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Lyon, David - The Snowden Stakes: Challenges for understanding surveillance today - 2015
The drip-feed disclosures about state surveillance following Edward Snowden's dramatic departure from his NSA contractor, Booz Allen, carrying over one million revealing files, angered some and prompted some serious heart-searching in others. One of the challenges is to those who engage in Surveillance Studies. Three kinds of issues present themselves: One, research disregard: responses to the revelations show a surprising lack of understanding of the complex, large-scale, multi-faceted panoply of surveillance that has been constructed over the past 40 years or so that includes but is far from exhausted by state surveillance itself. Two, research deficits: we find that a number of crucial areas require much more research. These include the role of physical conduits including fibre-optic cables within circuits or power, of global networks of security and intelligence professionals, and of the minutiae of everyday social media practices. Three, research direction: the kinds of surveillance that have developed over several decades are heavily dependent on the digital—and, increasingly, on so-called Big Data—but also extend beyond it. However, if there is a key issue raised by the Snowden revelations, it is the future of the internet. Information and its central conduits have become an unprecedented arena of political struggle, centred on surveillance and privacy. And those concepts themselves require rethinking.
"Nineteen-Eighty-Four is an important book but we should not bind ourselves to the limits of the author's imagination. Time has shown that the world is much more unpredictable and dangerous than that." - Edward Snowden, July 2014.
The disclosures about mass surveillance, provided by Edward Snowden, offer extensive insights into the inner workings of National Security Agency (NSA). One of the first things that featured in news accounts was that so-called mass surveillance is carried out on 'US persons' as well as foreigners and that those 'foreigners' may include close allies. While some details are tantalizingly patchy, for the most part the sheer volume of files and the range of areas to which they refer are nothing short of mind boggling. And although the drip-feed disclosures began in June 2013, they continue to be released, with the result that any commentary is open to further modification.
Moreover, the impact of Snowden's whistleblowing leaks is now being felt more profoundly at a national policy level, in 2015, in more than one context. First, the US Freedom Act, passed on June 2, 2015, restored in modified form some aspects of the post-9/11 Patriot Act but crucially, restricts the bulk collection of telephone metadata of American citizens. Second, on June 11, a major governmentcommissioned report on counter-terrorism measures, A Question of Trust, by David Anderson, called for curbs on the UK's GCHQ. In particular, it is highly critical of the existing system of oversight of intelligence agencies. Neither of these would have been possible without Snowden.
Both what may be learned from the disclosed documents and what may be seen of their direct impacts provide the basis for some serious re-thinking of some assumptions about surveillance in the 21st century. To take one prominent example, the very term 'surveillance' may require some new qualification. What is known about NSA practices raises questions about the supposed clear distinction between 'mass' and 'targeted' surveillance, and the wholesale use of 'metadata' foregrounds long-standing debates about how to define 'personal data' (or 'personally identifiable information'). What goes for the 'subject' of surveillance applies to 'privacy' as well. Each requires some serious rethinking.
On these questions, themselves seen as controversial by defenders of the NSA's practices, there is little settled opinion as yet. If data are sought on a 'mass' basis, from wide swathes of a given population, with a view to identifying algorithmically through correlations who might be a 'person of interest,' the point at which 'mass' becomes 'targeted' surveillance is at best an indeterminate threshold. And if the kind of data obtained in the first instance are in fact metadata—such as IP address, duration of call, which friends were contacted?—then they comprise just the kinds of information that a private detective might seek: who spoke to whom, when, and for how long? Despite protestations to the contrary, it is hard to deny that such metadata are highly 'personal,' especially now that the US Freedom Act explicitly limits such collection.
That the activities of the NSA and its sister agencies around the world are controversial is made abundantly clear by government efforts in more than one country to use the term 'bulk collection' of data rather than 'mass surveillance.' 2 In a case in 2000, the European Court of Human Rights concluded that even the storing of data relating to the "private life" of an individual falls within the application of Article 8.1 of the European Convention on Human Rights (Bowden cited by Greenwald 2015). But the debates over this are fierce in countries such as the UK and US. This article argues that gathering and analyzing metadata, including content of communications, is best thought of as 'mass' surveillance, even though, as noted above, locating 'suspects' is still the main aim.
Surveillance Studies, the multi-disciplinary field of research dedicated to understanding in context contemporary practices such as monitoring, tracking and identification, is well positioned to respond to the new challenges raised by the Snowden files. However, the case made here is that, while some challenges are direct ones, to our grasp of substantive aspects of surveillance processes, others are indirect. While no claim is made about the exhaustiveness of the analysis that follows, it does suggest that Surveillance Studies can make significant contributions to considering each kind of challenge.
Snowden's own comments about Orwell point in this direction, too. Given that, for many people, the spectre of Big Brother is still the one that fuels the imagination regarding mass surveillance, there is a need to place Orwell's dystopic and cautionary tale in context. For Snowden, this is primarily a technological matter; "quaint" microphones hidden in bushes and the telescreen that can observe us have given way to mobile webcams and network microphones in cell-phones. But while Orwell cannot be blamed for not foreseeing the consequences of the so-called information revolution, it is also worth recalling that, like Max Weber or Hannah Arendt, 3 Orwell saw surveillance as in part an outcome of a relentless rationality expressed in bureaucratic procedures. That constraining cultural condition undoubtedly helps to explain why surveillance is in one sense self-augmenting. But more than that is needed to indicate in particular what difference is made by the digital.
Snowden's conviction is that due to surveillance, today's "…world is much more unpredictable and dangerous" than Orwell could have guessed. This too represents a genuine challenge from Snowden, not only to upgrade our grasp of new technology, but also place any and all technological systems in their social, political-economic and cultural context. The use of metadata, for example, is no mere outcome of technological potential, such as the exponential expansion of storage power, but of specific approaches to risk management in security industries and of consumer clustering in marketing, each of which has risen to prominence in contexts where globalization—understood as neo-liberalism—holds sway.
In what follows, three kinds of challenge are identified and discussed. The first, 'research disregard,' is in a sense historical: why the shocked and outraged responses to Snowden's revelations as if this is the first we have heard of very large scale surveillance in the early 21st or even late 20th century? The second has more to do with substantive and current challenges emerging from the revelations themselves; I label it 'research deficit.' I indicate some areas that require some serious reappraisal in our understanding of surveillance today. The third, 'research direction,' points rather to the future, suggesting that the larger context of the Snowden revelations is the fate of the internet. Surveillance should never be thought of as a discrete dimension of the modern world. Today, it cannot be understood without investigating information and its current conduit, the internet. In a coda, I return to the issues of how to rethink 'surveillance' and 'privacy' for today.
These, then, are the Snowden stakes. The revelations have rightly remained buoyant in the headlines, just because so much is "at stake," not merely for Surveillance Studies or the future of the internet, but more significantly, for privacy, human rights, civil liberties, freedom and justice.
Research disregard
The Snowden revelations continue to make headline news and several major diplomatic events have been sparked by them. Angela Merkel, Germany's Chancellor and Dilma Roussef, the Brazilian president, for example, say they were shocked to discover that their cell-phone conversations had been monitored. 4 As well, individual populations outside the US have reacted negatively on finding that the NSA has been active in unexpected ways within their national territory. In Canada, for example, it was disclosed that the NSA had set up shop in the capital, Ottawa, in order to monitor the G8, G20 summit in June 2010 (Weston, Greenwald and Gallagher 2013).
Broadly speaking, at least three elements of surveillance practices became strikingly evident during 2013 and since. One, governments engage in mass surveillance on their own citizens. The NSA works closely with the 'Five Eyes' of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK but their activities are also mirrored in many other countries. Two, corporations share their 'own' data supplies with government, to mutual benefit. This happens as internet companies in particular, knowingly or not, collude with government to provide personal data. Three, ordinary citizens also participate through their online interactions— especially in social media—and cell-phone use. Without necessarily being aware of it, we all feed data to the NSA and its cognate agencies, just by contacting others electronically (Lyon 2013).
However huge the revelations, though, it has to be said that there was little that was completely new about the three surveillance elements mentioned here. Granted, the massive import of the Snowden disclosures lay in the substantial store of clear evidence pointing to the present and ongoing reality of mass surveillance and this was undoubtedly new. When the news first broke in The Guardian on June 5 2013, several factors were startling. Verizon, the telecom giant, was required by the NSA to give information on all calls within the USA and between the USA and other countries between April and July that year. Secret domestic spying on an astounding scale was happening under President Obama (Greenwald 2013). But the international outcry against the realities of mass surveillance now revealed gave the impression that citizens were quite unaware and unprepared for what they now were hearing.
This suggests that surveillance was not really on the radar of most ordinary citizens. But still, to those engaged in examining surveillance and in proposing legal, technical and policy responses, the sense of unawareness may have come as something of a disappointment; it is easy to over-estimate the reception of our own work. Also, most responses worry about the assault on privacy, construed as a personal - understood as individual - matter, which shows little understanding of the ways that surveillance also operates as social sorting, targeting primarily population groups before individuals, or of how privacy speaks to these questions of human rights and social justice as well. The main exception to the individualizing focus on privacy is among those whose concern is that communications privacy has been egregiously violated, which prompts weighty questions about trust in particular.
The popular and media debate over Snowden has focused all-too-frequently on state surveillance primarily as a threat to individuals, except where the challenge to a free and open internet has been recognized. Yet the evidence shows that arbitrary power is used against all citizens when mass surveillance is practiced. As a number of advocates have argued for some time (Regan 1995; Bennett and Raab 2006; Steeves 2009), privacy is not only an individual matter. Surveillance and privacy can each be considered along a spectrum of relationships, from the monad to the multitude. By definition, mass surveillance means that anyone and everyone can be caught in the surveillance net and the larger the scale of surveillance, the more likely it is that false positives will emerge in the quest for 'persons of interest.' These questions are pursued below.
Despite two decades of growth in Surveillance Studies there seems to be little public understanding of surveillance as it is practiced today. The sorts of practices uncovered by Snowden are ones that have a long history, not only in the annals of intelligence gathering and national security agencies, but in spheres from policing to public administration to consumer marketing. This should be salutary for those engaged in the academic study of surveillance and indeed for any who care about freedom, democracy and justice in the 21st century (for a no-holds-barred critique see Giroux 2014). It is worth briefly reviewing that development.
In the 1980s those interested in the study of surveillance were concerned primarily with state surveillance on the one hand (e.g. Burnham 1983; Campbell and Connor 1986) and workplace surveillance on the other (e.g. Webster and Robins 1986; Zuboff 1988). More broadly, surveillance in the service of 'social control' was discussed in relation to policing and the management of offenders (e.g. Cohen 1985; Marx 1988), and this dimension was already merging, in part with questions of 'national security.' However, research on consumer surveillance—and its links with systems of public administration—were also available at this time (see the pioneering work of Rule 1974) but consumer surveillance would not be recognized as part of mainstream surveillance developments until the 1990s (see, prominently, Gandy 1993). Without exception, these authors stressed the impact of computerization on the ways that these existing forms of surveillance, including public video cameras, would develop.
By the 1990s, however, the term 'surveillance society' was in much more general use as a term that indicated the ways that what once seemed to be restricted to the activities of government, policing or employment was spilling over into everyday life (Lyon 2001). This term in no way minimized the importance of state surveillance but did indicate that systemic surveillance of many kinds could be expected simply as a result of conducting one's daily affairs. Increasingly, surveillance became visible through ubiquitous cameras in public streets and locations such as shopping malls, the use of credit cards and, progressively, loyalty cards, plus, in some rudimentary ways, through online interactions that expanded after the development of the World Wide Web in 1994 and the subsequent commercialization of the internet, from 1995.
During the early 2000s, two events occurred that were to shape the direction of surveillance decisively, although the potential connections between them were not made public until 2010. One was the attacks of September 2001 ('9/11'), and also the London bombings of '7/7', and the Madrid train attack, the aftermath of which hugely boosted security-related surveillance at least in the global north. Interestingly, the activities of the quickly-formed Department of Homeland Security took some cues from 'Customer Relationship Management' (CRM) in their quest for 'Total Information Awareness (TIA)' (Lyon 2003: 92f). The other was the definitive appearance of social media, symbolized by the invention of Facebook in 2004, that quickly established itself as a mainstream dimension of the internet, simultaneously facilitating new levels of consumer surveillance (not to mention social surveillance, Marwick 2012; Trottier 2012), now based on self-expressed preferences and tastes. By President Obama's inauguration in 2009 the DHS had developed a Social Networking Monitoring Center to check for 'items of interest' (Lynch 2010).
In a sense, then, the Snowden disclosures may be functioning as a wake-up call to publics still unaware that the day of mass surveillance of ordinary citizens had already dawned. If it was not already clear, after 9/11 the 'national security' rationale for intensified surveillance (Ball and Webster 2003) became prominent and with it the use of data analytics (now generally referred to as 'Big Data,' Lyon 2014a). The TIA was dependent on a very large-scale database using "new algorithms for mining, combining and refining data" 5 that included bank machine use, credit card trails, internet cookies, medical files — anything, indeed, that might produce interesting correlations that might indicate meaningful relationships between records. These, the Snowden files show, are among just the methods used by the NSA in its surveillance both domestic and foreign.
Without doubt, Snowden is right to raise issues of privacy, civil liberties—including freedom of expression, communication and assembly—and human rights in relation to what his findings have exposed about the NSA and its cognate agencies around the world. But what many studies of surveillance over the past two decades have shown is that deeper questions are raised that challenge many conventional assumptions about contemporary societies, their actual forms of power, their politics and their democratic institutions and processes. As the above analysis shows, this is not only a question of electronicallyenhanced bureaucratic power bearing down upon hapless citizens. It also has to do with how those citizens engage with the everyday, in communication, interaction and exchange, much of which occurs using digital devices. Arguably, then, it is also a matter of a surveillance culture (Lyon 2014b) in which an increasing proportion of the world's population lives and to which, for a number of reasons, many have become inured.
As well as the more fundamental societal-cultural questions raised by the Snowden findings, the key issues of contemporary surveillance may also be discerned through considering some major trends that have become increasingly evident in the past decade or so (and in the following section, we explore how some of these intersect with three central Snowden-specific questions). In addition to the sheer exponential growth of surveillance, as it has increasingly become a basic mode of organizational practice, several other significant trends may be identified (for more on this, see Bennett et al. 2014; Brown 2010).
As mentioned earlier, security is becoming a key driver of surveillance, not only at the 'national' level but also in general types of policing, urban security and in workplaces, transit systems and schools (Taylor 2013). This is of course, a key issue and one fraught with basic problems of definition, which also relates to its status as a widely-used political rationale for a range of controversial measures. The kind of 'national security' that prompts increased surveillance arguably has little in common with the kinds of 'security'—from things like famine, fear, even freedom—that many might think would benefit their communities and families. Moreover, in practice, many current attempts to procure national security seem to jeopardize the civil liberties and human rights basic to democratic practice (see Zedner 2009).
At the same time, it must be acknowledged that not only 'security' but also some much more mundane motifs are significant in the development of surveillance today. One is 'efficiency,' that encourages the use of cost-cutting policies and technology-intensive solutions and the other is 'convenience' that dominates much of the appeal of marketers to consumers. Under such very ordinary and unremarkable motifs surveillance expands apace, as evidence-producing technologies (as Josh Lauer calls them) are adopted for reasons that are routine and everyday.
'Security,' on the other hand, is still supreme among these 'drivers.' For philosopher Giorgio Agamben, the security motif seen behind contemporary surveillance may be trumping not only democracy but politics itself (Agamben 2013) and this insight may at least serve as a theorem to be explored. At the same time, this trend must be seen alongside another, the intertwining—and in some respects integration—of public and private agencies. The governmental and the corporate have always worked closely together in modern times but the idea that they inhabit essentially different spheres, with different mandates, is currently unraveling. As Snowden revealed, telephone companies such as Verizon and internet companies such as Microsoft work in tandem with state agencies such as the NSA, in ways that have yet to be fully understood.
Several other important trends also deserve mention, if only to flag their significance (they are discussed in Bennett et al. 2014). Mobile and location-based surveillance is expanding, which means that the timeand-space coordinates of our lives are increasingly monitored. Surveillance is more and more embedded in everyday environments such as buildings, vehicles and homes. Machines recognize individual owners and users through card-swiping or voice-activation. The human body is itself the source of surveillance data, with DNA records, fingerprinting, facial recognition coming to be viewed as reliable means of identification and verification. Moreover, all these trends are rapidly being globalized, which is in itself a surveillance trend of some import. As mentioned above, social surveillance via networking sites is rising, a topic we return to below. And in all this, it becomes steadily more difficult to know what exactly counts as 'personal data.' Vehicle licence plates, presence in group photos posted on social media and of course metadata make definition difficult.
All the above stand as challenges to Surveillance Studies in particular, and to any and all citizens of contemporary liberal democracies in general. There are, however, some more specific questions to which I now draw attention. These are areas in which, after Snowden, we are obliged to say that current surveillance research simply does not yet know enough.
Research deficit
If the historical problem is the apparent disregard of research about surveillance, permitting a sense of surprise rather than sober expectation, then the contemporary problem is that current research has yet to catch up with some vital surveillance developments. In each case—digital infrastructures, professional networks and social media practices—the difficulty of identifying the object of research is compounded by misleading language, dubious assumptions and inadequate theory. There is no conspiracy here, just an analytic fog that has to clear before the contours of each situation can be seen more sharply.
The first issue is one that may be most dramatically seen in relation to cloud computing (fog again?) and the electronic transfer of data from place to place. The metaphor of the cloud originated in diagrams intended to demonstrate how information is moved around (Mosco 2014: 77). The impression given—and reinforced through cloud marketing—is that somehow data flits weightlessly through the ether when in fact the actual conduits are fibre-optic cables. There is a geographical and material element to the cloud that belies the benign, fluffy, floating image. That material-geographic element is crucial to power configurations. Part of this has to do with the leading role of the US, through the NSA. As Andrew Clement shows, data files sent from the University of Toronto to the Ontario government (a few city blocks away, also in Toronto) actually travel down fibre-optic cables in a "boomerang" pattern to US data-handling interchanges before reaching their destination back in Canada (Clement 2013). They thus travel though a quite different data regime than Canada's. But new power configurations are also generated by the capacity to tap into digital data, which depends on cooperation between participating countries in order to obtain general views of the operation of the internet.
NSA programs use such cables to collect (Upstream, Quantuminsert—see also commercial versions of such hacking programs 6 and to intercept (Tempora) data. Interceptors are placed strategically along the cable routes, a practice undertaken by many countries, as Snowden's work shows, and through Global Crossing security agreements with private companies much of the world's fibre optic cable is accessible to the US (Timberg and Nakashima 2013). More targeted surveillance occurs using systems like XKeyscore, which is linked to the PRISM program. XKeyscore also stores material in data caches spread around the world in specific locations (see map in Bennett et al. 2014: 113). PRISM, in turn, depends on consumer data obtained from internet companies through social media and cloud platforms (such as Dropbox; see Bauman et al. 2014: 123).
The second issue is that it is hard to pin down exactly who is conducting surveillance. Although the term 'state' surveillance is common in everyday parlance, those who stand in for 'state' employees are many and varied, and this follows from the point above about the blurring between public and private sectors. Snowden's own position before his departure with the documents illustrates this. He worked for Booz Allen Hamilton, whose expertise was subcontracted to the NSA. Didier Bigo (e.g. 2008; see also Ball and Snider 2013; Bauman et al. 2014: 124-131; Lyon and Topak 2013) has for some time drawn attention to the ways in which "security professionals" now form an international network, operating in different countries but with extensive cooperation. These are intelligence agents, technical experts, police (both public and private), advisers and others whose immediate genesis lies in post-9/11 international antiterrorism cooperation but has now expanded into a clearly discernible network of some considerable influence.
Importantly, older distinctions break down as this network of "unease managers" (as Bigo calls them) develops. They connect public and private agencies, internal and external security, national and international interests and so on. This development grows alongside the digitization of security and surveillance such that, paradoxically, 'national' security is no longer 'national' in "…its acquisition or even analysis, of data…" which helps to blur "…the lines of what is national as well as the boundaries between law enforcement and intelligence" (Bauman et al. 2014: 125). This issue is related to the one mentioned above, about the uncertainty of who actually carries out surveillance, although the further point here is that a loose affiliation of professional organizations can be identified. They work together, learning from each other and developing their own protocols, rationales and surveillance practices.
As the examples from the US show, similar surveillance practices occur across the board, whether in the DHS, CIA, FBI or the NSA (or, for that matter, in the UK's GCHQ or Canada's CSEC). These 'acronym' policing and intelligence organizations also rely on similar subcontracting organizations that also display similar technical, statistical and political-economic activities (see Ball and Snider 2013). Both policing and intelligence agencies have military connections that also influence their practices and as well the traffic is two way: information handling is crucial to each, such that policing becomes more data-heavy (Haggerty and Ericson 1997) and also more inflected by military method (Brodeur 2010). In all cases it is also clear that such organizations do not just react to perceived threats to national security or to criminal acts. They actively construct the target populations and refine the rationales for so-doing. This is where the commercial connections with technology corporations also become centrally significant, in conjunction with government actors. Policy influences and is influenced by the corporate and technical approaches and practices. At an organizational and network level, then, relationships are manifold and complex.
The third 'research deficit' question has to do with the tissues connecting these organizational networks and their practices with the subjects of surveillance or, more properly, with target populations. The internet, and above all social media, are crucial here, although cell-phone use is another linked dimension of the same question. It is important to recall that social media is a 21st century phenomenon of only very recent provenance. Yet it has grown at an astonishing speed and with amazing global reach such that it is now one of the dominant aspects of internet use. While much significant social research has occurred in this area—particularly with the help of units such as the Oxford Internet Institute in the UK or the Pew 'Internet and American Life' program—understanding how social media users operate in relation to practices and concepts relating to surveillance and privacy is still very much an infant subfield and a vital research priority (see, e.g. Fuchs 2014; Marwick 2013; Trottier 2012).
In a longer historical frame, it might seem strange that social media users would freely permit personal details to be widely and promiscuously circulated online, thus making them vulnerable to intense surveillance both by the corporations that seek their data for marketing purposes and by policing and intelligence agencies. Such willing compliance would surely have puzzled and bothered an Orwell, attuned as he was to the use of new technologies to procure popular subservience to the state. But there is a strong sense in which today's situation is decidedly post-Orwellian. Not merely that the technologies of surveillance have been hugely upgraded, but that surveillance practices are common to all organizations, which amounts to surveillance "regimes" (Giroux 2014: 7) and as I noted above, a surveillance culture. In such a culture, surveillance is not only a form of entertainment but also something encountered in everyday life and in which many knowingly and actively engage themselves. Lives are lived, in part, online.
The research question that presents itself here is what long-term impact the Snowden revelations and their aftermath will have in informing and perhaps reorienting the practices of social media users. This involves careful analysis of how users themselves perceive the situations in which they find themselves and the practices they pursue online. For instance, Pew researchers found that social media users are unwilling to discuss Snowden online—and offline too—preferring safer environments such as the dinner table for such conversations. 7 As well this is a challenge for policy and advocacy research that is willing to go beyond conventional understandings of surveillance and, especially, privacy (see e.g. Cohen 2012).
This also involves fresh investigations of the potential of internet communication for questioning and resistance to forms of surveillance deemed excessive, unnecessary, or illegal. One the one hand, numerous internet-related NGOs and lobby and pressure groups have formed a disparate social movement to demand accountability for, and transparency about, the surveillance practices exposed by Snowden. 8 On the other, everyday engagement of users with social media may be reflexively informed by growing knowledge of how surveillance works in the world after Snowden. Concepts such as "exposure" (Ball 2009) find new critical import for understanding how, how much, and under what circumstances users reveal personal data to others.
These questions lead into a more general inquiry about the future of internet-related surveillance research, which, I argue in the next section, has risen in significance to stand today as a key area—in the sense that it informs many other areas —in surveillance research.
Research direction
Internet freedom—the ability to use the network without institutional constraints, social or state control, and pervasive fear—is central to the fulfillment of [its] promise. Converting the internet into a system of surveillance thus guts it of its core potential. (- Glenn Greenwald 2014: 6)
Any field of study, including that of surveillance, is obliged to review from time-to-time the main force-fields that shape the object of analysis. Today the internet is bound up with surveillance at many levels and thus deserves special attention. This section argues that the research direction for Surveillance Studies should be strongly inflected by issues of information and the internet. The kinds of surveillance that have developed over several decades are heavily dependent on the digital—and, increasingly, on what is now labelled Big Data—but also extend beyond it. As Greenwald indicates, the Snowden revelations raise as a key issue the future of the internet. While it is true that modern societies have been 'information societies'—and thus 'surveillance societies'—from their inception (Lyon 2005), today information and its central conduits have become an unprecedented arena of political struggle, centred on surveillance. This suggests that both analytically, in terms of research directions, and politically, in terms of practice and policy, the internet and surveillance are bound in a mutually-informing relation.
The use of internet for surveillance is not new but its scope has never been greater. For many, such as Greenwald and Snowden himself, this is a great betrayal of the initial wave of optimism about its democratic potential with which the internet was born. The hoped-for human benefit pre-dated the commercialization of the internet but versions of it were also woven-into many corporate aspirations in Silicon Valley and elsewhere from the 1990s onwards. Some popular and prescient writers such as Ithiel de Sola Pool (1983) foresaw the development of what we now call the internet, arguing that it was a key carrier of technological freedom. He insisted that free speech would become a vital issue. How regulation and access were organized would determine whether or not the new communications would enhance democracy as the political platform and the printing press had done before.
What happened to those utopian dreams of the 'information revolution' pundits of the 1980s? After all, they had correctly noted the emancipatory and democratizing possibilities offered by the new technologies. But Ithiel de Sola Pool and others of his ilk perhaps paid insufficient attention to the already-existing political economy informing information technologies—not to mention the over-arching cultural belief in the power of Technology. Together, they led to a failure to note that the new technologies might be deemed efficacious despite evidence to the contrary, and to see the flaws in the analysis that sees knowledge as a new and independent factor of production. Following Karl Polanyi (1944, 2001), one might think of informational knowledge as in fact a 'fictitious commodity' that has been cut off from its social origins in creative labour as an 'independent' form in expert systems or virtual services (Hayles 1999), integrated into an economic system of general commodification where profit is the bottom line, and is allocated through the market, where reciprocity or social justice have little or no say (Jessop 2007; also Schiller 1988). The commodification of the internet in 1995 was a critical moment in the more general development of information as a fictitious commodity.
However, De Sola Pool's thirty-year-old comments on freedom of speech came home dramatically as documents were released by Snowden. By this time matters had become polarized. Right on the heels of the news about the NSA's access to Verizon telephone subscriber data came the disclosures about the PRISM program that directly implicated major internet companies such as Microsoft, Yahoo!, Google and Facebook. Urgent exchanges occurred, some of which involved some puzzlement on the part of the companies: yes, they had parted with some data but the revelations seemed to suggest that far greater quantities were involved than they had themselves authorized. As it transpired, beyond the FISAauthorized access to data held by internet companies, the NSA had also found ways to intercept upstream in the data flow, using systems such as Muscular, developed by the NSA along with Five Eyes partner the UK GCHQ (Gellman and Soltani 2013).
As Steven Levy noted in a Wired article (Levy 2014), the Snowden 'revelations' exposed a "…seemingly irresolvable conflict. While Silicon Valley must be transparent in many regards, spy agencies operate under a cloak of obfuscation."
Snowden's findings shone a spotlight on an issue of which internet companies had been all too aware for some years. Companies such as Google, Yahoo! and Twitter had struggled to hold off government attempts, through the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) court, to oblige them to hand over customer data. To their credit, the companies seemed to have tried to ward off such efforts 9 but the combination of government power and the fact that the companies also have government contracts compromised the struggle somewhat. PRISM focused the fight, but the secrecy surrounding the NSA has made it very difficult to know exactly what is happening. They are fighting in a fog. This also presents problems for those trying to research corporate-government surveillance relations.
The details of the ongoing controversies and battles may be found on various sites 10 but the theme that unites them is surveillance and the future of the internet. This has several implications for analysis and action.
One important outcome is that those studying surveillance have come to realize that those researching communications have much to offer. From Oscar Gandy's or Joseph Turow's pioneering work in consumer surveillance to Mark Andrejevic's or Alice Marwick's explorations of online surveillance (Gandy 1993, 2012; Turow 2012; Andrejevic 2007, 2013; Marwick 2013), not to mention ongoing work on communications surveillance itself, the connections are clear. Those whose surveillance background is in criminology or public policy in particular may need to strengthen their analyses by examining more closely how the internet intersects with their understanding of surveillance. Equally, those grappling with questions about internet surveillance would do well to look at the literatures of surveillance—and of privacy—more broadly conceived (e.g. Raab and Goold 2011).
A second area is to explore further the analytical possibilities for considering information as a fictitious commodity. One could argue, for example, with the strong push towards so-called Big Data, that the severing of connections between information and its social roots is now even more pronounced. In N. Katherine Hayles' analysis, information "loses its body" dating from the time of the 1950s Macey Conferences on communication theory onward. But I would argue that now so-called personal data progressively loses its 'person' (Lyon 2014a). When data gathered for commercial (marketing) purposes—which already stretch the links between data and individuals—are then resignified for security goals, quite new social and legal problems appear (Amoore 2014). All too often, inappropriate talk of 'raw data' gives the impression that they are harmless technical means of connecting the dots through algorithms. The practices and politics of algorithms are profound but scarcely explored (but see e.g. Kitchin 2014; Morozov 2013).
A third area of concern has to do with the politics of the internet in the era of 'mass' surveillance. In an obvious sense, this has been a key aspect of the Snowden controversies from the outset. Governments, including the US Administration, have been obliged to respond to the continuing debates over state power and its entwinement with commercial networks, especially internet companies (see e.g. Clarke et al. 2014). But the politics of internet surveillance is also a strong current running through the internet companies themselves—they have had to distance themselves from the NSA while at the same time acknowledging that they do cooperate extensively with government. Alongside these areas of turbulence is the active resistance of numerous NGOs who are engaged with both the civil liberties and privacy dimensions of mass surveillance and, again, the future of the internet itself. The new coalitions that have formed since Snowden, between EPIC, EFF and ACLU in the US, for instance, or under the banner of OpenMedia in Canada, are making waves in fresh ways and building creatively towards consensus on each new Snowden revelation. Could this be the more concerted response to surveillance that Colin Bennett concluded was still lacking when he published his 2008 book, The Privacy Advocates?
The future of the internet still hangs in the balance as the revelations about mass surveillance continue. As Ron Deibert indicates in Black Code (2013), broad issues of enclosure, secrecy and the arms race are all implicated here. And as Jonathan Zittrain (2009) reminds us, from a different standpoint, the internet has never had a golden age. The problems as well as the potential were built-in from the outset. Analysis of the spread of surveillance has never been more significant, from the threats to individual people to the consequences for war and peace, wealth and poverty, on a global level.
Coda: Snowden, surveillance and privacy
This article has surveyed some of the most striking implications of what, thanks to Snowden, we now know about 'national security' surveillance in the early 21st century. The historical question is, why, when the surveillance society is already so well-developed, were Snowden's 'revelations' read in the media as a complete surprise? The current question asks what key aspects of today's surveillance require new forms of analysis, along with policy and political response? The future question considers what the internet has now come to signify, and how it might be reclaimed for its original promise, given that it is the key site for surveillance practices at several levels?
At the outset, however, we noted that the Snowden revelations raise questions about the very language commonly used to discuss the monitoring and tracking of daily life and responses to these practices: surveillance and privacy. Concepts are always contested, some more than others. And definitions are always difficult because they reveal the time, place and cultural assumptions of their origins. Again, these questions have been raised before, but perhaps never so sharply as in relation to the post-Snowden scene. Once, the distinction between targeted and mass surveillance seemed fairly clear. No more. The lines blur with traffic between the two; is the person or the profile being surveilled? Once, privacy was construed primarily as a matter relating to the interests, or rights, of a specific identifiable individual. No more.
When profiling is 'anticipatory' and hunches about a possible 'nexus' to terrorism are the basis of suspicion, how exactly does privacy address this?
It has been argued here that the kinds of surveillance highlighted by the Snowden revelations are on the one hand information-intensive, often relating to the internet and on the other, 'national security'-oriented. The concept of 'security' also requires problematizing in this context, which is yet another task for the multi-disciplinary research that today is patently urgent. As with surveillance or privacy, defining security is difficult especially under present conditions, where 'national' security has been elevated to a top priority by many governments. It is a highly contested concept (Zedner 2009) often erroneously supposed to be in conflict 11 with claims to a right to privacy or to civil liberties. Much more nuanced understandings of security are required if the term is to retain any connection with the desires, aspirations and indeed well-being of everyday citizens. And these must be considered in relation to the other concepts— surveillance and privacy—affected by the 'Snowden stakes' and discussed here (see Raab 2014; Bigo [2008] 2012; Lyon 2015).
The Snowden stakes are many and varied and differ from country to country. But this complexity should not be allowed to obscure the fact that in all cases those stakes are high. The disclosures challenge some taken-for-granted assumptions and expose the real gaps in current knowledge. But this is not only a matter for those engaged in surveillance research—from whatever discipline; this is a multi-disciplinary enterprise involving not only the social sciences but investigative journalists and computer professionals as well. 12 At stake, in particular, is the future of the internet and of digital communications in general. This article tries to stress the magnitude of this challenge and hints at some ways in which this can at least be described and analyzed that do not conform to some of the dangerously dominant assumptions currently available. But the stakes are even larger and they include the very character and possibilities for politics, democracy and social justice in a time of post-Orwellian big data surveillance.
Agamben, Giorgio. 2013. For a theory of destituent power. Chronos. Available at: http://www.chronosmag.eu/index.php/gagamben-for-a-theory-of-destituent-power.html/.
Amoore, Louise. 2014. Security and the claim to privacy. International Political Sociology 8(1) 108-112.
Andrejevic, Mark. 2013. Infoglut: How too much information is changing the way we think and know. London: Routledge.
Andrejevic, Mark. 2007. iSpy: Surveillance and Power in the Interactive Era. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.
Ball, Kirstie S. and Laureen Snider, eds. 2013. The Surveillance-Industrial Complex: A Political Economy of Surveillance. London and New York: Routledge.
Ball, Kirstie S. 2009. Exposure: exploring the subject of surveillance. Information, Communication & Society 12 (5): 639-657.
Ball, Kirstie S. and Frank Webster, eds. 2003. The Intensification of Surveillance. London: Pluto Press.
Bauman, Zygmunt, Didier Bigo, Paulo Esteves, Elspeth Guild, Vivienne Jabri, David Lyon and R.B. Walker. 2014. After Snowden: Rethinking the impact of surveillance. International Political Sociology 8 (2): 121-144.
Bennett, Colin J. 2008. The Privacy Advocates: Resisting the Spread of Surveillance. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Bennett, Colin J. and Charles D. Raab. 2006. The Governance of Privacy: Policy Instruments in Global Perspective. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Bennett, Colin J., Kevin D. Haggerty, David Lyon and Valerie Steeves, eds. 2014. Transparent Lives: Surveillance in Canada. Edmonton AB: Athabasca University Press. Also available at: www.surveillanceinacanada.org/.
Bigo, Didier. 2008. Globalized (in)security: The field and the banopticon. In Didier Bigo and Aanastassia Tsouskala, eds. Terror, Insecurity and Liberty. London and New York: Routledge.
Bigo, Didier. 2012 [2008]. International Political Sociology. In Security Studies: An Introduction, ed. P. Williams, 116-128. Abingdon: Routledge.
Brodeur, Jean-Paul. 2010. The Policing Web. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.
Brown, Ian. 2010. The challenges to European data protection laws and principles. Woking paper #1 of the Directorate General Justice Freedom and Security. Available at:
Burnham, David. 1983. The Rise of the Computer State. New York: Vintage.
Campbell, Duncan and Steve Connor. 1986. On the Record: Surveillance, Computers and Privacy. London: Michael Joseph.
Clarke, Richard, Michael Morrell, Geoffrey Stone, Cass Sunstein and Peter Swire. 2014. The NSA Report: Liberty and Security in a Changing World. Princeton, NJ and Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Clement, Andrew. 2013. IXmaps – Tracking your personal data through the NSA's warrantless wiretapping sites. IEEE International Symposium on Technology and Society. (IEEE Explore Digital Library: 216-223, doi:
Cohen, Julie. 2012. Configuring the Networked Self. New Haven, CN: Yale University Press.
Cohen, Stanley. 1985. Visions of Social Control. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Dandeker, Christopher. 1990. Surveillance Power and Modernity. Cambridge: Polity.
De Sola Pool, Ithiel. 1983. Technologies of Freedom: On Free Speech in an Electronic Age. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press.
Deibert, Ronald. J. 2013. Black Code: Surveillance, Privacy and the Dark Side of the Internet. Toronto: Signal (McClelland & Stewart).
Fuchs, Christian. 2014. Social Media: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage.
Gandy, Oscar. 2012. Coming the Terms with Chance: Engaging Rational Discrimination and Cumulative Disadvantage. London: Ashgate.
Gandy, Oscar. 1993. The Panoptic Sort: A Political Economy of Personal Information. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Gellman, Barton, and Ashkan Soltani. 2013. NSA infiltrates links to Yahoo, Google data centers worldwide, Snowden documents say. The Washington Post. October 30. Available at: http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/nsainfiltrates-links-to-yahoo-google-data-centers-worldwide-snowden-documents-say/2013/10/30/e51d661e-4166-11e38b74-d89d714ca4dd_story.html/.
Giroux, Henry. 2014. Totalitarian paranoia in the post-Orwellian surveillance state. Cultural Studies. Online May 14. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2014.917118
Greenwald, Glenn. 2015. The Orwellian re-branding of mass surveillance as merely 'bulk collection.' The Intercept March 13. At https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2015/03/13/orwellian-re-branding-mass-surveillance-merely-bulk-collection/.
Greenwald, Glenn. 2014. No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the US Surveillance State. New York: Metropolitan Books,Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.
Greenwald, Glenn. 2013. NSA collecting phone records of millions of Verizon customers daily. The Guardian. June 5. At http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jun/06/nsa-phone-records-verizon-court-order/
Haggerty, Kevin D. and Richard V. Ericson. 1997. Policing the Risk Society. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Hayles, N. Katherine. 1999. How we became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature, and Informatics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Jessop, Bob. 2007. Knowledge as a fictitious commodity: insights and limits of a Polanyian analysis. In Reading Karl Polanyi for the 21st Century: Market Economy as a Political Project, eds A. Bugra and K. Agartan, 115-134. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Kitchin, Rob. 2014. The Data Revolution: Big Data, Open Data, Data Infrastructures and their Consequences. London: Sage.
Lauer, Josh. 2012. Surveillance history and the history of new media: evidence-producing technologies. New Media and Society 14 (4) 566-582.
Levy, Steven. 2014. How the NSA almost killed the internet. Wired. July 1. Available at: http://www.wired.com/2014/01/howthe-us-almost-killed-the-internet/all/.
Lynch, Jennifer. 2010. New FOIA documents reveal DHS social media monitoring during Obama inauguration. Available at: https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2010/10/new-foia-documents-reveal-dhs-social-media/.
Lyon, David. 2015 (forthcoming). Surveillance after Snowden. Cambridge: Polity.
Lyon, David. 2014a. Surveillance, Snowden and Big Data: Capacities, Consequences, Critique. Big Data & Society 1 (1). Available at: http://bds.sagepub.com/content/1/2/2053951714541861.abstract/.
Lyon, David. 2014b. The emerging surveillance culture. In Media, Surveillance and Identity, eds André Jansson and Miyase Christensen. New York: Peter Lang.
Lyon, David. 2013. Can citizens roll back silent army of watchers? The Toronto Star. September 23. Available at: http://www.thestar.com/opinion/commentary/2013/09/23/can_citizens_roll_back_silent_army_of_watchers.html/.
Lyon, David and Özgün Topak. 2013. Promoting global identification: corporations, IGOs and ID card systems. In The Surveillance-Industrial Complex: A Political Economy of Surveillance, eds Kirstie S. Ball and Laureen Snider, 27-43. London and New York: Routledge.
Lyon, David. 2005. A sociology of information. In The Sage Handbook of Sociology, eds Craig Calhoun, Chris Rojek and Bryan Turner. London and New York: Sage.
Lyon, David. 2003. Surveillance after September 11. Cambridge: Polity.
Lyon, David. 2001. Surveillance Society: Monitoring Everyday Life. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Morozov, Evgeny. 2013. The real privacy problem. MIT Technology Review. October 22. Available at: http://www.technologyreview.com/featuredstory/520426/the-real-privacy-problem/.
Marquez, Xavier. 2012. Spaces of appearance and spaces of surveillance. Polity 44: 6-31.
Marwick, Alice. 2013. Status Update: Celebrity, Publicity and Branding in the Social Media Age. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Marwick, Alice. 2012. The public domain: Surveillance in everyday life. Surveillance & Society 9 (4): 378-393. Marx, Gary. 1988. Undercover: Police Surveillance in America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Mosco, Vincent. 2014. To the Cloud: Big Data in a Turbulent World. Boulder, CO and London: Paradigm Publishers.
Polanyi, Karl. 2001. The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, 2nd ed. Foreword by Joseph E. Stiglitz. Boston: Beacon Press.
Polanyi, Karl. 1944. The Great Transformation. New York: Farrar and Rinehart.
Raab, Charles. 2014. Privacy as a Security Value. In Jon Bing: En Hyllest / A Tribute, eds Dag Wiese Schartum, Lee Bygrave and Anne Gunn Berge Bekken, 39-58. Oslo: Gyldendal.
Raab, Charles. 2013. Studying surveillance: the contribution of political science? Political Insight. October 29. Available at: http://www.psa.ac.uk/insight-plus/blog/studying-surveillance-contribution-political-science/.
Raab, Charles and Benjamin Goold. 2011. Protecting Information Privacy. Equality and Human Rights Commission Research Report 69. Available at: http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/documents/research/rr69.pdf/.
Regan, Priscilla. 2009 (1995). Legislating Privacy: Technology, Social Values and Public Policy. Durham, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Rule, James. 1974. Private Lives, Public Surveillance: Social Control in the Computer Age. New York: Schocken Books.
Schiller, Dan. 1988. How to Think about Information. In The Political Economy of Information, eds V. Mosco and J. Wasko, 2744. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Steeves, Valerie. 2009. Reclaiming the social value of privacy. In Lessons from the Identity Trail: Anonymity, Privacy and Identity in a Networked Age, eds Ian Kerr, Carol Lucock and Valerie Steeves. New York: Oxford University Press.
Taylor, Emmeline. 2013. Surveillance Schools: Security, Discipline and Control in Contemporary Education. London: Macmillan.
Timberg, Craig and Ellen Nakashima. 2013. Agreements with private companies protect access to cables' data for surveillance. The Washington Post, July 6. Available at: http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/technology/agreements-withprivate-companies-protect-us-access-to-cables-data-for-surveillance/2013/07/06/aa5d017a-df77-11e2-b2d4ea6d8f477a01_story.html/.
Trottier, Daniel. 2012. Social Media as Surveillance. London: Ashgate.
Turow, Joseph. 2012. The Daily You: How the New Advertising Industry is Defining your Identity and your Worth. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Webster, Frank, and Kevin Robins. 1986. Information Technology: A Luddite Analysis. NJ: Ablex.
Weston, Paul, Glenn Greenwald and Ryan Gallagher 2013. New Snowden docs show US spied during G20 in Toronto. CBC News, Nov 27. Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/m/touch/news/story/1.2442448/.
Zedner, Lucia. 2009. Security. New York and London: Routledge.
Zittrain, Jonathan. 2009. The Future of the Internet. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Zuboff, Shoshana. 1988. In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Future of Work and Power. New York: Basic Books.
- http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jul/18/-sp-edward-snowden-nsa-whistleblower-interview-transcript/. ↩
- In May 2015 the US Court of Appeals ruled that the collection of bulk phone metadata by the NSA never was legal. ↩
- Weber and Arendt have much to say about what is now known as surveillance, in relation to maintaining bureaucratic records on individuals (Weber) or how power is generated in "spaces of appearance" (Arendt). See e.g. Dandeker 1990; Marquez 2012. ↩
- It is symptomatic of today's celebrity culture, of course, that surveillance of high-profile public figures garners much more mass media interest than the mass surveillance of ordinary—in this case German—citizens. At the same time, it is not only the NSA that spies on others' leaders: Germany has also kept tabs on prominent Americans such as John Kerry and Hillary Clinton. See http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/aug/16/germany-spied-john-kerry-hillary-clinton-der-spiegel/. ↩
- http://www.darpa.mil/iao/TIAsystems.htm/. ↩
- https://citizenlab.org/2014/08/cat-video-and-the-death-of-clear-text/. ↩
- http://techcrunch.com/2014/08/26/social-media-is-silencing-personal-opinion-even-in-the-offline-world/. ↩
- Coalitions against mass surveillance have engaged in several concerted global events since Snowden's disclosures began. See e.g. https://blog.wikimedia.org/2014/06/05/global-action-against-mass-surveillance-snowden-revelations/. The "tansparency" question, however, is in tension with the legitimate but limited need for secrecy within intelligence agencies. Research could fruitfully be brought to bear on this vexed question. ↩
- Centre for Democracy and Technology, September 2014: 'Yahoo v. U.S. PRISM documents,' available at https://cdt.org/insight/yahoo-v-u-s-prism-documents/. ↩
- See e.g. http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/multimedia/timeline-edward-snowden-revelations.html/ , or http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jun/23/edward-snowden-nsa-files-timeline/. ↩
- The phrase "…finding a balance between privacy and security" is routinely intoned by governments and media alike but it is at best vacuous and at worst a cloak for undermining the one to bolster the other. ↩
- See e.g. the call from political scientist Charles D. Raab (2013). ↩


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subset: commoncrawl


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Athens: Greece`s day-old Parliament held its last session on Friday to allow for new elections next month that are being cast as a decision on whether to keep the country in the 17-nation eurozone even if that means accepting a deeply unpopular austerity program.
Inconclusive elections on May 06 left squabbling politicians unable to form a government, deepening a political crisis and giving strength to radical parties that reject the terms of the country`s international bailout, without which it would default and have to drop out of the currency union with catastrophic financial consequences.
Greek President Karolos Papoulias is expected to formally dissolve Parliament and call elections on Saturday.
In a purely symbolic move on Thursday, the 300 legislators elected on May 06 were sworn in for just one day, including 21 lawmakers from the far-right Golden Dawn party. Parliament spent several hours on Friday electing a speaker and his assistants, who enjoyed a few moments in office before the session wrapped up.
A caretaker government will lead Greece until the new election expected on June 17, but it can`t make any binding decisions.
The political paralysis comes at a critical time for Greece, which must make more budget cutbacks next month to get new funds from its international bailout, which has kept the country afloat since May 2010.


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Read this tip to make your life smarter, better, faster and wiser. LifeTips is the place to go when you need to know about Traditional Burials and other Funeral topics.
The FTC has a funeral rule. It must be adhered to by all funeral directors when starting to make funeral arrangements with a family. Legitimate complaints to the Federal Trade Commission and other regulatory agencies are very important.
The Federal Trade Commission can be reached by phone at 1-877-FTC-HELP. You can request a complaint form and a booklet titled "Complying with the Funeral Rule" which outlines your rights. You can find the office nearest you by visiting their webiste at t http://www.ftc.gov/ro/romap2.htm/
|Guru Spotlight
|Christina Chan


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While reading this paper on describing biological control of movement as a servomechanism, I came across a good explanation of the formation and value for muscle memory (even though the paper did not state it in the exact terms).
The gist of the paper is that, accurate biological movement would require both desired position AND velocity signals from the central nervous system (CNS), forming a proportional-plus-derivative control loop from the musculer-skeletal system and the reflex feedbacks.
There are various ways in which the CNS can generate the positional and the velocity signals need for a certain movement. There's evidence that the cortex contains representations of the velocity profile of a movement (and thus requiring an integrating circuit for position). The converse is also a possibility.
However, my favorite theory is one that suggests the basis for muscle memory:
A strategy based on learning could also be imagined. The CNS might precompute only the positions for the trajectory of a novel movement. The movement then could be executed via one of the classical equilibrium-point models using a relatively high level of stiffness to ensure the fidelity of the movement. The CNS could then "remember" the signals generated by the velocity signals during these learning trials. For subsequent trials at low stiffness, the CNS would utilize this memory as the required velocity reference signal. A difficulty with any memory-based control scheme is that of initializing the memory for novel movements. The learning scheme based on our control model explicitly addresses this problem. By performing novel movements initially at high stiffness, the sensory organs themselves produce the exact pattern of activation required as a velocity reference signal for subsequent low-gain movements.
This is a pretty old paper (from 1993), so I'm not sure how much more advancements have been made on this theory. Nevertheless, the same principle can be applied to a number of physical and abstract systems.


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Thus like news will help the daily ATM news reader, weekly ATM news reader, on-line ATM news reader and then ATM news researcher like scientific news journals, medical news journals and ATM news journals. Images published prior to that time must be checked carefully to ensure that theyre in the public domain and free to use in a legal, permitted way. So much so that all other news agencies were too afraid even to question their authority. Write letters to the anti-gun legislators suggesting they can get a lot of publicity and votes by leading a campaign after these injustices. ATM publishing... Read more
Locating Help On Fast Secrets In New York Times
categories: washington post cbs news newspaper


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Back to News Listing
This article was published by the Daily Report on April 15, 2013 and can be viewed on their website dailyreportonline.com.
Making a lateral move to another law firm is a lot like having an affair.
You meet clandestinely. And if the stars align and you feel sure the match is right, you face the difficult task of telling your partner—or partners, as the case may be—that it's over. Then you get down to the business of splitting assets.
As in affairs of the heart, switching alliances can be done gracefully or sloppily, in worst cases sparking publicity, lawsuits and rancor.
Thad Kodish, Managing Principal of Fish's Atlanta office, describes the steps a partner takes after deciding to see what is out there as "tricky" and refers to the first meeting as an "initial flirtation."
Read more about what Thad has to say about "the lateral affair" and why it's more than a casual romance.


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Welcome to the What's the Saying Astute Level 9 Answers Page! First of all, congratulation for being here, it means you solved the previous puzzles and you are ready for stepping forward into the game. You have to admit, this is a challenging and addictive mobile app game and trust us, adults and children alike play it whenever they have some spare time or want to train their brain cells into the skills of lateral thinking and out – of – the – box processing. If you are on this page it means you got stuck to this level or you just want to check your own answer against ours. An extra hint, if you please, the answer to this level has everything to do with cameras and photo quality.
As you know, you will find here a wide collection of What's the Saying Astute cheats, answers, solutions, hints, tips and help pages. If you're into logo quiz games, guess the brand games, word – image puzzles, riddles and more, this website the place where you should be. Now let's see the What's the Saying Astute Level 9 answers and hints, together with the correct solution for this level. See you at Level 10!
What's the Saying Astute Level 9 Answers
– The game shows you the word AYE in red, followed by two short red dashes. The way you should read this picture is like this: red – the color, eye – although the game shows you the word AYE (but don't let them fool you!) and reduction – because of the two dashes.
– As we said, this is a term used in photography when you do some tweaks and adjustments so the people in the pictures don't look like bloody – eyed monsters or vampires.


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The Epic Rap Battles in History You Tube channel is known for pairing up icons of popular culture and letting loose some sick burns. Empires collide in their latest video, which sees the father of the Marvel Superhero world Stan Lee take on the puppet master behind Sesame Street and The Muppets, Jim Henson.
Both are responsible for have huge impact on our culture and society… but how do they fair with freestyle raps?
Jim Henson vs. Stan Lee truly is one of the best Epic Rap Battles Of History to come along in a while. Not only are the burns sick, but the humor is hilariously self-aware, and was as a little emotional too. It shows how two people fight against each other and eventually realize that they are too great a friend to be fighting and when he says "everyone has a time to go" and kermit gets depressed and says "yeah". Man, who knew Epic Rap Battles would pull such feels. But then you're made to watch both of them suffer at the hands of their Disneyland-lord.
Category: Uncategorized


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Recovered from the weekend's drama yet? Me neither. With just ten seconds left on the clock and facing a third-and-10 deep in their own territory, it looked for all the world like the Minnesota Vikings were going to be eliminated from the playoffs.
But quarterback Case Keenum found wide receiver Stefon Diggs for an incredible 61-yard touchdown to spark incredible scenes on the terraces. Minnesota's late victory wasn't down to fate or anything like that; this side is relentless and hungry to make history.
The Vikings now have the chance to become the first team to play in a Super Bowl on home soil – U.S. Bank Stadium will host the iconic event whether Mike Zimmer's side advance to the showpiece or not. And with an NFC Championship clash with the Philadelphia Eagles to come, fans won't be getting ahead of themselves just yet.
NFC Conference:
Minnesota Vikings
The history-chasing Vikings will take some stopping. Case Keenum has been simply sublime throughout the campaign and Zimmer chose to stick by his quarterback despite some calls to bring Teddy Bridgewater back earlier in the season.
Dalvin Cook's injury was unfortunate but this Minnesota side are blessed with talent in the backfield and it would take a brave man to back against the Vikings in their pursuit of Super Bowl glory.
On the defensive side of the field, Minnesota are stacked with playmakers and that could be the difference in this weekend's NFC Championship game.
The Vikings finished the regular season with the best scoring defence and restricting this potent Philadelphia offense will be the primary objective on Sunday. Winning on the road won't be straightforward but 8/15 is an excellent price for a Vikings victory.
Odds: 37/20
Philadelphia Eagles
Imagine writing the Eagles off against the Atlanta Falcons on home soil. Plenty of people did it but Philadelphia silenced the doubters with a narrow victory – much to the delight of their avid fan base.
Carson Wentz may be out injured but Nick Foles is a competent replacement and he knows this offensive system. Minnesota certainly won't have everything their own way this weekend.
Philadelphia have gone quietly about their business in recent weeks, holding their rivals to 10 points or fewer in five of their last nine games. Defensively, the Eagles are stout and a low scoring affair looks likely at Lincoln Financial Field.
If Doug Pederson's side can avoid turning the ball over on offense, they could surprise us all. 7/1 for a dramatic Super Bowl win should not be sniffed at…
Odds: 7/1
AFC Conference:
Jacksonville Jaguars
Once regarded as the whipping boys of the National Football League, Jacksonville have hit new heights this year. Led by much improved quarterback Blake Bortles, this Jaguars side are now entering unchartered territory but that could be to their advantage.
Beating the New England Patriots on the road is a tough ask but Jacksonville have the tools required to defeat Tom Brady and co.
Without a doubt, the Jaguars are blessed with one of the strongest defensive units in the National Football League. Jacksonville's ball-hawking secondary are playing well right now and they are able to bring pressure up front on a regular basis.
8/1 to win the Super Bowl is a decent price for any dreamers out there. After all, they do say defence wins championships…
Odds: 8/1
New England Patriots
The Patriots don't lose at Foxborough in January. New England have a superb home record in the Brady/Bill Belichick era and their postseason record is even better – this is going to be very difficult for the Jaguars.
Currently valued at 6/25 to advance past Jacksonville, Patriots fans will already have one eye on flights to Minneapolis for next month's Super Bowl; a sixth championship ring could be on the cards.
For all of New England's previous success, this could be their greatest win yet. After losing a number of key stars to injury earlier in the campaign, the Patriots' infamous "next man up" philosophy has been put to the test this year – but New England have continued to shine.
Now over 40 years old, Tom Brady is still doing incredible things at the quarterback position and that is testament to both his own hunger to succeed and the organisation for sticking by him.
Odds: 11/10
*Odds subject to change - correct at time of writing*


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What is a like box?A Facebook fan page or like page is a unique plugin that enables or allows visitors to your blog to subscribe to the updates on your blog through their Facebook accounts, without leaving your blog.
Once the particular visitor has subscribe by pressing the like button, he or she will start receiving the most recent updates of your blog on his or her Facebook account. This Facebook fan page like box displays the individuals who have already liked your blog. Before you can a like box, you should first be having a Facebook fan page. The most valuable thing about the like box is its ability that enables your visitors to become fans of your page without even leaving your site. This enables you to communicate with the visitors after they leave your blog through status updates that will usually appear in their news feed on their Facebook accounts.
Steps involved in adding a like box on Facebook fan page to blogger
Step 1:First visit your Facebook fan page and copy the address that is in the address bar: https://www.facebook.com/login.php?login_attempt=1
Step 2:Then visit the like box developer page. The developer page link is as below: https://developers.facebook.com/docs/reference/plugins/like-box/
Step 3:You should then paste the URL you had copied into the Facebook page URL field.
e.g: https://www.facebook.com/blogzadotnet
Step 4:The next step should be clicking "get code" but before you do that, you can customize the height, width and color scheme of your like box. One thing you should remember is that 292px is smallest width your like box can be. Any smaller width size will result an awkwardly cropped like box.
Step 5:Customize your like box by considering the following key features:
Show Header. This will enable the like box to display a header that states "find us on Facebook"Show Faces. This feature will be displaying the faces of fans of your page. It enables visitors to see faces of those who have already liked your page including their friends.Stream. This feature will be displaying your most recent posts on your Facebook page. Show Border. This feature will be displaying a border of 1px wide around your like box.
Step 6:You can now install the Like Box on your site. Once you are satisfied with the appearance of your like box, click on the "get code" button.
Step 7:Once you click this code, three codes will be generated; HTML 5, IFRAME and XFBML. The code required in this case is "IFRAME" code.so you should select it and then copy the code generated in this box.
Step 8:Log into your blogger account and then go to "layout" .you should then click on the link titled "add a gadget"
Step 9:A pop up window will appear. Scroll down the pop up window and then choose the HTML/JavaScript gadget.
Step 10:You should then paste the code you had copied earlier in the empty HTML box.
Step 11:Then click save button and you are done.
The steps above may seem to be many but ideally, they are easy to perform and execute. Do not forget that you need to have a good internent connection while doing this.
Read More:How Facebook became the World's Biggest Social Network
Stop friends tagging me on facebook
Creating page in Facebook !


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Jesus answered the disciples:
They do not need to go away. You give them something to eat.
Matthew 14:16
All day long Jesus had taught people and healed their sick. When evening came, the disciples said to Him: "Send them away, so that they may go to the villages and buy food for themselves, it will soon be dark!" But Jesus did not just want to send people away. He wanted to take care of these people. HE wanted to have them with him and felt comfortable with them. He couldn't separate from them at all. Therefore the disciples should give them food. But they were a bit disturbed: "We have almost nothing at all, we don't even have enough of it ourselves!" Jesus took their limited supplies, thanked them for the food, and gave it to the disciples so that they would distribute it to the people. And indeed, all were satiated. There were about 5000 people. They collected the remains and filled 12 baskets with them.
That's exactly how we stand before people every day: We have very little we can give them. But Jesus wants us to give! We are to give everything we have to Him. HE can multiply it enormously, even if it is very, very little.
Which one of us has a lot? Who can preach like Peter or Paul? Who has as much authority in prayer and ability to heal as Jesus? No, we don't have much to give God. But the few things we do have He takes and multiplies! How wonderful for me! I'm doing everything I can, and HE's doing great things with it!
What shall we give to the people? Bread and fish! The fish is the sign of Jesus. HE is God concrete. There are so many gods, we need a concrete name: Jesus Christ, the Saviour and Redeemer. We preach Him in word and deed. We are His Witnesses through deeds of mercy and by telling what good HE has done good to us.
The bread is the Word of God, the living Word. Not old and dusty, not veiled in an incomprehensible pious language. We bring His Word into the respective situation; – that is why we need silence and contact with Him, so that we know His will.
And HE blesses everything and confirms our small ability through His great power. Hallelujah!
Thank you, Jesus! You are here!!!! You are the Mighty, the Strong, the Merciful; You are the Son of God. We witness your grace, forgiveness, healing and salvation. And you will bless our weak, perhaps anxious testimony. Thank You!


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DEBBIE McGee admitted she has been dreaming about her dance partner Giovanni Pernice during her appearance on Strictly Come Dancing: It Takes Two.
The 58-year-old made the revelation as she spoke to host Zoe Ball about the Charleston they'll be performing in the Halloween special.
Zoe had asked: "The judges will be keeping a sharp eye on the swivel so have you mastered it yet?"
To which Debbie replied: "We have to get Giovanni to say swivel. I've been dreaming of Giovanni saying swivel!"
Zoe then asked the professional dancer to say the word and allow viewers to see how his accent changed the pronunciation.
Debbie recently laughed off rumours of romance with her Strictly Come Dancing partner.
The entertainer, who was married to magician Paul Daniels for 28 years, claims that suggestions she's dating the 27-year-old professional are "flattering."
In an interview with Bella magazine, Debbie revealed all about the connection she shares with Giovanni.
The entertainer explained: "We have a great working dance partnership and we really love each other as human beings, so I can see why people want to say there's something going on."
She added: "For a woman of my age, it makes me feel fantastic.
"To be nearly 60 and have people think I'd be having an affair with such a good-looking Italian is good for one's confidence...
"We have great chemistry and love dancing together. But there's nothing going on."
Debbie and Giovanni have wowed the nation with their success on Strictly Come Dancing and she explained how it's brought them together.
Debbie revealed: "I absolutely adore him and I have no doubt that he adores me."
Speaking of her fitness regime, Debbie told Bella Magazine: "I've never been excessive about exercise, but I've always done something - yoga, Pilates - so my body is pretty fit and my muscle memory is strong."
Strictly Come Dancing continues on Saturday at 6.35pm on BBC One.
Strictly Come Dancing: It Takes Two continues Monday at 6.30pm on BBC Two.
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Correlation of gravitational and magnetic anomalies
in the equatorial zone
V. N. Lugovenko, V. P. Pronin, and Chyong Kuang Hao
Magnetic gradient measurements in the stratosphere and
geophysical interpretation of the resulting data
Yu. P. Tsvetkov, N. M. Rotanova, S. D. Odintsov, A. V. Pchelkin, and V. A. Belkin
Estimates of electron concentration in artificial plasma cloud
release into the ionosphere
V. I. Badin and Yu. V. Dumin
Influence of auroral proton precipitations on propagation of
short radio waves in wintertime polar ionosphere
V. S. Mingalev, M. I. Orlova, V. N. Krivilev, and G. I. Mingaleva
Study of effects of geomagnetic activity in high-latitude
ionospheric convection model
V. Y. Zakharov
Determination of the molecular nitrogen vibrational
temperature in the auroral region using intensity measurements of the
N2+ ion first negative band system
A. V. Pavlov
Seismic and anthropogenic activity effects in the nighttime
sporadic E layer of the ionosphere
Y. V. Liperovskaya, N. Christakis, V. A. Liperovskiy, and M. A. Oleinik
Correlation of strong earthquakes with radiation belt
particle flux variations
E. A. Ginzburg, A. B. Malishev, I. P. Proshkina, and V. P. Pustovetov
Forecasting model of the high-latitude ionosphere
V. I. Chernishev and M. S. Zabolotskiy
Spectral characteristics of model representation of
geomagnetic pulsations data
A. V. Petlenko
Mathematical model of the auroral boundaries
G. V. Starkov
Wave disturbances in the high-latitude ionosphere during a
D. V. Blagoveschensky and N. F. Blagoveschenskaya
Response of the atmospheric electric field to variations in
conductivity of the atmospheric layer
E. M. Dmitriev and S. V. Anisimov
Powerful radio wave decay into upper hybrid or electron-cyclotron
and lower hybrid plasma waves
N. I. Budko and V. V. Vaskov
Generalized transfer equation for cosmic rays
V. S. Danilova
Cyclic variations of solar proton activity and solar proton events
M. N. Nazarova, N. K. Pereyaslova, and I. E. Petrenko
Moving radiation belts in the outer heliosphere
I. S. Veselovskiy
Correlation functions of the secular geomagnetic variation
M. Yu. Reshetnyak, O. V. Pilipenko, B. G. Zinchenko, and T. I. Zvereva
Ionospheric effects of space vehicle launches
K. I. Gorely, V. K. Lampei, and A. V. Nikolsky
On the accuracy of theoretical modeling of the ionosphere F2
region parameters under quiet and geomagnetic storm conditions
A. V. Pavlov
Equatorial boundary of the high-latitude F spread in the outer
N. A. Kochenova and M. D. Fligel
On peculiarities of variations in the virtual heights of
reflection during transient hours of the day
A. A. Bezotosnyi, V. I. Drobzhev, V. M. Somsikov, A. G. Askarov, and V. A. Belyaev
An analysis of ionospheric disturbance diurnal variation by
nonequilibrium dynamics methods
A. A. Bezotosnyi and V. M. Somsikov
Geomagnetic field intensity from the 3rd Century B.C. to the
6th Century A.D. in Termez (Uzbekistan)
I. E. Nachasova and K. S. Burakov
On calculation of sources of heating of electrons in He+-containing
S. V. Tanygin, A. A. Chernov, and G. V. Khazanov
MHD fluctuations in the vicinity of bow shock and Pc 3-4
geomagnetic pulsations
V. S. Danilova and A. V. Sobolev
Dynamics of SE-type emission before intense proton flares on the
B. V. Dovbnya, O. D. Zotov, B. I. Klain, and N. A. Kurazhovskaya
Precession of heliospheric current sheet axis during the
solar activity cycle determined from geomagnetic data
N. Ya. Vanyarkha
Data on long-standing records of cosmic rays and analysis
of neutron monitor efficiencies from 1953 to 1991
A. V. Belov, R. T. Gushchina, and I. V. Sirotina
The problem of the so-called causal analysis and its
application to the study of experimental data
B. S. Svetov
Response to paper of B. S. Svetov, "The problem of
the so-called causal analysis and its application to the study of experimental data"
S. M. Korotaev


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Free Carseat Safety Check in Alameda
The Alameda police department is hosting a car seat safety check this Saturday. Check out the following article about it. An easy stop during Saturday morning errand-running and a great thing to do for your kid's safety since apparently up to 80% of carseats are installed incorrectly. The article does not mention it but I have heard there may be free passes to Habitot given away.
Alameda police will host a free children's car seat inspection on Saturday in the parking lot between City Hall and the police station.
The event in the 1400 block of Oak Street will take place between 10 a.m. and noon. No appointment is necessary.
California law requires all children be properly restrained in a safety seat until the child is 6 years old or weighs 60 pounds.
On Saturday, the inspections will be carried out by Bob Rollins, a 30-year police veteran from the city of Berkeley who now volunteers with the Alameda police.
Up to 80 percent of car seats are not installed correctly, police said.
When installing a seat, people should remember that a newborn infant should be in a rear-facing safety seat until at least age 2, while a toddler should be in a forward facing safety seat until the child exceeds the seat's height and weight limits.
Police also said a child who is too big for a forward facing safety seat should ride in a booster seat, and that children usually need a booster until they are about 4 feet 9 inches tall and weigh between 80 and 100 pounds.
A child seat should never be installed in front of a frontal airbag, police said.


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We have a running joke with my husband that Zaccy keeps getting sick because he needs some time alone with mum.. well.. he's pulled a sickie again :o) Oh my little man, I so wish you would just have a couple of weeks in a row without any sicknesses!!
I was planning to do a bit of sewing for kasiabear kids, but that's just not going to work with my little man's fascination with electrical cords.. so instead we are sorting through some much needed areas in the house.. I'll post some pics a little later..
It is kinda nice when its just us two.. so the computer is getting turned off now.. till midnight and me and the boy... we're gonna have some fun!!


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Here's what people have said about working and interviewing at McDonald's.
View all 85 questions about McDonald's
More development of people,for them not to leave this company.
Answered - 2nd Assistant Manager (Former Employee) - kuwait middle east
Offer more hours and more opportunities to grow in their career.
Answered - Guest Experience Leader (Former Employee) - Antigonish, NS
To just treat their crew members with respect, and care about their saftey
Answered - McDonald's Crew Member (Current Employee) - Etobicoke, ON
Figure out a few things and start listening to the people that actually make the stores run, the crew members
Answered - Counter/Customer Service (Current Employee) - Airdrie, AB
Hire more qualified managers , not just anybody
Answered - McDonalds Cashier (Current Employee) - Laval, QC
Cleaner kitchens, better products or at least less direct contact with/around them. If you're going to make chemicals, please have a machine or a scientist do it.
Answered - CREW MEMBER (Former Employee) - Ottawa, ON
They should really ensure that new workers are being treated right and protect them from any hostile environment and encourage them to speak out about it and not just look down on them and think they are being a terrible worker!!!
Answered - Back Crew Memember (Current Employee) - Scarborough, ON
Nothing. McDonald's is a great employer.
Answered - Second Assistant Manager (Current Employee) - Winnipeg, MB
Must be impart there self to the crew and help them to improved there performance to work premesis
Answered - 2nd Assistant Manager (Current Employee) - Kuwait
Determine whether you wish to work for a Franchise or a Corporation. If you like stricter guidelines and work driven focus then choose the Corporation path. Franchise stores I feel are more customer based and I see much more return customers at these locations.
Answered - Crew Member (Current Employee) - Kannapolis, NC


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Does someone Use the Ball Arcade Adventures
As game gaming titles became popular inside Nineteen seventies, these folks were the usual type prefer the original pinball online game, Pac-Mac, Pong, coupled with Storage Invaders. All the same, at some point, the entire leaders among these matches knew they'd if you want to innovate and so raise often so that you develop the undivided attention of the pros. Doing this generated these products diversifying straight into online games like High Impact Nfl task collections. The labyrinth was a wholly fresh new hard drive concerning video arcade video games. But the truth is, a lot of these contests undertake as well as their forebears. Maybe gamers invested some time to sit in these products.It was not until the relieve b-ball arcade video games that your version of match certainly wedged on the subject of. The 1st indeed went on the entire video games in weather was in fact Nba Preserves.
It style made experienced promptly that boasts of release and became well known world wide.Nba Preserves was probably exclusive in several tips. Foremost , it seemed to be dearer when compared various adventures, whereby accompanying a match obligated at the most $2. Rrt had been also the to begin with gaming that put to use true franchises, precise game enthusiasts by their actual descriptions, when using the digitized form people avid gamers play the match on-screen.Practicing this online game has been like for example making time for a game title in the news, only just even better, because right here this sport participants could possibly make manage every single single decision about their best soccer ball avid gamers. Also, you possibly can leave behind gravitational pressure so they execute just what a expert imagined these will. This has been one of many criticisms of an activity, that they highlighted improbable implications, with the experts hurtling nearly as much as your height to gain a place. Aficionados of these activity still serviced at all, how the was actually an impressive top.
Never the less, the game continual so that you can ascend to the interest diagrams and then showcased field hockey greats and health of their instances which include Karl Malone, Joe Webber, Colbert Cheaney, Jason Hornacek, Jesse Velupe, Charles Oakley and others. After a occasion many people figured out other features on the performance for example Easter eggs along with fantastic functions that need be induced courtesy of usage of control buttons and additionally a joystick.The match have seen a lot sequels and consequently spin-offs, comprising the Basketball Preserves: Tourney Series, National basketball association Jam Dangerous for The early nineties or a Three-d choice among the sport featuring a feedback. One more video game titles while in the path were actually NBA Hangtime and therefore NBA Hangtime Serious. A very good series for this recreation, known as College and university Slam seemed to be guided here in 1998.The large triumph with regards to tennis ball matches as well tended to give increase for sports games, which inturn centred relating to video game titles such as snowboarding and even mlb.Nevertheless the The warmth are generally locked onto the Completely no. Several space considering the fact that essentially Earnings, I don't obtain them difficulties hitting directly into raised kit.
No matter if all the Bulls banned Go for their support groups soon, heat have realized ways to succeed.A Bulls have zero option to get Shaq, what person enjoyed Fourteen spots along with A few retrieves in only Twenty or so minutes related to activity concerning April About 15. Conjecture: Warm air on Nj vs .. IndianaThis may very well be the most beneficial treatment in a professionals during the .1000 recognise inside of the standard period to positively be successful in a string. Your Nets has come from these quezy Ocean Category which will processed and dispatched no other clubs alongside their bodies toward the 2009-2010 season. Each of the people feature common storage get the job done integrity, being that they are Fifthly and thus Sixth with regard to ideas empowered, respectively, throughout the NBA. Typically the helpful thing about this line would be the route they'll view the other: Nj-new jersey golfers maintain talked about the very Pacers are an excellent convert look at to help slow it down, although Indiana people need stated that as well in regards to the Fabric tailgate enclosures! Incredible, this should actually be a thrilling fertility cycles to watch out!