sure you pull back to avoid overpulls. Attumen himself is pretty much tank and spank, keep up Mend Pet, nuke down Midnight obviously Misdirecting occasionally, don't want to overaggro, then onto Attumen, all the time ensuring Mend Pet is up and I highly recommend getting 2 pieces of tier 5 if you can. Time for me to go back to MGT HC, after failing miserably at the second boss yesterday, and test it out some more methinks.


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The most common cause of anemia is a lack of iron. This is called iron deficiency. Iron is needed to make hemoglobin. Hemoglobin is the part of red blood cells that carries oxygen to the body. Most of your body's iron is stored in hemoglobin.
Iron-deficiency anemia may be caused by the following:
People who have a greater need for iron are at risk for this condition. This includes:
Each person's symptoms will very. Symptoms may include:
The symptoms of iron-deficiency anemia may look like other blood conditions or health problems. Always see your healthcare provider for a diagnosis.
Your healthcare provider may think you have iron-deficiency anemia based on your symptoms and a complete medical history and physical exam. This condition is usually found through a blood test that measures the amount of hemoglobin present, and the amount of iron in your blood. Other tests may include:
Your healthcare provider will create a care plan based on:
Treatment may include:
Eating a diet with iron-rich foods can help. Good sources of iron include:
Iron supplements can be taken over a few months to increase iron levels in your blood. These supplements can irritate your stomach and discolor bowel movements. Take them on an empty stomach or with orange juice. This can help increase iron absorption. Supplements are much more effective than dietary changes alone.
This may include having an upper endoscopy or colonoscopy.
The best way to prevent iron-deficiency anemia is to eat a well-balanced diet that includes iron-rich foods. Talk with your provider about taking an iron supplement if you or your child:
Iron-deficiency may be short-term (temporary). But if you have heavy monthly periods or other risk factors, you may need to address this throughout your life. Eat a well-balanced diet that includes iron-rich foods. Also talk with your provider about taking an iron supplement. Be sure to address any underlying blood loss or condition that may cause your anemia.
Tips to help you get the most from a visit to your healthcare provider:


text:
An Inspirational, Aspirational Quiet Book
I've said before, I'm a sucker for miniatures. As a corollary to that truth, I'm also fascinated by details, and the tinier, the better. So imagine the "Squee!" that escaped from my lips when I found this amazing handmade quiet book. The skill in the detailing is truly hard to believe. And it makes me want to spend hours making one of my own.
Jenya, a blogger in Russia, makes unbelievably gorgeous busy books. Not only will they keep a toddler occupied, they teach facility with all kinds of different fasteners: velcro, hook-and-eye, buckles, snaps, buttons, magnetic closures, laces, zippers... it's truly amazing how many different closures Jenya has managed to incorporate into these books. Some pages even teach knowledge, like the page that asks the child to match animals with what they eat.
The detailing on these books is so intricate and well-executed, they nearly seem like works of art. Click through the site to see many, many pictures of her creations and perhaps get some ideas of your own.
Read More: Handmade by Mom
(Images: Jenya Saveliev, Handmade by Mom)


text:
Hey guys, I need some help.
I was studying about materials and textures in a simple house and now I found this trouble: I can't see the walls while looking through the window.
This is how I see while looking from outside.
And this is how I see while looking from inside.
Can you help? What is happening?


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The Quest to improve nitrogen use efficiency in corn and soybeans prompted Monsanto to collaborate with an ag biotech company called Evogene. Under an agreement between the two companies, Monsanto may use genes discovered by Evogene to improve nitrogen use in plants. According to Monsanto, the genes from Evogene "are complementary to the nitrogen utilization genes already in testing in Monsanto's pipeline and could provide the opportunity to further a series of upgrades for this key target area."
Monsanto claims that nitrogen fertilizer represents one-fifth of the operating costs for a corn producer. Finding the genetic keys that help a corn plant absorb and use more nitrogen will help a grower lower costs and improve profitability. The potential market for such a genetic trait is great.


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URBANA, Ill. — A Kankakee man has been sentenced to 25 years in prison for taking $11 from an Urbana woman during a mugging last spring.
Champaign County Judge Heidi Ladd sentenced 21-year-old Joseph Hairston on Thursday. A jury convicted Hairston of robbery in August for attacking the woman as she walked home from her job.
The (Champaign) News-Gazette reports that the judge told Hairston that people going home from work "shouldn't have to look over their shoulder in fear."
Prosecutors say the woman testified that she was grabbed from behind and dragged behind a building before handing over the $11 after her attacker threatened to kill her. She suffered scrapes and bruises but wasn't otherwise physically injured.