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2A Magazine intends to establish a global platform for architects and the international audience to cause an integration of the ideas, views and beliefs in the field of architecture. "Contextual design" and "the salvage of cultural identity" are the most important principles that 2A Magazine follows in order to find solutions for the challenges that architects are facing in today's world.
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2A Continental Architectural Awards with the theme "Innovative Architecture in Various Continents" is a fantastic forum to bring the international architects together. With an emphasis on a Shift from Global to Continental it has created a platform to allow the architects "Unite Together Through Architecture" in order to share ideas from various origins.
Note: 2A Africa and 2A America awards will not be held in 2ACAA 2018.
Vision, Criteria, Categories, Rules and Condition for Entery, Prizes, Judging
This competition seeks to straddle the border between the art of film making and the built environment, to see how the a novel narration of urban living can consequently architecture and cinema intertwined more after the technological inventions. Cinema became more inspiring and interesting for the architectural agenda. Films are studied and analyzed more and more as this field grow. There is a growing scholarship on this field. The fusion of architecture and cinema depicts how these two art forms intertwine in a subtle way. The essence of producing spaces in these eternalized worlds becomes more influential.
2A International Architectural Film Festival:
-Movies between 5 to 15 minutes in length
-Movies between 15 to 45 minutes in length
-Movies between 45 to 90 minutes in length
Built Projects, Completion date must be after 01/Jan/2010 (Film only)
Concept Project (3D Presentation- Animation
Categories, Condition, Judging Criteria, Registration, Entery Eligibility, Prizes
How to Enter
Note: If you have any problem submitting your project to our website please contact us at: firstname.lastname@example.com
Start your entry from here
We have made entering fast and easy by making all the procedure online. If you need help at any stage of your entry please contact us. In order for us to give you all the assistance you might need, please
don't leave your entry to the last minute.
Submission Rules and Conditions:
• Entry is open to all professional entrants, i.e., Individual architects,
multi-professional teams, urban designers, urban planners, landscape architects.
• Other associated bodies, e.g., clients, developers, contractors, may also
enter on behalf of the architect, with their consent.
• All projects should have been completed on or after 01 January 2010. For
Future Projects / Innovative Design sub category entries, the design dates
should not be older than 2010.
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respective categories.
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To make your entry, please follow
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should complete the registration form and click "Register" button. You will then
see a message confirming your registration and will be automatically referred to
your Entry page to start your submission.
2-To Submit your project, login to your 2ACAA account, using your email and
password. Once logged in, you will be referred to your Submission Dashboard
where you can submit your entry using the " New Entry" button on the right side
of the page.
3-Use the drop-down menus to select the relevant category- remember you can
submit each project just into one related category.
4-Fill out the online form to give us your project information and description.
5-Entry Documents:
Fill out the online form to give us the project information and description and
Upload required materials as indicated below:
• Two A2 entry board designs in Adobe Acrobat PDF Format and landscape lay out.
• 1 x high resolution picture of the lead architect(s).
Board artwork contents:
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• A minimum of 5 photographs of the project
(Exterior/Interior/Details/Landscape...) in either color or black and white (NO visualizations unless a future project/innovative design).
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• A maximum 120 words description in English: A short explanatory text
describing the project and how the practice addresses the judging criteria (The
same description that has been inserted in the project description box).
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or any other form of identification may appear on any part of the board artwork.
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category, and the completion date properly declared. For a future
project/innovative design entry, instead of completion date, design year should be indicated.
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screen resolution.
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6-Once you have completed your uploads, please click ''Submit'' to complete your
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your Submission Dashboard. "On process" means the entry is under review for
eligibility. The status will change to either "Approved" or "Rejected" in 4 days
time after submission date. While "Approved" means the entry is eligible for
participation in the competition, "Rejected" means that the entry has not been
accepted for participating due to incomplete submitted documents,
irrelevance of submitted category, marks of identification on the boards or
other non-compliance with competition rules.


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Mold Remediation
If you've spotted a little mold growth, you might have a serious problem. Mold can grown, unseen, for years. Contact a professional, and ask about mold remediation before it's too late.
Read the rest of entry »
At Carriage Cleaning Services, we offer residential, commercial and industrial cleaning and restoration services in the greater Faribault, Lakeville, Burnsville, Apple Valley, and Prior Lake, MN areas. One of the lesser known tasks that we are able to perform is removing mold from ceiling tiles. If there has been a leaky pipe or a leak in the roof, moisture can sit on ceiling tiles and eventually mildew or mold can develop. Here are the steps we follow when properly cleaning these tiles.
Heavy rainfall, burst pipes, melting snow, and more can all have the possibility of causing your home or business to flood. Even a small amount of water has the potential to cause more damage than you think. Once you see standing water, do not hesitate to call your flood repair expert immediately and then take the following steps in order to ensure a safe recovery from the damage to your home or business.
Perhaps you think only homes that are dirty have mildew and mold. Your home is clean. Certainly your home will never have this problem? Right? Wrong.
Mold Removal is not as simple as cleaning the area. Did you know that dead mold spores are still toxic? Removing mold is more in dept than just bleaching or wiping down and area. Mold Remediation experts have the equipment and the expertise to insure that the mold does not end up contaminating an entire house and endangering the health of the occupants.
Moisture damage that you can see with your naked eye immediately upon the incident is not all there is. In fact, water can leave behind mold build-up. Eventually, that mold can turn into black mold, which can cause severe health problems for you and your entire family, including any pets that are in the home.
Mold is one of the worst nightmares that a homeowner can encounter. Mold can seemingly appear from nowhere and is not easy to remove. Mold needs damp environments to grow, and a warm humid environment will accelerate mold growth.
Carriage Cleaning Service
1202 Lyndale Ave.
Faribault, MN 55021
Phone: 507-334-1774

subset: commoncrawl


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Volume 10, No. 3 - April 2000
More in this Issue...
"I've never claimed to be a historian," declares Oliver Stone, speaking from his car phone. "Remember that, it's very important." Well, okay, if he insists. But historians might be forgiven for wondering about the director's habit of treading on their academic turf. Not long before Stone filmed JFK (1991), he told the Dallas Morning News the film would be "a history lesson." The script for Nixon (1995) came with hundreds of footnotes. Indeed, these docudramas have provoked more historical debate than most academic historians manage in a lifetime--albeit by suggesting that the military-industrial complex killed Kennedy and that Nixon was a drunk.
Historians have frequently complained about Stone's trespasses. Next month, the non-historian strikes back. In Oliver Stone's USA: Film, History, and Controversy (Kansas), Stone goes head-to-head with scholarly critics such as Stephen Ambrose, Walter LaFeber, and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. The book began when its editor, Robert Toplin of the University of North Carolina at Wilmington, invited Stone to a 1997 American Historical Association panel on Nixon. "I won't say he was eager," says Toplin. "He expressed some concern about going into a packed room of historians, some of whom would be ready for an ambush." The academics, it turned out, were skeptical but sympathetic. Historian and former presidential candidate George McGovern found Stone's insights into Nixon's character "well conceived and grounded in reality." Arthur Schlesinger, a film critic as well as a historian, "noticed only one major error" in Nixon, which he thought pulled its punches. But he did take Stone to task for his conspiracy theorizing in JFK: "The impact of JFK on the unwary young, born long after the events and remote from the atmosphere of the time, should not be overrated. Too many seem to think that Stone is telling it as it was."
When Toplin suggested expanding the debate into a book covering the director's entire oeuvre, Stone agreed to write a preface. But once he read the essays Toplin had assembled--some of them sharply critical--he decided he had to respond in more detail. He went to work. "The book was killing me," says Stone. "It ended up taking up half my summer and most of my holiday."
So why do it? With typical bravado, Stone says he was "surprised by how wrong some of the facts were" in his critics' essays. "I just couldn't live with that without answering back, because these people are well respected." In the book, Stone assails his critics with an entertaining mix of bombast, insult, and historical detail. When Ambrose ridicules his "peacocklike display of ... scholarship," Stone witheringly observes that the venerable historian "often celebrates martial figures, [but] has never served one day in combat." When Southeastern Louisiana University's Michael Kurtz complains about the southern accent used by Kevin Costner when playing New Orleans district attorney Jim Garrison--an Iowa native--Stone sweetly notes that he, his co-writer, and Costner spent a fair amount of time with Garrison during the making of JFK, and none of them "ever detected anything other than an elegant southern drawl." And any historian objecting to Stone's argument that President Kennedy wanted out of Vietnam had better be prepared to argue with the director over the difference between National Security Memorandum 263 (written just before Kennedy's assassination) and National Security Memorandum 273 (written just after).
So what do historians think of Oliver Stone's movies? The films might not measure up to academic standards, Caltech's Robert Rosenstone argues in an early chapter, but they "engage the discourse of history and add something to that discourse." Rosenstone, who created the American Historical Review's film section a decade ago and advised Warren Beatty during the making of Reds (1981), insists a film can convey historical truth even if it fictionalizes details. But is the result history? Rosenstone balks at the word, but he won't write historical film off as mere fiction either. He prefers to call it "an invention that somehow challenges or involves itself with historical discourse, and I don't have a word for that."
Ambrose is less accommodating about Stone's mix of fiction and history: "It's not allowed," he says. The author of multivolume biographies of Eisenhower and Nixon, Ambrose is no stranger to film. Steven Spielberg consulted him while making Saving Private Ryan (1998). But Ambrose gives Nixon two thumbs down, faulting the director for portraying the late president as a foulmouthed, pill-popping drunk guilty of trying to have Fidel Castro assassinated. None of these details are confirmed by the historical record, he argues, despite Stone's copious footnotes to the work of established scholars--including Ambrose. "I don't think that Hollywood finds truth that has been missed by the historian," Ambrose scoffs. "And I don't think that collapsing four characters into one is adding to our knowledge of what happened--it just doesn't work like that."
For better or worse, history and film cross paths more and more frequently. Professors regularly screen movies for their students, and collaboration between filmmakers and historians is becoming common. After all, as Bruno Ramirez observed last December in the Journal of American History, "filmic language has the power to bring the viewer as close as possible to experiencing the lost universe of the past." In her forthcoming book, Slaves on Screen: Film and Historical Vision (Harvard), Natalie Zemon Davis explores how films have depicted the resistance to slavery. Davis, who worked as a consultant for The Return of Martin Guerre (1983), suggests that directors "can still be speculative and very imaginative" when they make historical films, but they should be "using their imagination in the direction of the evidence." And they must, she says, make the line between fact and speculation clear to their audiences.
Stone is dismissive of such advice. "What do they want--footnotes?" he laughs. "Do they want a closed caption that says ëThis is dubious' or ëPlease see endnotes for that'? What more can I do?" Film history, at least, seems to back him up: As legendary film producer Darryl Zanuck once declared, "There is nothing duller on the screen than being accurate but not dramatic."
Paul Mitchinson.
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If you are or ever have been a college student, you know that textbooks are expensive. Affordable Learning Georgia estimates that at the current rate, students in the University System of Georgia would spend a total of $1,400,000,000 on textbooks. With student loan debt already a major issue in our country, it goes without saying that this type of expenditure needs attention. So – what is the higher education industry, particularly in Georgia, doing to address this issue?
The answer is Open Educational Resources, or OERs, which are freely accessible, openly licensed documents and media that are useful for teaching and learning. Many colleges and universities are making efforts to transition to the use of OERs in their classes as opposed to traditional textbooks, which provides a zero-cost textbook option to students. Our state is paving the way for this movement, with programs like Affordable Learning Georgia, which has set a goal of providing faculty in the USG with a zero-cost textbook option for each of the System's top 50 lower division courses.
At eCore, we are proud to offer open educational resources in over half of our curriculum. We continue to work with faculty to develop and implement Open Educational Resources throughout the entire eCore curriculum.
March 9 – 13, 2015 is International Open Education Week. In celebration of Open Education, we would like to express sincere and tremendous thanks to the eCore faculty who have worked to create and adopt open (free) textbooks and materials to make learning more affordable and possible for students throughout the University System of Georgia and beyond.
eCore has many points of pride regarding open resources.
eCore has many points of pride regarding open resources.
- The entire eCore Mathematics curriculum is open-text based.
- eCore History faculty: Cathy Locks, Sarah Mergel, Pamela Roseman & Tamara Spike authored the first eCore open Textbook- History in the Making: A History of the People of the United States of America to 1877.
- Dr. Kathryn Dumper, Instructor of Psychology, is a Senior Contributor for the OpenStax textbook Psychology.
An OER Event:
Dr. Sarah Mergel (eCore ENVS Instructor), Dr. Andy Meyer (VPAA of Dalton State University) and eCore Senior Instructional Designer, Ashleigh Paulk will be part of a panel presenting an OER webinar on Thursday (March 12) at 12 PM noon.
If you can join them online, registration is free at https://borusg.webex.com/
BIG thanks and cheers to the textbook heroes!!
Christy Talley-Smith
Director of Curriculum and Instruction
USG eCore


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Textos sobre desporto para quem pensa que a bola não entra na baliza ou no cesto por acaso.
quinta-feira, 26 de julho de 2012
Portuguese Olympians' quest for Medals
Seventy-seven athletes represent Portugal at London 2012 Olympics
In a new section PortuGOAL.net will be bringing you news from a range of Portuguese sports beyond football. On the eve of the opening ceremony of the 2012 Olympics, Luís Filipe Cristóvão gives the lowdown on expectations for Portugal's delegation in London.
Portugal got its first Olympic medal, a bronze one, in 1924, when its team was third classified in the Equestrian Nations Competition. A total of 22 medals have been awarded to Portuguese athletes in Olympic history (four gold, seven silver, and eleven bronze). If any of the 77 Portuguese sportsmen and women present at London clinch another one, it will be his or her first – none of the previous medallists are returning to this year's Olympics.
Telma Monteiro will be the standard-bearer and is also out in front as regards the most probable medal winner, competing in Judo. With European and World titles on her curriculum, Telma leads a Judo team that includes two other outsiders for a medal run: João Pina and Joana Ramos.
Sailing is another of the sports in which Portugal has a tradition, with four medals conquered, the last one in 1996. Gustavo Lima, João Rodrigues and the duo of Álvaro Marinho/Miguel Nunes had some bright performances in past competitions, and will probably be around the top classified competitors in their categories.
Injuries rule out big hitters
But Portugal always dreams of Athletics honours. Unfortunately, big names like Rui Silva, Nélson Évora (gold medallist in 2008 in the triple jump) and Naide Gomes are ruled out by injury. Jéssica Augusto will run the Marathon, where beating the African competitors would be too much to ask. The same applies to Sara Moreira, in the 5,000m and 10,000m. Both runners are amongst the best in Europe, but it's a totally different challenge to do it in a World Competition.
Badminton, Cycling, Equestrianism, Gymnastics, Swimming, Rowing, Table Tennis, Shooting and Triathlon are the other sports where Portugal will be competing. While all of the 77 athletes will be satisfied just to be present at an event like the Olympics, they all nurture, in their secret dreams, a wish to conquer a medal.
It would be unexpected, but that's usually the case with Portuguese medallists. We don't expect to win. Sometimes, we just do it.
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Photo © Stephanie Meyer.
Carrots and curry were born for each other and Michael Voltaggio's cold carrot salad with Thai flavors at ink., in Los Angeles, is so superbly crafted that I thought about it for days after trying it. At home I don't do anything with liquid nitrogen or as many bells and whistles as Michael does in his restaurant, nor should you. That's the joy of dining out, to see what great chefs can do. On the home front, I love taking that inspiration and creating dishes like this one. SEE RECIPE »


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Kiruv organizations are EEEEEVIL! (Prepare for a rant!)
Ok not quite evil .I'm sure they're a little somewhere under Erev Rosh HaShana Selichot and fake crying on Yom Kippur but definitely up there with the top 10 evils of Orthodoxy. (hey that can be my next post!)
Listen! If you want to show someone how great a Shabbat can be with an awesome cholent and some stirring zemirot then by all means. Because all of that isn't a lie. Shabbat CAN be "uplifting" being Jewish CAN be fun. Some people even enjoy being Chareidi and to that I say good for you! and if a kiruv organization sets up a situation where non-affiliated Jews can experience some of these things and perhaps get in touch with their heritage - then even better!!!
But lying!!!!??? The Kuzari "Proof"??? The "Chazal knew some science"??? The Torah Codes??? Cummon!!! I dunno if Aish HaTorah, Ohr Sameach and their wacky lecturers know they're full of it or not (Gottlieb seems to think he's a genius, or should I define "thinking you're a genius" with a cute acronym TYAG and say Gottlieb = TYAG) but SOMEONE has got to tell 'em to shut it. Not just frum skeptics should be up in arms against this but even Ma'aminim Bnei Ma'aminim have to say "hey guys let's keep the recruiting Kosher"
The pseudo-proofs of Judaism not only are complete logical crap but also can ruin people down the rode. If you sign up for Judaism because of an Aish HaTorah Discovery Seminar then it won't take much for you to "open up you eyes" and regret 10 kids later what you've done. I dunno how many people they hook with their "scientific" mumbo jumbo but ANYONE convinced by that stuff is being terribly MANIPULATED.
Talking about manipulation, Kiruv Organizations should not be using marketing strategies. Sure if you're selling a vacuum it's bad marketing to mention that it's gonna die a day or so after the warranty - but this is something worse than a vacuum these are PEOPLE's lives. What do I mean by marketing strategy? Well, if a a non-frum girl goes and ask an Aish Hatorah guy what the status of woman is in Judaism he's not gonna whip out those delightfully backwards Gemarot which say tons of sexist things. Nope! Not even going to mention that a woman is considered in the Gemara too "crafty" to learn Torah, and too unreliable to be a witness. Kiruv Organizations sugar coat all the rough bits of Judaism and shelter their adherents from them until waaaay too late. THAT is pure manipulation - taking advantage of someone's ignorance about Judaism in order to only present the "fun" bits.
Be honest! I want every Kiruv Organization to be HONEST. If someones ask the Rabbi "Hey Rabbi what does the Gemara say about non-Jews" I want the Rabbi to say first "It thinks they're a bunch of donkeys with the emissions of horses" and only THEN make the excuses. I want the Rabbi to read all the demonology bits and read some choice Biblical passages about stoning and genocide. Go ahead! Present all the nice bits too BUT make sure to honestly present the good and the bad EQUALLY. If you lose "souls" 'cuz of you're brutal honesty then at least you know you're not lying to people.
Kiruv Organizations are either full of really dumb people (who actually believe in the Kuzari Proof) or have no problem using underhanded, Machiavellian tactics - as long as it will add another Orthodox Jew to the ranks.
It makes me sick.
Would You Leave Your Home for Peace?
19 hours ago


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Community variations in social vulnerability to Cascadia-related tsunamis in the U.S. Pacific Northwest
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Tsunamis generated by Cascadia subduction zone earthquakes pose significant threats to coastal communities in the U.S. Pacific Northwest. Impacts of future tsunamis to individuals and communities will likely vary due to pre-event socioeconomic and demographic differences. In order to assess social vulnerability to Cascadia tsunamis, we adjust a social vulnerability index based on principal component analysis first developed by Cutter et al. (2003) to operate at the census-block level of geography and focus on community-level comparisons along the Oregon coast. The number of residents from blocks in tsunami-prone areas considered to have higher social vulnerability varies considerably among 26 Oregon cities and most are concentrated in four cities and two unincorporated areas. Variations in the number of residents from census blocks considered to have higher social vulnerability in each city do not strongly correlate with the number of residents or city assets in tsunami-prone areas. Methods presented here will help emergency managers to identify community sub-groups that are more susceptible to loss and to develop risk-reduction strategies that are tailored to local conditions.
KeywordsSocial vulnerability SoVI Cascadia Tsunami Oregon Principal component analysis
1 Introduction
Vulnerability as a science involves examining the combination of physical, social, economic, and political components that influence the degree to which an individual, community, or system is threatened by a particular event, as well as their ability to mitigate these threats and recover if the event was to occur (Cutter 2001, 2003; Cutter et al. 2000; Mileti 1999; Hewitt 1997; Wisner et al. 2004). Although definitions and applications of the term vulnerability vary (Cutter 1996; Weichselgartner 2001), common elements within the natural hazard's literature include concepts of exposure, sensitivity, and resilience (Cutter et al. 2006; Cutter 2003; Dow 1992; Hewitt 1997; Turner et al. 2003). Exposure is related to hazard proximity and the environmental characteristics of a place, while sensitivity and resilience are characteristics of an individual, group, or socioeconomic system. Sensitivity refers to differential degrees of potential harm and the ability of an individual or community to protect itself from future events (Cutter et al. 2006), while resilience addresses an individual's or community's coping and adaptive capacities during and after an extreme event (Adger et al. 2005; Tobin 1999; Turner et al. 2003). Given equal exposure to external environmental threats, two groups may vary in their sensitivity and resilience due to internal societal characteristics.
Previous studies of societal vulnerability to CSZ-related tsunamis have largely focused on critical facilities (Charland and Priest 1995; Lewis 2007), perception studies (Johnston et al. 2005; Johnston et al. 2007; Wood and Good 2005), and local case studies (Wood et al. 2002; Wood and Good 2004). Regional comparisons of community exposure to Cascadia-related tsunamis on the Oregon coast (Wood 2007) and the open-ocean coast of Washington (Wood and Soulard 2008) indicate that tens of thousands of people live, work, and play in areas likely to be inundated by CSZ-related tsunamis. A significant portion of these individuals may require assistance in preparing for and responding to a tsunami. For example, 45% of the residents in the tsunami-prone areas of the City of Bandon, Oregon, are over 65 years in age (Wood 2007), and these older residents may have difficulty in evacuating, given the predicted 30 min between initial CSZ earthquake ground shaking and subsequent tsunami inundation. In addition to age, Wood (2007) identifies other demographic attributes of exposed populations considered indicators of social vulnerability, such as gender, race, and socioeconomic status (Cutter 2001; Cutter et al. 2003; Tierney et al. 2001; Wisner et al. 2004).
Assessing community vulnerability through an inventory of demographic attributes, such as those presented in Wood (2007), will help managers identify isolated issues of vulnerability (e.g., an elderly population needing assistance to evacuate quickly), but it fails to address how multiple demographic characteristics of an individual or neighborhood interact and likely amplify each other. The vulnerability of an individual who is living below the poverty level, elderly, and unable to speak the primary language is likely much larger than just the result of each attribute taken in isolation. The same can be said at the community level, where one neighborhood may be significantly more vulnerable if it contains high concentrations of single-parent, low-income, and poorly-educated populations living in close proximity to each other. Therefore, to appreciate the complex nature of social vulnerability, emergency managers need methods to understand the multivariate characteristics of individuals and communities in tsunami-prone areas.
One approach to quantify the multivariate nature of a population is the use of exploratory factor analysis, a data-reduction technique that has been widely used in human-geography research (Clark et al. 1974, 1998; Mather and Openshaw 1974; Scott 1975). Principal component analysis (PCA), one of the most common multivariate factorial approaches, uncovers the underlying dimensions of a large set of variables and mathematically transforms data into a smaller set of components based on intercorrelated variables. Specific to demographic data, the social vulnerability index (SoVI) is a spatially based descriptive tool that uses PCA to compare social vulnerability between places and has largely focused on county-level assessments (Boruff et al. 2005; Boruff and Cutter 2007; Cutter et al. 2003; Cutter and Finch 2008). Although a CSZ-related tsunami is a regional hazard that threatens thousands of people across three U.S. states and in British Columbia, Canada, a traditional county-level SoVI application is inappropriate because the majority of residents in many coastal counties are not in predicted tsunami zones; for example, only 4% of residents in Oregon coastal counties are in CSZ-related, tsunami-prone areas (Wood 2007).
In this article, we present an approach designed to describe the multivariate nature of individuals living in areas prone to CSZ-related tsunami inundation and to determine which communities have high concentrations of populations with potentially higher social vulnerability. We adjust the SoVI approach to operate at the census-block level of geography and concentrate only on residents in the tsunami-inundation zone, allowing us to examine variations in the demographic sensitivity of exposed populations. Focusing on the Oregon coast, we extend the use of the SoVI by calculating the number and percentage of total residents in each city with tsunami-prone land that are in census blocks considered to have higher relative social vulnerability, allowing us to comment on regional spatial patterns in vulnerability. Within this context, we explore several spatial properties of vulnerability including: (1) the multidimensional nature of residents in a well-defined hazard zone that spans several communities, (2) a method to determine which communities have elevated concentrations of higher socially vulnerable populations, and (3) insight into whether these concentrations relate to city attributes (e.g., total number of residents in tsunami-prone areas). Information and methods presented here further the dialogue on understanding societal risk to tsunami hazards and can be used by emergency managers to augment regional risk-reduction strategies with site-specific efforts that reflect local conditions and needs.
2 Study area
This study focuses on the seven coastal counties of Oregon, including Clatsop, Tillamook, Lincoln, Lane, Douglas, Coos, and Curry, and the 26 incorporated cities (based on 2005 city-limit boundaries) within them that intersect a statewide, potential tsunami-inundation zone (Oregon Geospatial Enterprise Office 2008) (Fig. 1). There are also 12 unincorporated towns along the Oregon coast, as delineated by census-designated place boundaries (U.S. Census Bureau 2005) that intersect the tsunami-inundation zone. Since emergency services and land-use planning for unincorporated towns are performed by county offices, results related to these towns are reported at the county level.
The tsunami-inundation zone was developed by the Oregon Department of Geology and Mineral Industries (DOGAMI) to support the implementation of a statewide ordinance (Oregon Revised Statute 455.446-447), limiting the construction of critical facilities in tsunami-prone areas (Olmstead 2003). Based on geologic evidence of past events and tsunami-propagation modeling, the tsunami-inundation zone delineates the upper limit of area expected to be covered by flood water from a tsunami caused by a magnitude 8.8 CSZ earthquake (Priest 1995). The intent of the inundation zone of Priest (1995) was to map the most likely CSZ tsunami flooding for the entire Oregon coast for use in building code enforcement. Later case studies (e.g., Witter 2008; Witter et al. 2007; Zhang et al. 2007) explored a larger range of potential CSZ tsunamis for a variety of uses, including worst-case events for evacuation planning, but these studies did not produce an inundation zone for the entire Oregon coast.
3 Methods
The purpose of this analysis is to understand relationships between the various types of residents living in the Oregon tsunami-inundation zone and to identify communities with the highest concentrations of residents that may have higher social vulnerability. Due to the limited spatial extent of the predicted tsunami-inundation zone, we adjust the SoVI, an exploratory factor analysis originally designed at the county level, to use census blocks, which are the smallest geographic units used in the decennial population count of the U.S. Census Bureau. The SoVI is based on the use of PCA to reduce a large number of census variables into a smaller set of multivariate components where variable members of each component exhibit similar variation across the study area, and each component explains a certain amount of the total variance of the entire dataset.
In the original SoVI derivation, a principal component analysis was conducted for all U.S. counties (n = 3,141) using 42 socioeconomic, demographic, and built environment variables that were selected based on empirical post-disaster research (Cutter et al. 2003). The county-level PCA produced eleven components that explained 76% of the variance, where components relating to personal wealth and age were the greatest contributors to the variance (Cutter et al. 2003). SoVI scores for each county were derived by adding PCA loadings for each component of a county and are reported in terms of standard deviations from the study area mean, where higher scores suggest higher social vulnerability. Since PCA is a data-reduction technique, components and subsequent SoVI scores are dependent on selected input variables and relevant only to the database from which the PCA was conducted (Burton and Cutter 2008).
Age, including median age, percentage under five years of age, percentage over 65 years of age, number of nursing home residents per capita, and percentage of population 25 or older with less than 12 years education;
Employment, including percentage of civilian labor force participation, percentage of civilian unemployment, percentage employed in primary industry, farming, fishing, mining, and forestry, percentage employed in transportation, communication, and other public utilities, and percentage employed in service occupations;
Gender, including percentage of females, percentage of households that are female headed, and percentage of female labor force participation;
Housing, including average number of persons per household, percentage of occupied housing units that are renters, percentage of housing units as mobile homes, percentage of population living in urban areas, and percentage of population living on rural farms;
Race and ethnicity, including percentage of population that is Black or African American, percentage of population that is American Indian or Alaska Native, percentage of population that is Asian, percentage of population that is Hispanic or Latino, and percentage of population resulting from international migration; and
Socioeconomic status, including per capita income, percentage of families earning $100,000 or more, percentage of persons living in poverty, percentage of people receiving Social Security benefits, median home value, and median rent.
For variables only available at the block-group level (e.g., the percentage of civilian labor force unemployed), we assumed all blocks had the same percentage as their larger block-group. Thirteen variables from the original SoVI derivation were excluded because they define community attributes, such as (1) local and regional economies, including the number of manufacturing establishments per square mile, the number of commercial establishments per square mile, earnings of all industries per square mile, general local government debt to revenue ratio, and value of all non-residential property, (2) medical services, including the number of hospitals per capita and the number of physicians per 100,000 population, (3) political context, including voting records, and (4) regional population growth, including birth rate, the number of new housing permits, percent decennial population change, and housing density.
All data for the 2,083 blocks were then standardized through conversion to "z scores" resulting in zero means and unit variances. Z-scores are derived by subtracting the mean of the study area from the block value and then dividing this difference by the standard deviation for the study area. The use of standardized z-scores avoids potential errors resulting from the aggregation of variables with different means (Jones and Andrey 2007). A PCA was then conducted on the standardized z-scores relating to 29 block-level variables. We used the PCA procedure to minimize the number of individual variables loading high on a single component, while at the same time, increasing the differences between the components. A varimax rotation and Kaiser Criterion (eigenvalues greater than 1) were used for extracting significant loadings to minimize the number of variables that load high on a single component which, in turn, increases the percentage of variation between each component (Cutter et al. 2003). We consider component loadings for an individual census variable to be significant at 0.5 and higher or −0.5 and lower. Once the component loadings were derived, adjustments were made to their directionality with respect to their known influences on vulnerability, based on the empirical literature on what increases or decreases social vulnerability (Cutter et al. 2003). A positive directionality was assigned to all components believed to increase vulnerability (e.g., poverty), while a negative directionality was assigned to all components believed to decrease vulnerability (e.g., wealth) (Cutter et al. 2003). Component scores are then added to yield a composite SoVI score for each block. Since negative and positive components are added, resulting SoVI scores should be considered to only approximate the collective vulnerability of a block, as they implicitly assume that potentially unrelated disadvantages of one group in a block will theoretically be compensated with an advantage of another group. Although compensatory logic is assumed with metrics that use linear aggregation, more research is needed to determine whether this is a valid assumption when assessing social vulnerability (Jones and Andrey 2007).
In the original SoVI, component scores were equally weighted within its additive model. This was considered appropriate at the county levels because of the lack of justification for explicit weights or well-established relationships between variables (Jones and Andrey 2007) and because counties contained significant populations with high demographic variability. However, scale-dependent deficiencies may exist at the smaller block level when focusing on a region where the PCA-based SoVI metric may inappropriately focus on isolated anomalies or outliers within individual blocks and not on significant regional trends. This could be a function of a rotated factor analytic approach, where the varimax rotation focuses on such outliers and represents them within dimensions that explain a miniscule amount of variance. In an effort to minimize this potential deficiency and more accurately represent those components that contribute the most to demographic variability within the region, we weighted each component score by its percentage of variance explained, thereby forcing components with higher variance to contribute more to the overall SoVI score (Piegorsch et al. 2007; Schmidtlein et al. 2008). Once all blocks had a weighted SoVI score, a mean and standard deviation were calculated for the region and blocks were classified in units of standard deviation from the mean (identical to the z-score transformation described earlier). Mapping via standard deviations provides a relative representation of which blocks deviate more from regional means (Borden et al. 2007) and does not provide an absolute representation of vulnerability where we can say that block X is twice as vulnerable as block Y.
In order to compare the social vulnerability of Oregon coastal cities, census blocks with SoVI scores greater than one standard deviation from the mean were classified as having high social vulnerability and the number of residents in these blocks was summed for each of the 26 incorporated cities on the Oregon coast, as well as the unincorporated portions of the 7 coastal counties. Slivers of census-block polygons that overlap administrative boundaries and tsunami zones were omitted and final population counts are adjusted proportionately. The number of residents from census blocks considered to have high social vulnerability in each community was calculated to determine if these populations are distributed uniformly across the study area and comprise similar percentages of total population in each community. If they are not and this population is concentrated in a subset of communities, emergency managers may wish to target these communities with additional preparedness planning efforts.
These calculations are not meant to imply that we consider all individuals in census blocks with high SoVI scores to have high social vulnerability; doing so would constitute an ecological fallacy. The SoVI analysis is a relative, regional assessment based on attribute percentages (e.g., percent of individuals living in mobile homes); therefore, not all individuals within a census block with a high SoVI score may have high social vulnerability. We calculate the number of individuals in census blocks with high SoVI scores for each city only to better understand the relative magnitude of social vulnerability as it varies among cities. Like the SoVI analysis itself, these calculations are for comparative purposes only and should not be considered exhaustive inventories of individuals with high social vulnerability.
A subsequent question to knowing the number of residents in each community that is in census blocks with high SoVI scores is whether these populations correlate to certain community attributes (e.g., city size, total number of residents in the tsunami-hazard zone). If this is the case, then the level of social vulnerability within each community may simply be a reflection of the size of the exposed population or other assets. In order to test whether or not the number of residents in blocks with high SoVI scores correlate to various city attributes, simple linear regressions were conducted where the dependent variable was the number of individuals from census blocks considered to have high social vulnerability in the tsunami-hazard zone of each city and the independent variables were the total number of people, the amount of developed land, total parcel values, and total number of employees in the tsunami-hazard zone (data from Wood 2007). These attributes are chosen based on the data U.S. jurisdictions are encouraged to collect as they develop local hazard-mitigation plans (Federal Emergency Management Agency 2001), a requirement to qualify for funds under the U.S. Hazard Mitigation Grant Program in accordance with the Disaster Mitigation Act of 2000, Public Law 106-390. The null hypothesis in each test is that no statistically significant relationship exists.
All residents in the predicted tsunami-inundation zone can be considered vulnerable in some way to the tsunami threat. However, our adaptation and extension of the SoVI approach provides emergency managers with a method for determining which demographic characteristics are spatially correlated and where there are high concentrations of more vulnerable populations. Once a census block is considered to have a high SoVI score or a community is considered to have a high number of residents from blocks with high SoVI scores, emergency managers can then look at individual PCA components, as well as the original census variables, to determine where residents with potentially higher social vulnerability may exist and why they may have higher social vulnerability relative to a future tsunami.
4 Components of social vulnerability
Vulnerability components with Eigen values, the percentage variance explained by that component, and the primary census variables of each component, based on a principal component analysis with a varimax rotation
% of variance
Primary census variables and component loadings
1. Wealth and education
Per capita income (0.897)
Percent families earning $100,000 or more (0.807)
Percent persons 25 or older with less than 12 years education (−0.550)
Percent persons living in poverty (−0.614)
2. Age and tenancy
Percent under five years of age (0.673)
Average number of persons per household (0.639)
Percent renter occupied housing units (0.551)
Percent over 65 years of age (−0.697)
Median age (−0.875)
3. Urban/rural
Percent of the population living in urban areas (0.794)
Percent employed in service occupations (0.548)
Percent employed in primary industry, farming, fishing, mining, and forestry (−0.520)
Percent rural farm populations (−0.641)
4. Housing
Percent housing units as mobile homes (0.566)
Percent employed in transportation, communication, and other public utilities (0.553)
Median dollar value of owner occupied housing units (−0.693)
5. Labor force participation
Percent civilian labor force participation (0.796)
Percent social security recipients (-0.883)
6. Immigration and female workers
Percent international migration (0.688)
Percent female labor force participation (-0.743)
7. Median rent
Median rent (0.838)
8. Females and nursing homes
Percent females (0.672)
Nursing home residents per capita (0.612)
9. Female-headed households
Percent female headed households (0.860)
10. Race (African-American)
Percent Black or African American (0.798)
Percent civilian unemployment (0.506)
11. Race (Asian)
Percent Asian (0.713)
Percent American Indian or Alaska Native (−0.660)
4.1 Wealth and education
The first component represents 9.7% of the database variance and captures four variables that relate to wealth and education (Table 1). Variable loadings in this component suggest that neighborhoods do not have a wide range of income levels (i.e., individuals with high incomes are not in the same census blocks as those living under the poverty line) and that whether an individual has attained a high-school diploma is related to personal wealth. In general, the Oregon tsunami-hazard zone can be characterized as having low- to middle-income households, based on results that indicate that the percentage of families earning $100,000 or more in this zone is approximately half the national average (5.7% compared to 10.7%, respectively) and the percentage of individuals living in poverty here approximates the national average (12.8% compared to 12.7%, respectively). The percentage of individuals in the tsunami-hazard zone that are older than 25 years in age and lack a high-school diploma is slightly less than the national average (15.0% compared to 18.5%, respectively) (Fig. 2). The reference and comparison to national averages in this and subsequent component descriptions is meant to provide context and perspective for demographic attributes that are highlighted by the PCA because of their high variability within the study area.
With regards to social vulnerability, low-income households are often impacted greater by extreme events than high-income households. Structural maintenance and mitigation initiatives are often out of reach for low-income households, and homes may therefore sustain greater damage following a significant event due to the nature of the housing stock (Burton and Cutter 2008; Cochrane 1975; Morrow 1999; Wisner et al. 2004). In addition, low-income households often have insufficient financial reserves for buying services and materials following an event (Morrow 1999); therefore, economic recovery after a catastrophic tsunami may be more difficult.
4.2 Age and tenancy
The second component represents 9.4% of the study-area variance and includes five variables that relate to age and household tenancy (Table 1). Variable loadings on this component suggest that neighborhoods with high numbers of young children are associated with higher numbers of people per household and higher numbers of renter-occupied households, but not high numbers of older residents. Relative to national averages, the study area has low percentages of children under 5 years in age (3.17% compared to 6.8%), low percentages of renter-occupied housing (21.5% compared to 33.8%), and low numbers of individuals per household (1.6 compared to 2.59)—all indicators of relatively lower social vulnerability (Fig. 2). Although tsunami-zone percentages are low compared to national averages, the neighborhoods with children and renter-occupied households are considered to have higher social vulnerability because renters are less likely than homeowners to prepare for catastrophic events (Burby et al. 2003) and families with many dependents are likely to encounter greater obstacles when responding to an emergency due to limited financial reserves and the coupling of work responsibilities and care for family members (Cutter et al. 2003; H. John Heinz III Center for Science, Economics and the Environment 2000; Morrow 1999). The percentage of individuals 65 years in age or older in the Oregon tsunami-hazard zone is more than double the national average (25.7% and 12.4%, respectively). Research suggests the older populations may require assistance in evacuation due to potential mobility and health issues or a reluctance to evacuate, may require special medical equipment at shelters (McGuire et al. 2007), and are more apt to lack social and economic resources to recover (Morrow 1999; Ngo 2003). It may be difficult to quickly evacuate older populations from tsunami-prone areas along the Oregon coast, given their potential health and mobility issues and the limited time between earthquake ground-shaking and tsunami inundation. In addition, if a tsunami was to occur during the winter months, emergency shelters may not be equipped to adequately protect older populations from exposure to low air temperatures and high precipitation (common during winter months on the Oregon coast), causing further health complications.
4.3 Employment and housing
The third, fourth, fifth, and seventh components collectively represent variables relating to differences in employment and housing across the study area and indicate that certain occupations are associated with certain landscapes and housing arrangements across the study area (Table 1). Component 3 represents 8.0% of the study-area variance and suggests that urban neighborhoods are associated with individuals working in service industries, while rural areas are associated with individuals working in the natural resources, such as farming, fishing, mining, and forestry. Component 4 represents 6.7% of the study-area variance and suggests that neighborhoods with high percentages of mobile homes, regardless of whether they are in urban or rural settings, contain high percentages of individuals employed in transportation, communication, and other public utilities. Component 5 represents 6.2% of the study-area variance and suggests an inverse relationship between individuals in the labor-force and those receiving social security benefits. Relative to national averages, the study area has high percentages of individuals with natural resources-related occupations (3.1% in the study area compared to 0.9% for the nation), with service-related occupations (19.3% compared to 14.3%), living in mobile homes (14.7% compared to 8.4%) and receiving social security benefits (17.7% compared to 9.9%). Study-area percentages are slightly lower than national averages for civilian labor force participation (45.8% compared to 49.3%) and for employment in transportation, communication, and other public-utility sectors (4.0% compared to 4.9%) (Fig. 2). The relatively high percentages of mobile homes, recipients of social-security benefits, lower income service and natural-resource occupations, and relatively low percentage of civilian labor-force participation all indicate high socially vulnerable populations along the Oregon coast.
4.4 Gender
Several components reflect gender-related variations at the census block level (Table 1). Representing 5.4% of the study-area variance, variables in component 6 suggest areas with high international migration have low female participation in the labor force. Component 8 represents 4.0% of the study-area variance and indicates a correlation between the percentage of females and the number of nursing home residents per capita. Component 9 represents 3.8% of the study-area variance and includes a positive loading on the percentage of female-headed households. Past research of gender differences to natural hazards indicates that although women tend to have higher risk perceptions, demonstrate higher preparedness planning, and are more likely to respond to warnings than men, they are more likely to be single parents or primary care givers and have lower incomes, fewer financial resources, and less autonomy than males (Bateman and Edwards 2002; Enarson and Morrow 1998; Laska and Morrow 2007). Although gender-related variations are considered by the PCA to be moderately significant among individual census blocks in the Oregon tsunami-hazard zone, a comparison of the study-area and national averages of the original block variables suggest that gender-related variables are not significant issues for the entire region. The percentage of female-headed households in the Oregon tsunami-hazard zone is approximately one-third of the national average (3.7% and 12.0%, respectively). The percentage of international migration in the study area is approximately half of the national average (25.8% compared to 46.3%, respectively). Study-area averages are similar to national averages for the percentage of females (both 51.0%) and for the percentages of female labor force participation (47.4% and 46.9%, respectively). The comparison of study-area averages to national averages of these gender-related demographic attributes suggest that these attributes may amplify social vulnerability within individual census blocks, but are not dominant vulnerability trends for the entire study area.
4.5 Race and ethnicity
The tenth and eleventh components both relate to variations based on race and ethnicity (Table 1). Race and ethnicity influence individual sensitivity to natural hazards due to historic patterns of racial and ethnic inequalities within the U.S. that result in minority communities which lack resources to prepare and mitigate (Cutter et al. 2003), and are more likely to have inferior public services, infrastructure, and building stock (Laska and Morrow 2007), and that may be excluded from disaster planning efforts (Morrow 1999). The tenth component represents 3.7% of the study-area variance, and variable loadings suggest that neighborhoods with higher percentages of Black or African-American residents are associated with higher percentages of civilian unemployment. The eleventh component represents 3.6% of the study-area variance and variable loadings suggest that residents who classify themselves as Asian and as American Indian or Alaska Native are not associated with the same neighborhoods. Although variations based on race at the census-block level are considered moderately significant by the principal component analysis, the Oregon tsunami-inundation zone does not have high racial diversity—96% of all residents identified themselves in the 2000 Census as White, either alone or in combination with one or more other races (Wood 2007). Only 0.27% of residents in the study area classify themselves as Black or African American, compared to 12.8% for the nation. The percentage of residents who classify themselves as Asian in the study area is low and are one-third of the national average (1.32% compared to 4.4%, respectively). The percentage of residents who classify themselves as American Indian or Alaska Native is 1.24%, comparable to the national average of 1.0%. Therefore, race and ethnicity may be amplifying components within individual census blocks and for certain individuals but are not significant vulnerability trends for the entire region.
5 Geographic variations in social vulnerability
The crux of social vulnerability research is the assumption that certain groups are likely to suffer disproportionately following a damaging event due to differences in wealth, history, and sociopolitical organization (Wisner et al. 2004). In order to effectively reduce societal risks from catastrophic hazards, mitigation and emergency managers must understand (1) the social characteristics that give rise to the vulnerabilities within the communities they protect, and (2) the spatial patterns of social vulnerability across a region. Answering both questions will help managers identify the individuals and communities that may be more susceptible to loss or possibly lack the ability to recover quickly following a catastrophic event. Results of the PCA analysis in the previous section help to address the first question and suggest that although the predicted Oregon tsunami-inundation zone contains over 22,000 residents (Wood 2007), the potential impacts of a CSZ-related tsunami will likely vary among these individuals due to observed differences in wealth, education, age, etc., across the study area.
There is also no apparent relationship between the number of residents considered to have high social vulnerability (Fig. 4a) and the percentage they represent of the total number of residents in the tsunami-hazard zone (Fig. 4b). For example, the City of Seaside has the highest number of residents considered to have higher social vulnerability (422), but this group only represents 9% of the in-hazard population. Similar communities with high amounts but low percentages of the total in-hazard population include the cities of Warrenton, Lincoln City, and Waldport and the unincorporated portions of Clatsop, Tillamook, and Coos counties. In these communities, emergency managers may overlook these special needs populations that are large in numbers, but represent a small fraction of the total population that could be impacted by a tsunami. Conversely, there are several communities, such as the cities of Astoria, Nehalem, Wheeler, Toledo, and Bandon, which have low numbers of residents from blocks with high SoVI scores, but these few individuals represent high percentages of the in-hazard population (Fig. 4). In these communities, emergency managers will be assisting small, but disproportionately highly vulnerable, populations.
6 Use and limitations of the SoVI approach
The SoVI is designed to be a descriptive measure of social vulnerability to hazards based on exploratory factor analysis of demographic data. As demonstrated in the previous sections, the development and mapping of relative SoVI z-scores at the census-block level provides emergency managers with a mechanism for characterizing multivariate aspects of social vulnerability and for determining where local outliers exist across a region. The use of census blocks (the smallest geographic unit used by the U.S. Census Bureau) in this analysis may also minimize potential issues of ecological fallacy, where incorrect inferences about individuals are based on characteristics of the larger group to which they belong (Jones and Andrey 2007). While the potential for ecological fallacy remains, populations may become more homogenous as census units get smaller and variables that characterize average attributes of a population in a census block (e.g., per capita income, median rent, and number of persons per household) may better reflect all members of that census block than average attributes summarized at larger census units (e.g., tract or county).
Although SoVI scores can help emergency managers to identify outliers and their location across a landscape, they should not be construed as a complete characterization of social vulnerability in an area to a specific hazard. A principal component analysis may not always capture the dominant variables contributing to vulnerability, but rather those that best explain the variation in the input data (Jones and Andrey 2007). By normalizing raw census data to z-scores, the SoVI approach ignores differences in means among the original data and therefore focuses on variances, not regional conditions, in its relative assessment of social vulnerability across a study area. All variables, regardless of their original means and variance, are transformed to have zero means and a standard deviation of one. For example, if census block A has a value of 15% for the percentage of households that are renters (mean = 10%, standard deviations = 1.5%) and census block B has a value of 95% for the percentage of residents over 65 years in age (mean = 90%, standard deviations = 1.5%), then the two blocks will have identical z-scores (3.33) for the different variables (i.e., 15 minus 10 divided by 1.5 equals 95 minus 90 divided 1.5). For these two variables, z-scores and subsequent SoVI scores may have similar patterns of data variability across a landscape, even though the second variable has a much higher mean before normalization. Therefore, the SoVI approach identifies variations in relative social vulnerability across a study and is not an exhaustive prioritized inventory of the primary causes of social vulnerability.
The ability to use SoVI scores to identify hotspots of social vulnerability is immediately appealing to local managers who are responsible for site-specific risk-reduction efforts. State or regional emergency managers may want to first focus on variables that may not exhibit high variance, but that are consistently high across the region (especially those that are significantly higher than state and national averages), and then use block-level SoVI scores to find outliers. For example, Component 1 in our case study explained 9.7% of the variance and included variables relating wealth and education (e.g., persons living in poverty, persons 25 years in age or older with less than 12 years of education, and families earning $100,000 or more), yet these variables all have means less than 15% of the population and are fairly close to national averages with standard deviations of approximately 5% (Fig. 2). Other variables, such as the percent of individuals over 65 years in age (Component 2), the percent of housing units that are mobile homes (Component 4), and the percent of individuals receiving social security benefits (Component 5), have higher regional means and standard deviations than those in Component One and these means double national averages (Table 1). However, these variables load on components that explain less variance, and therefore have less weight, in final SoVI scores (Fig. 6). Therefore, a vulnerability analysis that relies only on SoVI will identify variables with high variance but may miss the aspects of demographic sensitivity that may show less variance but high initial percentages. For our case study of social vulnerability to tsunamis on the Oregon coast, these regional sensitivities include high percentages of the population that are over 65 years in age, are employed in primary industry and service occupations, live in mobile homes, or receive social security benefits. In each of these cases, study-area percentages of these variables are double the national averages, but these variables contribute less than other variables to overall database variance and weights to SoVI scores (Fig. 2).
Place-based context is considered an important element of understanding community vulnerability (Jones and Andrey 2007). In order to appreciate and characterize social vulnerability to a hazard, emergency managers should, therefore, calculate block-level SoVI scores and interpret them within the context of the original data and relative to the hazard in question. In doing so, emergency managers can determine regional conditions, identify site-specific outliers at the block level and where they exist across a region, and then determine the individual variables that are contributing to social vulnerability at that location. Once emergency managers have targeted highly vulnerable populations with additional risk-reduction strategies, they could work with social-service providers to address the non-hazard, socioeconomic conditions that create this vulnerability (e.g., poverty and lack of education). Methods and analysis presented here can be used not only for identifying immediate response needs to a specific threat (e.g., older populations needing assistance in evacuating tsunami-prone areas) but also for non-hazard issues of resource access (e.g., populations living in poverty needing assistance to recover) germane to any catastrophic event.
7 Conclusions
The impacts from a CSZ-related tsunami will be expressed differentially across communities along the Oregon coast. Certain individuals and groups within each community are likely to suffer disproportionately due to differences in socioeconomic conditions and other demographic attributes unrelated to the natural hazard. Emergency-management officials must understand not only the physical aspects of the tsunami threat in which currently a large body of knowledge exists, but also the oftentimes undocumented, place-based characteristics of the social environment. Of utmost significance relative to Cascadia tsunamis is the ability of emergency managers to identify those areas more susceptible to loss and those hosting populations that may need assistance in evacuating tsunami-prone areas or that lack in the ability to recover quickly following an event. Results presented here demonstrate that social vulnerability to Cascadia tsunami manifests itself differently throughout the study area and that the number of individuals in census blocks with high social vulnerability is not consistent across 26 cities. Methods presented here provide emergency managers with a process for characterizing the multivariate nature of residents and for identifying which communities have significant numbers of residents that may have high relative social vulnerability. This information provides emergency managers with the means to depart from one-size-fits-all mitigation strategies that inadequately address differences in social context and, instead, to develop strategies tailored to local conditions and needs.
This study was supported by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) Geographic Analysis and Monitoring Program and a USGS and University of South Carolina, Department of Geography cooperative agreement (#03HQAG0018), Multihazard vulnerability assessment decision support (sub agreement: #0318HS004). We thank Susan Benjamin, Bryan Boruff, Lori Dinitz, Len Gaydos, Matt Schmidtlein, Mara Tongue, Tamara Wilson, Shelby Wood, and two anonymous reviewers for their insightful reviews of the earlier versions of the article.
Open Access
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial License which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
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What does Blair REALLY think? Watch SHOCK one-word labels for Juncker, Merkel AND Farage
Blair was quizzed on what he really thought about political leaders in the UK and Europe
TONY BLAIR took part in a description game where the former Prime Minister and prominent pro-EU campaigner branded UK and European leaders with one word - including Nigel Farage.
Tony Blair was quizzed on what he really thought about political leaders in the UK and Europe in a shock interview.
At the end of an interview with Euronews, the former Prime Minister took part in a surprising one-word description challenge.
He was asked to respond to the names of leaders, including Jean-Claude Juncker, Angela Merkel and Nigel Farage, with just one word.
This comes after his latest intervention, in which he attacked Mr Corbyn's Labour leadership and demanded a second referendum on Brexit.
In the interview, Mr Blair said that Nigel Farage was "the past" and described Theresa May with "sympathy" and Jeremy Corbyn with "anxiety".
The former Labour leader also described Vladimir Putin as "the enigma" and former foreign secretary Boris Johnson as "humour".
In a surprising reaction, Mr Blair responded to Mr Juncker with "affection," which he was pushed to explain.
He added: "Despite our disagreements, I think he has a real integrity about him."
He also branded Angela Merkel as "respect" and Bono, who has recently criticised Brexit and championed the EU, as "friendship".
Earlier this week, the former Prime Minister said that Mrs May's Chequers Brexit proposal was "doomed to fail".
He predicted that the blueprint would be voted down in Parliament if it arrives before MPs
Mr Blair described the proposal as "the worst of both worlds and will satisfy nobody".
He again called for a second Brexit referendum, adding that the best solution to the deadlock was to "satisfy" the whole country and hold a second referendum.
Mr Blair also sparked outrage from Mr Corbyn supporters this week after claiming Labour had become a "different" party since Mr Corbyn took office in 2015.
The former leader said: "The question is, can it be taken back? This is a different type of Labour Party.
"Can it be taken back? I don't know."


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29 Sep 2017 10:57
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Ride fast, turn left!
You can't fail to have noticed the rise in interest in Flat Track racing, not least because of Indian's success in the new US American Flat Track series, the launch of Super Hooligan racing in the US and Hooligan over here, and – of course – Dirtquake.
It's capturing the imagination of many because it is accessible, inclusive, fun and the sort of thing that rings a bell from when we first started riding bikes.
There is a ridiculous amount of archive material that places racing at heart of the American custom bike culture – a lot of riders competed in formal and informal races, formed into teams and identified by colours – and the bobbing of heavyweight and middleweight Harleys and Indians was done to lose weight to make them more competitive against each other and the vertical twins that were coming from England.
And history has a habit of repeating itself.
With Indian's backing of the DTRA National Championship and Harley-Davidson sponsoring Dirtquake, there's everything to aspire to, but what if that's just a bit too formal, organised and corporate for you?
Then you perhaps want to get involved in Dirt Diggers? more grass roots, less formal but growing: the chance to find out what you can do against riders with a broad range of experience and expertise, on an eclectic range of bikes?
It's no less competitive, as anyone who has seen Crazy Odge racing will testify, and there are a range of classes to compete in – as diverse as the DTRA, as irreverent as Dirtquake:
- Chopper/bobber/lowrider
- Motorcross/dirt/off-road
- Flat Track
- Pit bike
- Street Tracker
- Inappropriate bike
- British
- Harley/Cruiser
- Ladies
- Scooter
- Moped Mayhem
- Junior 50 and
- Junior 110
Most of these are coming along nicely, we're told, but there's only a couple signed-up for the Harley/Cruiser class so far, so we've been asked to give it a shout-out.
It obviously helps if you've got some experience on the dirt, but it's not essential: neither is youth, a huge budget or a sense of humour deficiency.
And, of course, it is racing, so it is dangerous: no point pretending otherwise. But then so is riding a motorcycle on the road.


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Welcome! Need support, you got it. Or share you ideas and experiences.
I am looking for a 2 - 4 hp motor and weighing between the above three. What is the general opinion in the community ?
Follow Ups:
Well I have been investigating for the the last couple of months about buying a new motor. I found that that most small boat owners talked well about Yamaha out boards, that they gave no problems, just about everyone told me it is the best deal around today.
I also checked on the internet and found that they have a new F series out board motors that use a mixture of 1:100. They also come with a 5 coat salt water protection inside the motor and used less fuel than other outboards.
I was thinking about buying a 9.9 hp Yamaha, but the dealer told me that I could get the 15 hp Yamaha for the same price and both models weighed the same. It just so happens that my 12 ft. boat has a max hp capacity of 15 hp, so I bought it. I am still breaking in the new motor, 10 hours with a 1:25 mixture, after that it uses 1:100 mixture. But in the instructions, it called for after 2 hours of use to accelerate it full blast for 10 minutes. The power surprised me, my boat was flying at high speeds, skipping over the water. I also notice that this motor comsumes very little fuel, has some kind of double recyle fuel burning system, it only used about 3/4's of a gallon of fuel after 3 hours of running the motor, my old Johnson 6.5 would have used about a gallon and a half of fuel.
I really like it.
Hello all,
I am wanting to purchase a new out board motor for use with my canoes and sail boat. Has anyone seen the briggs and stration 5 hourse outboard for sale ?
Has anyone used one of these morors ?
Any help would be appreciated.
Thanks again,
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There are so many exciting endeavors underway at the Delaware County Historical Society. Volunteers are needed more than ever! No matter what your skills, interests, or availability, there is a place for you.
The Delaware County Historical Society was founded 70 years ago by the efforts of dedicated volunteers. They are community people working to discover, preserve, and share the rich history of Delaware County Ohio.
The Historical Society reaches out to our community and its visitors with year-round events and programs. You could help a homeowner research the provenance of their homestead or take a traveling "history cart" to our schools, to keep our history alive.
You could research our history and catalog photos, documents, and objects. Or maybe research, author, edit, publish, and present on local history topics. Use your skills to photograph and video-graph to help preserve history as well as comparing yesteryear to today.
Volunteering at the Historical Society is a great way to learn more about the Delaware community. You may pick up new skills as they provide "on-the-job" training. Whatever your skills, your contributions are needed and will be appreciated. Not only that, enjoy working together with like-minded people and have a good time.
Attend their Volunteer Fair and meet the Committee Chairs, Volunteer Coordinators and Project Managers and discuss their activities and projects. Mingle with them and current volunteers over refreshments. This collegial approach to volunteer recruitment has been a tradition in the Society for years.
Join in the fun on Thursday, March 23, 7-9 pm at The Barn at Stratford
2690 Stratford Rd, Delaware, OH 43015