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Despite ongoing protests that led to nine additional arrests over the weekend, Anaheim police said they are trying to start a dialogue with community groups to ease tensions over a spate of officer-involved shootings in the Orange County city.
MORE: Cops, Protesters Clash in Anaheim | Mom Pleads for Calm in Anaheim
Law enforcement officials have made very early overtures to the non-profit group Community Service Programs, Inc., and the Orange County Human Relations Commission, Anaheim Police Department spokesman Bob Dunn told NBC4 on Monday.
Police hope to be able to take those discussions further over the next couple of weeks as they seek to defuse community anger sparked by the deaths of Manuel Diaz, 25, and Joel Mathew Acevedo, 21, in separate incidents earlier this month.
"We're looking to dialogue with the community," Dunn said.
"We are 100 percent behind the process and we will wait for that process to take its course and then own whatever the results are," he added.
It was not yet clear, he said, what form those discussions would take. For example, community members might want to talk about the incidents with a facilitator present but without police participation for the first few meetings, Dunn said.
Diaz, who was unarmed, was shot and killed July 21 as he fled on foot from Anaheim police officers. His mother, Genevieve Huizar, contended that officers first shot Diaz in the leg, and then, as he lay on the ground, shot him in the head.
The next day, Acevedo was also shot and killed while fleeing Anaheim police. Officers later said In another incident last week, police fired at a burglary suspect, but he was unharmed.
The lead agency investigating the shootings is the Orange County District Attorney's office.
Protesters as well as the City Council have called for federal and state law enforcement agencies to step in, but spokesmen for the FBI, the U.S. Attorney's office and the State Office of Attorney General all say they have not yet opened formal investigation proceedings.
Signatures from an online petition started by Washington-based Presente.org are headed to the hands of the California Attorney General.
"It's over 17,000 at this point," said Arturo Carmona.
Still, officials at the FBI and the U.S. Attorney's office say they are reviewing information on the case as they receive it from local prosecutors and others. And a representative of California Attorney General promised that the department would consider a petition asking the agency to open its own case.
"The FBI will review evidence and reports by the Orange County District Attorney's Office to determine whether further federal review and/or investigation is warranted," spokeswoman Laura Eimiller said in a prepared statement.
Protests over the shootings have rocked Anaheim for much of the past week.
"First thing that comes out of their mouth after one of these is, they're a gang member. They're human, everybody's human. We have a judicial system," said Anaheim resident Louisa Sanchez.
Corie Cline, whose brother was shot by Anaheim Police, is part of the group "Anaheim Crusaders," which is planning weekly protests outside the Anaheim Police Department's building.
"They're getting away with murder," Cline said.
On Sunday, seven adults and two youths were arrested after a protest near police headquarters grew raucous.
At one point, demonstrators said they were going to march on Disneyland.
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April 17-21, 2017. Jamie Purviance discusses his new book "Weber's Greatest Hits: 125 Recipes For Every Grill" and answers all your grilling & barbecuing questions. Closed to new discussion.
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Gov. John Hickenlooper today appointed former state Rep. Glenn Vaad to the Public Utilities Commission, calling the former transportation department employee "a distinguished leader who has dedicated much of his life to public service."
"He knows how to listen to all sides of an issue and work with varied interests to find common ground," Hickenlooper said in a news release. "Glenn is calm, courageous and a good addition to the Public Utilities Commission."
Hickenlooper was required to appoint a Republican because state statute requires there not be more than two members on the commission from any one political party. Two of the current members are Democrats; Republican James K. Tarpey last month announced his resignation. Vaad's appointment is effective Jan. 7 and must be confirmed by the Senate, which provides an interesting side story:
Vaad served in the House before running for the Senate in 2012. The Mead lawmaker lost the contentious GOP primary to Vicki Marble of Fort Collins.
Vaad's appointment drew immediate praise from a former House colleague and from a lobbyist.


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Pablo Mendoza
on: EU Policy on North Africa and the Middle East, by Andreas Zumach
Libyan online bloggers should request the immediate stop of NATO bombing. All it does is killing people but not ending the struggle. And involving NATO troops will lead to another Afghanistan, with or without Gaddhafi.
UN and NATO must not to participate in a rebellion which is foreign-influenced. Protecting civilians also means to stop the rebel troops which kill their own countrymen, too. While living, armed rebels are considered freedom fighters, but when dead, they are considered civilians, killed by Gaddhafi military.
The UN and NATO should support all rebels, also in Saudi Arabia and other countries, or stay away from singling out some for help but fight the others. France and Britain are now eager to destroy the weapons they had sold to Gaddhafi, and soon enough they will again sell weapons to a new government. How many thousand of freedom fighters has France killed in Africa during its colonial ruling? Whatever is done now in Libya has simply economic reasons, humanity, unfortunately, has a much lower value.


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And after tomorrow the Federast diplomatic service comes into formation and Nanny Ashton encourages us in her address;
Europeans are united in the way they perceive foreign policy and the external action. There is consensus for more cooperation, coherence, visibility and joint action. The European Union is reshaping its capacity to respond adequately to the new challenges. At the heart of these changes is the European External Action Service (EEAS), one of the central innovations of the Lisbon Treaty that came into force on 1st December 2009.The EEAS will strengthen the impact of EU values and interests around the globe. It will enable theEU to have a more ambitious, effective, coherent and visible foreign policy. The EEAS will be our principal interface with international partners; i.e. Europe's "eyes, ears and face" in our day-to-day dealings abroad. It will promote comprehensive policies in a strategic manner. I am convinced that the EEAS will bring new level of comprehension and cooperation in our partnerships, to the benefit of all of us.The EEAS will be set up 60 years after the adoption of the Schuman declaration, very much in its spirit.Happy Europe Day!
Pass the sick-bag, someone.


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Nov 30, 2010
Freshman Laurent Rivard is averaging 7.2 points per game during his rookie season (Gil Talbot).Co
- Complete Game Notes (PDF)
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- Harvard vs. Colorado Extended Video Highlights
The Particulars
Harvard, which boasts a 2-0 record at home and has won its last four games overall, plays host to Fordham in a midweek non-conference matchup at Lavietes Pavilion Wednesday evening.
Series History
The Crimson and Rams have played nine times in a series that dates back to the 1962-63 campaign. Fordham owns a 7-2 series lead against Harvard and has won the last three games between the schools since 1978-79. The Crimson boasts a 1-1 mark against Fordham at home.
The Crimson and Rams have played nine times in a series that dates back to the 1962-63 campaign. Fordham owns a 7-2 series lead against Harvard and has won the last three games between the schools since 1978-79. The Crimson boasts a 1-1 mark against Fordham at home.
Last Time Out
Harvard defeated a team from a BCS opponent for the fourth straight season, as the Crimson knocked off Colorado by a score of 82-66 Sunday afternoon at Lavietes Pavilion. Christian Webster led Harvard with 20 points, while Keith Wright (19 points, nine rebounds) and Oliver McNally (17 points, five assists) also shot the ball well against the Buffaloes.
The Crimson handed out 22 assists on 25 field goals and shot 51 percent from the field as a team (25-of-49). With the win, Harvard earned its first victory over a team from the Big XII conference.
Fordham's Last Time Out
The Rams made six free-throws in the final minute of action to down Hartford, 61-57, Saturday evening. Fordham, who has yet to play a road game this season, was led offensively by the trio of Alberto Estwick (16 points, five rebounds), Branden Frazier (15 points, five rebounds) and Chris Gaston (14 points, six rebounds). Marvin Dominique came down with a game-high 11 rebounds, as the Rams outrebounded Hartford, 38-25. The Rams hit all 10 of its chances from the charity stripe in the second half, finishing 11-of-13 for the game (.846).
Conference Records
Harvard owns a 16-36 record against teams that are current members of the Atlantic 10 conference.
Great Spot On The Calendar
The Crimson concluded November with a 4-1 record during the month. Harvard dropped its season opener at George Mason, but then rattled off four straight victories against Holy Cross, Mercer, Bryant and Colorado.
Hot Hand
Keith Wright has made 33-of-45 shots from the floor this season for a shooting percentage of .733. Wright, who is a 55 percent shooter for his career, entered the week ranked sixth in the nation in shooting percentage. Wright was 8-of-11 in his 19-point performance against Colorado.
Winning By Effort
The Crimson has scored 56 points on second-chance opportunities this season, including 19 in the win over Colorado.
Home Boys
Harvard set a modern day record for consecutive home wins with 10 spanning from the 2008-09 season to 2009-10, including a program record nine straight wins against Division I teams. The Crimson is currently riding a five-game winning streak at Lavietes Pavilion.
Harvard has also collected 10 consecutive victories against non-conference opponents at Lavietes dating back to the 2008-09 season.
He's Honored...Again!
Keith Wright garnered his second Ivy League Player of the Week honor Monday after helping the Crimson to a 2-0 record last week. Wright netted a career-high 24 points and grabbed 10 rebounds for his second double-double of the season in Harvard's 69-66 win at Bryant Nov. 24. He then posted the best all-around performance of his career in the 82-66 victory over Colorado, as he tallied 19 points, collected nine rebounds, handed out six assists and blocked three shots. Wright also earned Ivy Player of the Week honors Nov. 15, while Christian Webster was tabbed Co-Player of the Week Nov. 22.
Complete Team Effort
Three Crimson players scored 17 or more points in Harvard's 82-66 victory over Colorado Nov. 28. Christian Webster amassed 20 points, while Keith Wright added 19 and Oliver McNally chipped in with 17, going 4-of-5 from the floor, including 3-of-3 from beyond the arc, and was 6-of-6 from the free-throw line.
Conference Watch
The Crimson has earned victories over teams from the Patriot League, Atlantic Sun, Northeast Conference and Big XII this season. Harvard defeated teams from 10 different conferences during the 2009-10 season.
Feeling It Around From Long Range
At least one Harvard player has made at least two three pointers in all three games this season. In the win over Colorado, Oliver McNally and Christian Webster each drained three treys, while Laurent Rivard hit two three pointers. The Crimson has hit 37 shots from long range on the season.
Winning Mark
Harvard has won 39 of its last 62 games (.629) dating back to the start of the 2008-09 season and 25 of its last 34 contests (.734) since the beginning of the 2009-10 campaign. With the hot streak, the Crimson has improved to 47-45 (.511) under head coach Tommy Amaker.
Harvard has won 39 of its last 62 games (.629) dating back to the start of the 2008-09 season and 25 of its last 34 contests (.734) since the beginning of the 2009-10 campaign. With the hot streak, the Crimson has improved to 47-45 (.511) under head coach Tommy Amaker.
Back In Play
Sophomore Kyle Casey, the reigning Ivy League Rookie of the Year, saw action for the first time this season in the Crimson's victory at Bryant Nov. 24. Casey, who missed the first three games because of a foot injury, scored five points in only 14 minutes of action against the Bulldogs. Casey, who was named to every preseason All-Ivy League team, blocked two shots in 13 minutes in the Crimson's 82-66 victory over Colorado Nov. 28.
Harvard Against the BCS
The Crimson will play four teams from BCS conferences this season: Colorado (Big XII), Michigan (Big Ten), Connecticut (Big East) and Boston College (ACC). Harvard. which went 1-2 against BCS teams last year, boasts a 1-0 mark against BCS schools this season after downing Colorado Nov. 28. The Crimson owns a 4-5 record against BCS conference schools under head coach Tommy Amaker.
Halftime Report
Going back to the 2004-05 season, Harvard is 65-15 when leading at halftime and 18-68 when trailing a game at the break. The Crimson stands 3-0 when leading at the half this year and came back from a one-point deficit at halftime against Bryant Nov. 24.
Season Honors
Keith Wright........ Ivy Player of the Week (Nov. 15)
Christian Webster.............. Ivy Co-Player of the Week (Nov. 22)
Keith Wright........ Ivy Player of the Week (Nov. 29)
Double-Double Show
Keith Wright's 22-point, 16-rebound performance at George Mason Nov. 13, was Harvard's first double-double of the season. Brandyn Curry followed with the first double-double of his career against Holy Cross Nov. 17, handing out 12 assists and scoring10 points. Wright added another double-double at Bryant Nov. 24, scoring a career-best 24 points and collecting 10 rebounds.
Head Coach Tommy Amaker
Tommy Amaker (Duke '87) begins his fourth season as head coach of the Harvard men's basketball team. He registered his 200th career coaching victory Nov. 13 in the 2009-10 season opener at Holy Cross. Amaker guided Harvard to its first postseason appearance since 1946, as the Crimson competed in the CollegeInsider.com Tournament last season.
He brings a 224-183 career head coaching record into today's game, including a 109-83 record at Michigan at a 68-55 record at Seton Hall. Amaker is 47-45 at the helm of the Crimson.
Amaker came to Harvard after a six-year stint as Michigan's head coach. Inheriting a program that was reeling from institutional and NCAA sanctions, he led the Wolverines to the postseason three times, winning the 2004 NIT title, reaching the championship game of the 2006 NIT, and advancing to the second round of the 2007 tournament. The 2006-07 season was Michigan's second straight 20-win campaign and its third in four years. The Wolverines were ranked as high as No. 20 in the nation during the 2005-06 season.
Milestone Watch
Oliver McNally hit the 400-point mark at Bryant Nov. 24, and needs 82 more points to reach the 500 plateau.
Keith Wright surpassed the 200 field-goal mark for his career against Colorado (207) and is just nine points away from scoring 500. Wright also has 286 rebounds, just 14 away from grabbing 300.
Kyle Casey needs eight field goals for 100 in his career.
Brandyn Curry surpassed the 250-point mark and 100-rebound mark at Bryant Nov. 24 and needs just 23 assists for 150.
Christian Webster has grabbed 94 rebounds in his career, just six shy of 100 and hit six field goals against Colorado to move past the 100-plateau, giving him 103 made baskets in his career.
Keeping Everyone Involved
Harvard handed out 22 assists on 25 field goals in the Crimson's 82-66 win over Colorado Nov. 28. Brandyn Curry had eight assists, while Keith Wright dished out six helpers and McNally added five dishes.


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International Trumpet Guild heralds Grand Rapids concerts
Grand Valley State University will welcome more than 50 trumpeters and musicians for the 38th annual International Trumpet Guild Conference being held today through Saturday.
The conference features public concerts including eight-time Grammy Award-winning musician Arturo Sandoval, former Tonight Show band member Allen Vizzutti, and Thomas Hooten of the Los Angeles Philharmonic, among other notable musicians.
Other concerts will feature the Grand Rapids Jazz Orchestra, Grand Rapids Symphonic Band, and Walter White and Small Medium@Large.
"It is an honor and great opportunity to host some of the world's greatest trumpeters, from Germany, Spain, Poland and around the globe," said Richard Stoelzel, trumpeter and conference host. "There will be something for everyone: master classes and lectures during the day, evening concerts featuring world- class artists, followed by nightly jam sessions at Louis Benton."
Most concerts will be held at DeVos Performance Hall and other locations around Grand Rapids. For an entire schedule, including a list of classes and lectures, visit http://www.gvsu.edu/itg2013/.


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Customer Service and Operations Executive
- Recruiter
- Location
- Leicester, Leicestershire
- Salary
- £18,500 per annum (with the possibility of an increase after probation)
- Posted
- 21 Oct 2018
- Closing date
- 21 Nov 2018
- Industry
- Environment, Sustainability, General, Technology
- Job function
- Customer service
- Job level
- Graduate
- Hours
- Full time
- Contract
- Permanent
- Listing type
- Job vacancy
- Education level
- Undergraduate degree (or equivalent)
About the company:
Our client is an electricity and gas supplier in Great Britain and is busy making genuine waves in the industry. With a large portfolio of renewable generation at their disposal, they are supplying homes & businesses across the country. As an agile and innovative start up they've launched bold new products, been to the fore of bringing fairness to the industry and have always been able to maintain an excellent standard of customer service.
A talented team of in-house developers working in tandem with operations has allowed our client to build a super-efficient digital business that is changing the way that people and businesses consume and buy energy. Customers are put in control through simple digital interactions, long waits to call centres are a thing of the past, and the efficiency savings gained are passed on directly to customers. Fundamentally, they've build a modern, tech-led energy supplier that's fit for 2018.
The leadership team all have 20 years+ experience across a range of sectors and business types, including large blue-chip firms. The team is highly entrepreneurial and brings a deep expertise in building digital businesses in complex sectors.
Ultimately a role with this company is a chance to join an exciting start-up business within the energy supply sector, and one that is well placed to take advantage of the rapidly changing energy landscape. They enjoy the best of both worlds: backing from a large, well-capitalised business with access to highly experienced and talented individuals, all whilst retaining the dynamic environment and energetic team that characterises start-up ventures.
The Role:
They are looking for bubbly, talented and personable people to join their Customer Operations team. You will be responsible for answering a range of different complex customer queries whilst consistently maintaining a friendly and positive approach. A smile really can be heard over the phone!
With their overarching company focus on automation and digitization, you'll also be given the opportunity to contribute to the design and thinking behind innovative technology-lead solutions to prevent these issues from reoccurring. The fact you are a people's person will be instrumental in helping the company achieve their goal of bringing transparency and a customer-orientated approach to a broken industry.
You do not need experience in the energy or tech market, but instead be a customer-orientated candidate who wants to get stuck in to a fast-growing company with excellent opportunity for personal development.
- Delivery of a service that customers will love.
- End to end customer operations including the efficient delivery of customer services, customer onboarding, billing, metering and payments.
- Opportunities to move towards contributing to the design, thinking and specification of in house technology to systematize and automate processes.
- As you show your initiative and prove yourself within the company, you'll be given opportunities to support the implementation of new projects and processes across the company.
Role requirements:
- You will be a natural people person – an out-going personality is a must!
- Your positivity will be infectious, and you will exude compassion and understanding.
- You will be a highly motivated and enthusiastic self-starter who will thrive in a complex and constantly evolving environment.
- A Graduate (min 2:1) degree in any discipline.
- You will have excellent numerical, verbal and written communication skills.
- You will be a good problem solver who loves a challenge.
Training & Development:
The company will invest in your professional training and development, providing you with a crash course of all things energy! Prior knowledge of the industry is not essential; you'll be taught all you need to know. As is often the case in start-up environments, driven individuals will quickly find themselves rewarded with high levels of responsibility, encouraged to influence and direct vital areas of the business.
Key details:
Start date: ASAP
Duration: Permanent
Location: Leicester
Salary: £18,500 per annum (with the possibility of an increase after probation)
Application Process:
- Send your CV to firstname.lastname@example.com
- First stage informal face to face or Skype interview with Sophie Walsh
- Second stage interview with the client
- Final round interview with the client
We may need to process your personal information for our legitimate business interests to help you find suitable positions. Details are set out in our Privacy Policy and you can opt out at any time.


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The rocky tenure of Bryant McKinnie in Baltimore ended Monday when the Ravens unloaded him to the Miami Dolphins, trading the demoted veteran left offensive tackle in exchange for a conditional late-round draft pick.
The Ravens shed a frequently overweight 6-foot-8, 360-pound blocker who graded out poorly this season in five starts prior to being replaced in the starting lineup by new left tackle Eugene Monroe. The one-time Pro Bowl lineman failed to earn any of his weekly $6,250 weight bonuses this season because he never made his target weight of 346 pounds.
By trading him to the Dolphins, the Ravens granted McKinnie his wish by returning the 34-year-old to South Florida where he played collegiately at the University of Miami and lives in the offseason. The Ravens explored the trade market for McKinnie for the past few weeks since acquiring Monroe in a trade from the Jacksonville Jaguars with just a few teams expressing interest, according to league sources.
"It's a good move for us," Ravens coach John Harbaugh said. "It's a good move for Bryant. I'm happy for Bryant. It's a good opportunity for him, more than anything. That's the most important thing. It's just an opportunity to go down there and play and do well."
In a text message to The Baltimore Sun, McKinnie affirmed that he's happy with the trade.
And his agent, Michael George, added: "It's a good opportunity for him. This should be a positive change for Bryant and he's very excited."
The Ravens gave up on McKinnie following a series of poor performances, months removed from a successful four playoff games during their Super Bowl run last season. McKinnie allowed one sack, 15 quarterback pressures and four quarterback hits and was penalized twice this season, according to Pro Football Focus, which ranks him 66th among NFL tackles.
The Ravens are no longer responsible for a two-year, $6.3 million contract that included a $2 million signing bonus, gaining $588,235 in immediate salary-cap savings. They'll hold $1 million in dead money in 2014, but his $2 million base salary is off the books for next season.
The Dolphins have struggled mightily to protect quarterback Ryan Tannehill, who has already been sacked 26 times. And McKinnie could wind up replacing struggling offensive tackle Tyson Clabo.
"We are pleased to have reached an agreement with the Ravens for Bryant," Dolphins general manager Jeff Ireland said in a statement about the former Hurricanes All-American and Outland Trophy winner. "He's a proven and experienced player who will be a great addition to the offensive line."
McKinnie's weight was a frequent issue with the Ravens, repeatedly reporting overweight for training camps and minicamps. He got up to 386 pounds during the NFL lockout in 2011 and was cut by the Minnesota Vikings before joining the Ravens.
McKinnie was often in the headlines for the wrong reasons, including multiple lawsuits for financial debts.
In late September, wide receiver Jacoby Jones was struck in the head with a bottle on a party bus while celebrating McKinnie's birthday.
With McKinnie gone, rookie fifth-rounder Rick Wagner is the top backup tackle.
The Ravens now have an open roster spot. Blocking tight end Billy Bajema was released Saturday and remains available to be re-signed.
High marks
In his starting debut since being placed on the active roster, weak-side inside linebacker Jameel McClain recorded five tackles.
McClain replaced Josh Bynes in the lineup after Bynes had surgery to clean out an infected finger. It was his first game since suffering a spinal cord contusion last December.
"I thought he played a good game," Harbaugh said. "Given the circumstances, probably played really well. Hadn't played in a long time, hadn't practiced much, was thrown into a situation because of Josh's situation where he had to play quite a few snaps. He did a solid job, and he's only going to get better from here on out. He came out of it healthy, so that's important."
Injury update
Left offensive guard Kelechi Osemele isn't a lock to undergo offseason back surgery, according to Harbaugh.
Osemele was evaluated prior to the season and it wasn't recommended that he undergo surgery and no procedure is currently planned at this time, according to a source.
Harbaugh said it remains undetermined if Osemele, who was forced out of the Miami game with back spasms, will require surgery.
"He's a tough guy, fights through a lot of different things," Harbaugh said. "He had the same issue last year and he fought through it last year. All those things get addressed in the offseason. They get addressed if they're needed to be addressed.
"We looked at it last year, and it wasn't addressed that way. So, maybe this year it will be, but I really don't know. K.O. is tough, man."
No serious injuries were reported from the Ravens' loss to the Steelers.
"We've got different bumps and bruises and things that we will attempt to heal up this week," Harbaugh said. "From that standpoint, we probably are in a positive mode going forward here into the bye week."
Disappointed in special teams
It was a glaring sequence for the Ravens' kickoff team on wide receiver Emmanuel Sanders' 44-yard kickoff return where he stepped out of bounds at the Steelers' 37-yard line.
Reserve safety Jeromy Miles, acquired off waivers from the Cincinnati Bengals to be a major contributor on special teams got blocked. And so did linebacker Albert McClellan, fullback Kyle Juszczyk and safety Michael Huff.
In particular, Huff and wide receiver Deonte Thompson failed to provide outside containment after lining up closest to the sideline. Huff was easily blocked and didn't do a good job as he failed to fight through a block.
"We're going to go find some guys that want to play special teams," Harbaugh said. "We're not going to have guys out there letting the ball run outside of them. That's unheard of. If it means changing people out, then that's what we'll do."


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Site Administrator: Joanne Mastronicola
Welcome to PEP Mandarin! Beginning in 2012, our campus provides classes for homeschooling students and is living proof that the discipleship model offers the best approach for educating teenagers. Our group of excellent tutors is excited about teaching their subjects and grounding our students in a solid biblical worldview, equipping them to become world changers for Christ. Our students enjoy forming solid friendships in an atmosphere that is challenging, engaging, and Christ-centered.
The higher purpose of PEP, beyond classical education and strong college preparation, is to encourage character development, the ability to think well, a strong work ethic, and the training of disciples to further the Kingdom.
"But seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and all these things will be added to you."
~ Matthew 6:33


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Unleash your child's imagination with unique kids' toys available at Neiman Marcus. Our exclusive collection of toys will keep your little ones occupied for hours.
Soft and colorful, our stuffed animal toys, like teddy bears, bunnies, elephants, and puppies are adorable and cuddly. Educate your preschoolers about places around the world with our books on maps. For toddlers who love scribbling, our innovative drawing and magnet kit is a great gift idea.
We also carry mini scooters and helmets for children who enjoy physical activity. With cars, guitars, and musical instruments to choose from, our collection will undoubtedly keep your kids captivated.
Our selection of creative and educational toys ensures that your kids are entertained. Delight your children with our kids' toys at Neiman Marcus.


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This is the great question to ask before taking a bus ticket for Lyon. With the Kombo, you can compare ticket prices but mostly you can book directly online.
To go to Lyon, each transport has its advantages. The advantage of the bus, is that it's not expensive at all ... Sometimes a little faster, carpooling is nice if you want to talk, but if you would rather rest, you will be more quiet in the bus! Finally, trains can go even faster but they're generally more expensive. At Kombo, we like buses ... But it's your choice, so compare to make your choice !
No less than 12 bus companies can take you to Lyon: Flixbus, Alsa, Eurolines, Marino, Regiojet, Sindbad, Prestiaecomande, BlaBlaCar, Union Ivkoni Ltd, BlaBlaBus, BlaBlaBus, BlaBlaBus.
These buses have direct links to Lyon number from 170 cities. But through correspondences, not less than 123 possible bus tickets to get to Lyon. With a guarantee: allow you to find the cheapest bus.
How to buy your bus ticket for Lyon? After finding a cheap ticket, we recommend you book it on Kombo. It's simple, quick, and you can save money by buying the ticket earlier, thereofre ensuring you place because buses get easily full. And as Kombo compares prices for all buses, like Isilines, Flixbus or Ouibus, you will have the best selection and the best prices. In some operations, coupons or discounts allow you to make really cheap deals.
On your arrival in the city of Lyon, the bus stops in 12 bus stations:
Unnamed Road
Place Bellecour 69002 Lyon
Do you want to go by bus to Lyon but do not see the route you are looking for? No panic! Here are all the cheap bus trips for Lyon from the UK and Europe.


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So, when I read on Trissa's blog about the Kulinarya Cooking Club that is all about showcasing Filipino cuisine, I eagerly messaged her about becoming a part of the club. Here was an opportunity to learn a new cuisine and, quite expectedly, I jumped all over it. Today, I present to you, my first creation as part of this club - Blood Orange Leche Flan.
I have to admit, I am not a big fan of flan. I think it has to do with the circumstances surrounding the first time I tasted it. A bunch of friends had been to dinner to this fantastic Peruvian joint near my house. There was in that group a friend of a friend whom the rest of us did not know. Long story short, let's just say, the newbie and I didn't quite become the long-lost-friends-suddenly-reunited. (My hub actually said it was like watching two alpha cats sharpening their claws.) So, well, the new person ordered the flan presumptuously for the whole table and well.. it didn't go down with a good taste for me. :-)
Life does have a warped sense of irony, doesn't it?! I have never ordered flan again since that night. So, when the month's dish was revealed, I had to smile... I decided I would go into this challenge with an open mind; let bygones be bygones and give the flan another chance not marred by circumstantial politics... :))
I googled for the recipe and found that making it was soo simple. I chose to do a blood orange flan because citrus adds a touch of freshness to desserts. This recipe calls for quite an amount of sugar in the caramel as well as the condensed milk. I have a sweet tooth but do not like very sweet stuff. I find that the citrus cuts into the intense sweetness.
The traditional Filipino way of cooking the flan is by steaming it. You can also bake it in a water bath much like Spanish flans are. I decided to try both methods, just for the sake of experimenting. You can see in the photo that there are some textural differences in the end result between the two methods of cooking. The one in the foreground is steamed..
Verdict: The flan was creamy and smooth but a tad too rich for my taste. We preferred the steamed flan more than the baked one as the latter the denser and heavier while the steamed one was more airy.
Note to self: Next time I won't cook the caramel for as long as I did. Removing the flan was a bit of an issue because I had cooked the caramel to the hard ball stage, so it offered a loot of resistance exiting the mold! But, all good! :) Also, will reduce the amount of condensed milk. This one was too sweet and heavy.
Blood Orange Leche Flan
(3 individual serves)
For the flan:
3 eggs yolks
4 T condensed milk
4 T evaporated milk
1 T blood orange juice
zest of one orange
For the caramel:
1/3 cup blood orange juice
5/8 cup sugar
In a small sauce pan bring the sugar and juice to a boil and heat until sugar caramelizes. I did this till the thermometer read 250F, which, was too long. I think before 230F (thread phase) would be better. If you are using only water then the color change is a better indicator.
Immediately pour the caramel into the molds and set aside. Using a wire whisk gently break the egg yolks and whisk them lightly with the zest. Add the evaporated milk and gently stir to incorporate. Stir in the condensed milk and juice. Divide the flan mix equally between the molds.
Steaming: Place molds in a steam ready with boiling water and steam for 15 minutes or so until the top is set but the content jiggle when shaken
Baking: Pre-heat the oven to 375F. Cover each mold with foil. Place molds in a hot water bath and bake for 30-35 minutes until just done.
Cool on rack to room temperature and then refrigerate. When ready to serve, place the molds in a hot water bath to melt the caramel. Place a plate over the mold and invert. Spoon any remaining caramel over the top of the flan. Serve garnished with a slice of orange or sprig of mint.
Kulinarya was started by a group of Filipino foodies living in Sydney, who are passionate about the Filipino culture and its colourful cuisine.
Each month we will showcase a new dish along with their family recipes. By sharing these recipes, we hope you find the same passion and love for Filipino Food as we do.
If you're interested in joining our Kulinarya Cooking Club, please feel free to drop by our foodblogs and leave a comment – we would love to hear from you!
Trissa - http://trissalicious.com/
Trisha - http://sugarlace.com/
Kath - http://www.acupcakeortwo.com/
Olive - http://www.latestrecipes.net/
Caroline - http://whenadobometfeijoada.blogspot.com/
Peach - http://www.thepeachkitchen.com/
Cusinera - http://busogsarap.com/
Malou - http://www.impromptudiva.com/
Cherrie – http://sweetcherriepie.blogspot.com/


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NEW YORK (AP) — Put aside the playoff talk. Jacoby Ellsbury and the New York Yankees are having a tough enough time with Houston.
Scott Feldman shut down the slumping Yankees again, and Robbie Grossman snapped a seventh-inning tie with a two-run single that sent the Astros to a 5-2 victory Wednesday night.
Dexter Fowler had an RBI double, Jose Altuve added a run-scoring single, and the Astros (54-73) did more damage to New York's postseason chances with their fourth victory in five meetings this year.
Houston, which has finished with the worst record in the majors each of the past three seasons, won a series at Yankee Stadium for the first time in four tries.
The fourth-place Astros improved to 4-7 in the Bronx and will go for a three-game sweep Thursday afternoon.
"We haven't been giving up toward the end of the game. We just keep grinding out at-bats, and things are working out for us," Grossman said.
Stephen Drew hit his first homer for New York, and Ellsbury drove in a run with a bunt single. But the Yankees (63-61) lost for the seventh time in nine games and dropped five games out of a playoff spot.
They are 2 for 17 with runners in scoring position during the series and have totaled 20 runs in their last nine games, never scoring more than four in that stretch.
"We've got to score more than two runs. It's hard to win when you only score two runs," manager Joe Girardi said. "Our pitching has been pretty good, but that's a pretty tall task."
Ellsbury flied out against Jose Veras with two on to end it. New York stranded 10 in all.
"I knew it was in the park. It was a great sinker," Veras said.
Feldman (7-9) matched a career high by throwing 121 pitches and worked out of trouble to last 6 2-3 innings. He gave up two runs and eight hits, striking out a season-best seven.
The right-hander tossed 6 2-3 shutout innings to beat the Yankees on opening day. Houston had lost his previous six road starts, but he entered with a 2.30 ERA during four straight quality starts against New York.
"He's a veteran guy and he's been around the game for a long time. He knows how to pitch," Fowler said.
Making his second start since a long injury layoff, Michael Pineda took a 2-1 lead into the seventh. He threw 89 pitches and was pulled after a leadoff walk to Jason Castro.
Looking to rest his best relievers following a heavy workload the past few days, Girardi turned to David Huff (2-1) and Esmil Rogers. They failed miserably, ruining the manager's bobblehead night.
Houston smacked five straight one-out singles, four off Rogers, in a span of 10 pitches.
"We have relied on the home run quite a bit, and today was a prime example of keeping the line moving," Astros manager Bo Porter said. "I felt like guys had great at-bats."
No. 9 batter Jake Marisnick tied it with a single to left, Grossman put the Astros up 4-2, and Altuve added an RBI single as the boos increased for Rogers.
"When the other guys are used a lot, guys have to step up," Girardi said. "It just didn't happen tonight."
Kevin Chapman struck out Ellsbury with runners at second and third to end the bottom half. Veras worked the ninth for his first save since Sept. 2, 2013, with Detroit.
"It was nice to see Chapman come in, probably the biggest part of the game, and pick me up. I owe him a dinner or something like that," Feldman said.
Seemingly resigned to trying small ball, the Yankees went 4 for 5 on stolen base attempts in the first five innings. But one pitch after Chase Headley was caught at second in the fourth, Drew hit his fifth home run of the season. The other four came with Boston before a July 31 trade.
Astros: Regular closer Chad Qualls was unavailable because of a stiff back. He is day to day.
Yankees: Slumping DH-RF Carlos Beltran sat out because of pain in his troublesome right elbow and was examined by a doctor. He had his third cortisone shot and is day to day. "Hopefully, this is the last one," said Beltran, who hopes to return to the lineup on Friday. "At the end of the year I have to address it and get the surgery to get it over with, but right now I'm just trying to finish the season." ... RHP David Phelps (elbow inflammation) played catch and will try to get ready to come off the disabled list as a reliever, Girardi said.
LHP Dallas Keuchel (10-8, 3.11 ERA) makes his first career start against the Yankees in the series finale. RHP Brandon McCarthy is 4-2 with a 2.30 ERA in seven outings for New York since he was acquired from Arizona in early July.
Fowler is 9 for 20 (.450) with six extra-base hits against the Yankees this year.
Yankees LF Brett Gardner tumbled head over heels over a low retaining wall to make a courageous catch in the ninth.
Copyright 2014 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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navarre wrote: That would be awesome, but to get that coup, Summit would have to come up with a fee equal to GNP of some third world country to get him.
PJ would know exactly what to do and then some.
Oh!!! That would be a dream come true!! What he did with TLOTR was genius.


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Most railway systems feature two classes of travel – First and Second class. As with air travel, First Class is more luxurious, and more expensive. Second Class is similar to coach, with comfortable seats and reasonable prices. There are some countries that still offer a Third Class, but it's not recommended to travel in this manner unless you're a die-hard adventurer living on a miniscule budget. Seriously.
When traveling via Eurail, you must book your reservations ahead of time. This isn't a "hop on, hop off" operation. In fact, when you make your reservation, you'll be booking your specific seat as well. Be sure to book well in advance, as trains fill up quickly. You can now book online at http://www.euraildirect.com/ .
It is highly recommended that non-Europeans purchase their Eurail Passes before arriving in Europe. Actually, this used to be the only way to obtain a pass at all. Now, it's possible to purchase tickets in person at Rail Europe in London within 6 months of your trip, but you'll have better luck with dates and times if you purchase further in advance. Outside of London, non-Europeans cannot purchase a pass in Europe.
Proof of identity is required to obtain your pass, and only the person issued the pass can use it. Your pass must be validated PRIOR to your first train trip, and you cannot validate the pass yourself.
EurailIntro > High Speed Trains > ScenicTrains > Hotel Trains > Reservations > Participating Countries > Passes


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Processing time
3-5 business days
Customs and import taxes
Buyers are responsible for any customs and import taxes that may apply. I'm not responsible for delays due to customs.
Cape Cod laser etched into a quality pint glass.
We etch and box each order in our small shop in upstate New York.
16 oz volume. A perfect size for your favorite beverage with with room for ice
Rim-tempered glass for durability
Heavy glass (especially at the base) that helps avoid accidental spills
Completely dishwasher safe. Etching will never wear off
Made in the U.S.A.
Are you local to Glens Falls and want to see in person? We now have a retail location!
You can find us at The Shirt Factory. 21 Cooper Street Suite G-1. Just down the stairs as you enter. We'd love to see you.
Larry & Debbie
3-5 business days
Buyers are responsible for any customs and import taxes that may apply. I'm not responsible for delays due to customs.
Just contact me within: 14 days of delivery
Ship items back to me within: 30 days of delivery
But please contact me if you have any problems with your order.
Because of the nature of these items, unless they arrive damaged or defective, I can't accept returns for:
Buyers are responsible for return shipping costs. If the item is not returned in its original condition, the buyer is responsible for any loss in value.


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Inspired @ Snapdragon: A BLOG ABOUT LOVE
Chris Cammock
Inspired @ Snapdragon is a new series of guest posts from bloggers, writers, artists and creative visitors to the Inn. During their stay at the Snapdragon, we've asked them to share an inspired thought. Windsor, Vermont and the surrounding villages were once a gathering place for creatives and this is our nod to that incredible legacy.
Here is what Mara from A BLOG ABOUT LOVE had to say:
One of our guests said she was really nervous when she walked in the door for the event because she had never done anything like this. I told her I was nervous to meet everyone, too. But, we did it. We showed up. We were bravely vulnerable. We talked about life and love and happiness. And it led to uplifting conversations and connections that we never would have had otherwise. I feel inspired. I feel grateful for people out there willing to connect and gather together.
This series is supported by the Cornish Colony Arts Council whose aim is to preserve and promote creativity in Windsor, Vermont and the surrounding area.
Photo by sublime eye . More photos from this shoot here.


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Scotty Moore
The guitarist that changed the world.
Scotty Moore played in the jam session that launched Elvis Presley's career, going on to back him during his golden years and on his comeback special. For some he was a sideman, but to stars like Keith Richards and Jeff Beck, Moore's blistering licks were the main attraction.
Scotty Moore served as Elvis Presley's guitarist from 1954 to 1958, widely regarded as Presley's golden years.
Moore was a participant in the historic early sessions at Sun Recording Studio that mark the birth of rock and roll.
It was on Monday, July 5, 1954 that Presley, Moore and bassist Bill Black broke into bluesman Arthur Cruddup's "That's All Right" in a freewheeling style that brought together country and blues. They took a similar approach to bluegrass legend Bill Monroe's "Blue Moon of Kentucky." With these spontaneous breakthroughs, conceived in the most innocent and intuitive way, both sides of Presley's legendary first single and the first new strains of rock and roll were in the can. Notably, the single (Sun 209) was credited to "Elvis Presley, Scotty and Bill."
Moore was born Winfield Scott Moore III on a farm near Gadsden, Tennessee in 1931. He began playing guitar when he was eight years old. In November 1948, when he was 16 years old, he enlisted in the U.S. Navy. He served in Korea and China before being discharged in January 1952. When he returned to the U.S., he moved to Memphis. A devotee of Nashville guitarist Chet Atkins, he formed a band called the Starlite Wranglers with bassist Bill Black. The group began working with Sam Phillips at Sun Records, and it was Phillips who teamed Moore and Black up with Presley.
Moore's early background was in jazz and country, and he put these influences to use by countering Presley's vocals with melodic yet forceful solos that helped launch the rockabilly revolution. As journalist Colin Escott noted, "The first generation of kids who grew up wanting to play rock and roll cut their teeth on Scotty Moore's solos." This observation was confirmed by Rolling Stones guitarist Keith Richards, who said, "Everyone else wanted to be Elvis. I wanted to be Scotty."
Moore, Black, Presley and drummer D.J. Fontana became the Blue Moon Boys, and they toured the country and appeared on numerous television shows. Moore also served as Presley's first manager. He played guitar on many of Presley's most famous recordings, including "Good Rockin' Tonight," "Baby Let's Play House," "Mystery Train," "Hound Dog" and "Jailhouse Rock." Moore also appeared in three Presley films: Loving You (1957), Jailhouse Rock (1957) and King Creole (1958). Then in March 1958, Moore and Black quit the band in a dispute over wages.
Moore then started his own label, Fernwood Records, and produced "Tragedy," by Thomas Wayne Perkins, the brother of Johnny Cash's guitarist, Luther Perkins. In 1960 he began serving as the production manager at Sam Phillips' Memphis Recording Service.
Moore moved to Nashville in 1964. That same year he released an album of instrumentals called The Guitar That Changed the World. In addition to working as an engineer and session musician, he played on many of Presley's Nashville sessions at RCA's Studio B. In 1966 Moore set up his own Nashville studio, Music City Recorders, and started a label called Belle Meade Records.
In 1968 Moore and Fontana rejoined Presley for the televised "comeback special" (bassist Black had died in 1965). The show was filmed at NBC's Burbank studio in California. Two years later, Moore engineered Ringo Starr's Beaucoup of Blues album for Apple Records.
In 1992 Moore returned to Memphis, where he recorded an album with Carl Perkins called 706 ReUnion: A Sentimental Journey. In 1994 he recorded an album with Sonny Burgess that was produced by Garry Tallent of Bruce Springsteen's E Street Band. Three years later, he and Fontana reunited for an album entitled All the King's Men that featured all-star backing by acolytes of the two Presley sideman, including Keith Richards, Jeff Beck, Ron Wood and Levon Helm.
Moore has continued to tour and record into the twenty-first century. In April 1999 he toured the U.K., where he met George Harrison and Robert Plant. Four years later he recorded an album with Alvin Lee of Ten Years After. In 2007 he released two CDs, The Mighty Handful, Volumes I and II.
In 2002 Scotty Moore won the Orville H. Gibson Lifetime Achievement Award, and Rolling Stone magazine ranked him at Number Forty-Four on its list of the 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time.
Inductee: Scotty Moore (guitar; born December 27, 1931, died June 28, 2016)


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Last June, Joel Benenson, who was Barack Obama's top pollster during his Presidential run, reported on the state of the campaign. His conclusions, summed up in a sixty-slide PowerPoint presentation, were revealed to a small group, including David Axelrod, Obama's chief strategist, and several media consultants, and, as it turned out, some of this research helped guide the campaign through the general election. The primaries were over, Hillary Clinton had conceded, and Obama had begun planning for a race against Senator John McCain.
There was good news and bad in Benenson's presentation. Obama led John McCain, forty-nine per cent to forty-four per cent, among the voters most likely to go to the polls in November, but there was also a large group of what Benenson called "up-for-grabs" voters, or U.F.G.s, who favored McCain, forty-eight per cent to thirty-six per cent. The U.F.G.s were the key to the outcome; if the election had been held then, Obama would have probably lost.
Benenson, who is fifty-six, is bearded and volatile. He speaks with a New York accent, and in the movie version of the Obama campaign he might be played by Richard Lewis. He is considered the star pollster in the Democratic Party. Like several of Obama's other top advisers—David Axelrod; Rahm Emanuel, the Illinois congressman who is his new chief of staff; Bill Burton, the campaign's national press secretary—Benenson was deeply involved in helping Democrats win in the 2006 midterm elections, an experience that put the Obama team more in touch with the mood of the electorate going into 2008. (The top strategists for Clinton and McCain had not been involved in difficult races in 2006.)
The data from Benenson's June presentation contained some reasons to be optimistic. The conventional wisdom was that Obama, as the newest of the candidates, had an image that was malleable and thus highly vulnerable to negative attacks. But that was not what the polling showed. As the presentation explained, "Obama's image is considerably better defined than McCain's, even on attributes at the core of McCain's reputation," such as "stands up to lobbyists and special interests," "puts partisan politics aside to get things done," and "tells people what they need to hear, not what they want to hear."
For Obama aides, who viewed McCain as the one Republican with the potential to steal the anti-Washington bona fides of their candidate, Benenson's polling was revelatory. "Voters actually did not know as much as I think the press corps thought they did about John McCain," Anita Dunn, a senior adviser to Obama, told me. "What they'd heard about McCain most recently, and certainly during the primary process, was that he was like every other Republican—fighting to sound more like George Bush." Benenson said, "What we knew at the start of the campaign was that the notion of John McCain as a change agent and independent voice didn't exist anywhere outside the Beltway."
Another finding from this initial poll had clear strategic implications: the economy concerned the U.F.G.s more than any other issue, and on that question neither candidate showed particular strength. In addition, the U.F.G.s were fed up with Washington and, especially, with George W. Bush. Based on those insights, Benenson came up with some recommendations, among them "Own the economy" and "Maintain an emphasis on changing Washington."
As a practical matter, this meant that, after the Democratic National Convention, in Denver, the campaign would do all that it could to focus attention on economic matters. It had no idea, of course, how fully both the economy and John McCain would coöperate with that goal.
There was an almost obsessive singularity in the way that Obama and his chief strategists—Axelrod and David Plouffe, the campaign's manager—saw the contest. In their tactical view, all that was wrong with the United States could be summarized in one word: Bush. The clear alternative, then, was not so much a Democrat or a liberal as it was anyone who could credibly define himself as "not Bush." Axelrod had a phrase that he often used to describe this approach: America was looking for "the remedy, not the replica." The appeal of the strategy was that, with only minor alterations, it could work in the primaries as well as in the general election, and that, in turn, allowed Obama to finesse the perpetual problem of Presidential politics: having one message to win over a party's most ardent supporters and another when trying to capture independents and U.F.G.s—the voters who decide a general election. Experience? That was George W. Bush. Hillary Clinton? She could be portrayed as polarizing and as a Washington insider—just like Bush. When Obama gave economic speeches during the primaries and caucuses—which continued over five months, in fifty-five states and territories—he lumped together the Clinton and Bush years as one long period of decline. And John McCain? Four more years of Bush, of "the same."
"We were fortunate," Anita Dunn said. Both Clinton and McCain were "Washington insiders, people who for different reasons you could argue weren't going to bring change."
The incessant repetition of Obama's change message had its drawbacks, though, and Benenson described to me the ongoing debate inside and outside the campaign about whether the candidate should move away from that theme—for instance, during the summer and fall of 2007, when Obama's poll numbers in Iowa were stagnant. "We had people in Iowa in the summer of '07 saying, 'All we're getting asked about is experience! We've got to have an answer on experience!' " Benenson recalled.
Polling in the summer and fall of 2007 led the campaign to a choice between trying to win the debate that the Clinton campaign was eager to have—about Obama's perceived lack of experience—and sharpening the debate about change in a way that could undermine Clinton. Once again, change trumped experience. "The much shorter path for us," Benenson said, going into the jargon of political consulting, "was to eliminate Senator Clinton from the decision set as a change agent. We defined change in a way that Barack Obama had to be the answer." Larry Grisolano, whose job was to oversee all spending on TV ads and mail, the largest part of the campaign's budget, posed the question this way: "How do we talk about change in a way that makes Hillary Clinton pay a price for her experience?"
On October 10, 2007, less than three months before the Iowa caucuses, Axelrod, Grisolano, Benenson, and other members of Obama's "message team" distilled several weeks' worth of polling and internal debate into a twelve-page memo that laid out Obama's strategy for the weeks leading up to the Iowa caucuses. "The fundamental idea behind this race from the start has been that this is a 'change' election, and that has proven out," the memo said. "Everything in our most recent research has confirmed this premise, as has the fact that other campaigns have adapted to try and catch—or survive—the wave." The plan adopted by Obama was to raise character issues about Clinton that would disqualify her from employing Obama's message. "We cannot let Clinton especially blur the lines on who is the genuine agent of change in this election," the memo said. It argued that, in voters' minds, Clinton "embodies trench warfare vs. Republicans, and is consumed with beating them rather than unifying the country," and that "she prides herself on working the system, not changing it." Obama raised all these issues with some delicacy; he framed the choice as "calculation" versus "conviction," and was careful not to use Clinton's name. But the campaign wanted to be sure that reporters got the message. "We also can't drive the contrasts so subtly or obtusely that the press doesn't write about them and the voters don't understand that we're talking about HRC," the memo advised Obama.
The new strategy was unveiled on November 10th, at the annual Jefferson Jackson Dinner, the biggest event of the Iowa-caucus season. Candidates could not use notes or a teleprompter at the dinner, and, in the weeks leading up to it, Obama stayed up late each night memorizing a new speech based on the strategy memo. "The Iowa Jefferson Jackson Dinner ended up being a tipping point in the election," Dan Pfeiffer, Obama's communications director, said. "That's when we took the lead in our internal polling in Iowa for the first time."
Axelrod believed that the argument about change versus experience would also apply in a race against McCain, and he laid out his argument to Obama in a strategy memo in late 2006, when Obama was still planning his Presidential race. "I was assessing potential opponents," Axelrod told me. "I got to McCain and said that the McCain of 2000 would be a formidable opponent in a year that was all about change, but that he would almost certainly have to make a series of Faustian bargains in order to be the nominee, and that would make him ultimately a very vulnerable candidate in a year when people were looking for change. And so we started the general election, and by then he had made the Faustian bargains, and he had turned himself into a Bush supporter." Axelrod continued, "So we had a very simple premise about the general election, which is that these Bush policies had failed, that McCain was essentially carrying the tattered banner of a failed Administration, and that we represented a change from all that. There have been zigs and zags in the road, but that's essentially the strategy that we have executed from the start."
The campaign's faith in the strength of such a simple message was constant. Not only was it the answer for an electorate exhausted with Bush; it turned Obama's vulnerabilities into assets. "He was at that point a couple of years out of the Illinois Senate, and he was a black guy named Barack Hussein Obama," Axelrod said. "You don't have to load up the wagon with too many more bricks than that. But, in a year that was poised for big change, those things were less of an obstacle than you might find in a traditional year. As is often the case, your strength is your weakness, and your weakness is your strength." Obama almost never delivered a speech from a lectern unless it was festooned with the word "change." On Election Day, thirty-four per cent of the voters said that they were looking for change, and nearly ninety per cent of those voters chose Obama.
Like many campaign teams, Obama's was young. The communications department—made up mostly of guys in their twenties and thirties—had a fraternity-house quality. On weekends, they would often drink beer together and play the video game Rock Band at a group house in Chicago's Lincoln Park neighborhood. They had been brought up in Democratic politics in the previous two decades with an understanding that the people who worked for Bill and Hillary Clinton were the best operatives in Washington, especially when it came to dealing with the media. They had watched "The War Room," the documentary about the 1992 Clinton campaign, which featured strategists like James Carville and George Stephano-poulos manically responding to every negative story and trying to win every news cycle.
Several Obama aides believe that a crucial moment came after a debate sponsored by YouTube and CNN in July of 2007. During the debate, Obama was asked, "Would you be willing to meet separately, without preconditions, during the first year of your Administration, in Washington or anywhere else, with the leaders of Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba, and North Korea, in order to bridge the gap that divides our countries?" Obama answered simply, "I would." Hillary Clinton pounced on the remark as hopelessly naïve, and her aides prepared to emphasize what appeared to be a winning argument. Obama's aides had much the same reaction. "We know this is going to be the issue of the day," Dan Pfeiffer, recalling a conference call the following morning, said. "We have the sense they're going to come after us on it. And we're all on the bus trying to figure out how to get out of it, how not to talk about it." Obama, who was listening to part of the conversation, took the telephone from an aide and instructed his staff not to back down. According to an aide, Obama said something to the effect of "This is ridiculous. We met with Stalin. We met with Mao. The idea that we can't meet with Ahmadinejad is ridiculous. This is a bunch of Washington-insider conventional wisdom that makes no sense. We should not run from this debate. We should have it."
The episode gave Obama's communications aides a boost of confidence. "Instead of writing a memo explaining away our position to reporters, we changed our memo and wrote an aggressive defense of our position and went on the offense," Pfeiffer said. The aftermath taught them that they could take on the dreaded Clinton machine—"the most impressive, toughest, most ruthless war room in the world," as Pfeiffer put it. "It was like we had taken our first punch and kept on going," he said.
The anti-Washington message of their candidate started to influence the way that some staffers saw themselves. "We are, I think, as a group, different from folks in Washington in that we signed up for this campaign and moved to Chicago not knowing a clear path to victory," Bill Burton, Obama's press secretary, said. "But, at the same time, we are all still creatures of Washington in the sense that when something happens like that"—the back-and-forth at the YouTube debate—"it lends itself to us thinking, Well, maybe that's something that we clarify, because the grownups in Washington were all saying you can't do that. And those are the people that we came up listening to. The Clinton Administration people were saying, 'O.K., kids, you can't do that.' "
Campaigns are divided in two. On one side are the ad-makers, speechwriters, press secretaries, and assorted spinners, who manage a candidate's image. On the other side are the field operatives, who find voters and deliver them to the polls. While the communications people operate almost exclusively in the world of perceptions, the field people operate in the world of hard data. David Plouffe, the Obama campaign's publicity-shy manager, whom Obama praised as "the unsung hero" of his campaign in his victory speech last Tuesday night, comes out of the field side of campaigns. "Politics is about numbers," Plouffe said to me a few days before the election.
Plouffe, who is forty-one, is thin and discreet, and his low profile in the press sent a message throughout the Obama organization that staffers were to be similarly reticent about attracting publicity. The catchphrase inside the campaign was "No drama with Obama," and Plouffe channelled the low-key temperament of the candidate himself. "Barack went out and sought people who had a certain personality type," Pfeiffer said. "They were people who had intentionally low profiles in Washington." Of Plouffe, Pfeiffer said, "If he had wanted to spend the past five years of his life on 'Crossfire' and CNN, he could do that. He's chosen not to do that." When, in January, 2007, Pfeiffer interviewed for his job, Obama told him, "What I want around me are people who are calm, who don't get too high and don't get too low, because that's how I am."
Jon Favreau, a twenty-seven-year-old speechwriter who had worked for John Kerry in 2004, told me, "People were drawn to him and inspired by him in a way that you knew this was about electing Barack Obama. People had come from places where they were probably disappointed in politics. I was, after 2004. It was painful, and I didn't know if I was going to do it again." He added, "Even during tough times, everyone sticks together. There are not a lot of Washington assholes on this campaign."
Alyssa Mastromonaco, the director of scheduling and advance, who had also worked for Kerry in 2004, said that she had some trouble getting used to the quieter vibe of the Obama operation. "When I first started on the campaign, at the very beginning of this one, I was one of the only people who had actually done a Presidential before," Mastromonaco, who is thirty-two, told me. "And so we were on some conference call, and I was just completely irritated by something someone was saying. After the call, they came in and were, like, 'Alyssa, this is a campaign where you need to respect other people's opinions and you can't be a bitch.' I was, like, 'Oh, my God, these guys are serious!' "
Obama, who is not without an ego, regarded himself as just as gifted as his top strategists in the art and practice of politics. Patrick Gaspard, the campaign's political director, said that when, in early 2007, he interviewed for a job with Obama and Plouffe, Obama said that he liked being surrounded by people who expressed strong opinions, but he also said, "I think that I'm a better speechwriter than my speechwriters. I know more about policies on any particular issue than my policy directors. And I'll tell you right now that I'm gonna think I'm a better political director than my political director." After Obama's first debate with McCain, on September 26th, Gaspard sent him an e-mail. "You are more clutch than Michael Jordan," he wrote. Obama replied, "Just give me the ball." Obama's confidence filtered down through the campaign and gave comfort to his staff during the bleaker moments of 2008, such as when Obama learned that he had lost the New Hampshire primary. After that, he told his longtime friend and adviser Valerie Jarrett, "This will turn out to have been a good thing." Jarrett told me, "You would think you would have a lot of other things to say before you might get to that." Favreau said, "His demeanor when he won the Iowa caucuses and his demeanor when he lost New Hampshire were not much different."
David Plouffe's field director was Jon Carson. When we spoke, five days before the election, it was at a cafeteria-style Italian restaurant in the food court of the office building that housed Obama's headquarters. He wore a gray button-down shirt and khakis, and told me that we had exactly forty-five minutes. Carson has a civil-engineering degree and spent time in Honduras working as a water and sanitation engineer. He, like Plouffe, made me think of the focussed men in white shirts and narrow black ties who, in the nineteen-sixties, ran the space program. When Carson hired field organizers for the campaign, he said that he looked for people with unusual backgrounds—"I try to throw out all the political-science majors when I do hiring." During a lull in the primary season, he set up a three-week "data camp" in Oregon for Obama staffers. "We had the best data operation of any campaign," he said. "You can have the most inspirational candidate, you can have the best organizing philosophy in the world, but if you can't organize your data to take advantage of it and get lists in front of the canvassers and take these volunteers and use it in a smart way and figure out who it is we're going to talk to—I mean, the rest of it is all pointless."
Carson was part of the team that made the important decision, during the race against Clinton, to target small caucus states where Clinton had virtually no presence. Carson and Plouffe realized that the cost-per-delegate in caucus states was very low. "I remember the day when we said, 'Look at this, we could win more delegates in Idaho than in New Jersey,' " he told me. Obama's original plan was to win the Iowa caucuses and use momentum from that victory to catapult him through the three other early states—New Hampshire, Nevada, and South Carolina—and then on to February 5th, Super Tuesday, when twenty-four states voted. It was clear that the campaign would need a backup plan if Clinton and Obama split the first four states, which is what happened. Obama won Iowa and South Carolina, and Clinton won New Hampshire and Nevada.
As the campaign got ready for Super Tuesday, Carson called upon the volunteers—in particular, those he called the "super-volunteers," people who had left their jobs or dropped out of school to help. He estimated that there were about fifteen thousand super-volunteers working full time for Obama. Carson recalled the moment when the campaign figured out what it would cost to put a hundred organizers out in the February 5th states. "It was the first time that we took an enormous leap of faith in our grass-roots network that was already out there," he said.
On October 1st, a field organizer named Joey Bristol, a recent graduate of Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School, who had delayed a career at the State Department and was working as an intern at the Chicago campaign headquarters, was sent to Idaho to organize the state for Obama. When he arrived, he learned that much of his work had already been done by a local group, Idaho for Obama. "When Joey gets there, a hundred people are waiting for him," Carson said. "They've got meetings planned for him for the next month, they've got little subgroups by county all across the state, they've already gone to the state Party, gotten the rules of the caucus, figured out a plan." On February 5th, Clinton won a net total of eleven delegates from New Jersey, which had a primary, and Obama won a net total of twelve delegates from the caucus state of Idaho.
In hindsight, it seems that the most important decision that Obama made during the campaign was to remove himself from the restrictions of the public-financing system. The decision held risks. He had, after all, promised to stay in the system, and his reversal had the potential to damage the reform image that Benenson's polling showed was a vital advantage over McCain. But there were collateral benefits; namely, making the campaign more of a person-to-person enterprise, by keeping it tied to the Internet grass roots. Much of the intimacy that the campaign created with its supporters was driven by its need—its ravenous appetite—for money. Plouffe, who rarely spoke to reporters on the record, communicated with donors via amateurish videos in which he explained campaign strategy. "You can't just ask for money," Jim Messina, Obama's chief of staff, said. "You've got to involve them. That's why the famous videos with Plouffe were so important. People felt like insiders. They felt like they knew what we were doing."
Some Obama advisers couldn't quite believe that McCain decided not to follow them in opting out of the system. McCain, during the campaign, criticized Obama for going back on his pledge, but the issue did not seem to hurt Obama. The financial gap between the two campaigns was striking. Budgets that were drawn up in June at Obama headquarters were discarded in September, after the Conventions, when online fund-raising soared. "I spend the money, so everything's gotta go through me to get spent, which is the best job ever," Messina, the keeper of the budget, told me. "It's like getting the keys to a fucking Ferrari." Messina's Ferrari got more turbocharged every week. "On my whiteboard in front of me, I have the money we added to the media and field budgets by day," he said. "We ended up adding tens of millions to the media budget and twenty-five million to the mail budget over the course of September and the first week of October." By the end of September, Messina said, the money for Obama "was just raining down." Though McCain was aided by outside groups and by the Republican National Committee, his entire budget for the general election was the amount provided by the government—eighty-four million dollars.
One day in September, Plouffe asked Messina if he could find seven million dollars more in the budget—for a thirty-minute advertorial that was to air on the Wednesday before Election Day. He found it. (The Obama commercial attracted an estimated thirty-three million viewers, nearly twice the number for the top-rated "Dancing with the Stars.") There was still money left over, so the campaign bought ads in video games, like Guitar Hero and Madden NFL 09, and scheduled some get-out-the-vote concerts aimed at the youth vote and featuring the rapper Jay-Z and the N.B.A. star LeBron James. "I mean, dude," Messina said, "when you're buying commercials in video games, you truly are being well funded."
But television remained the key advertising medium. And the volume of TV ads that Obama was broadcasting in late October was unprecedented in a Presidential campaign. "In a battleground state like Virginia, we're at thirty-five hundred points," Messina said, by which he meant that an average viewer sees a spot thirty-five times a week. "I've worked on two of the closest U.S. Senate races in the country," he continued. "I helped do Jon Tester last time in Montana," he said, adding that, at the end of the Tester campaign, an average viewer was seeing pro-Tester spots twenty times a week. For Obama, he said, "we've been at two thousand points in Montana since the end of September." Obama narrowly lost the state, but Republicans were forced to use resources to defend it.
McCain couldn't keep up. "From the second week in September to the middle of October, we were doing two or three to one against McCain, and at least three to one in some of these battleground states," Messina said. "Republicans couldn't play in North Carolina. They couldn't play in Indiana. They weren't in Florida for forever, and so we're up by ourselves just kicking the shit out of them." Obama won all three states.
The Obama campaign became so flush with cash that one of its trickiest political problems was dealing with other Democrats who wanted Obama to campaign for them and spend money on their races. Pete Rouse, who was Obama's Senate chief of staff and an architect of his Presidential campaign, spent hours handling such calls. "When we announced that we raised a hundred and fifty-one million in one month"—in October—"every Democratic senator in America called Rouse and had an idea how to spend it on winning the Senate, or whatever race," one senior Obama aide said. Senator Charles Schumer, who ran the committee in charge of Democratic senatorial campaigns, was particularly aggressive. "The only Senate ad Obama did was in Oregon," the aide continued. "Schumer rolled Barack. He just got him at an event and made him promise. Barack is really good about not making those promises, but Schumer was begging for money."
Like being too rich, seeming to be too popular—as exemplified by the enormous crowds that Obama attracted—also vexed the campaign. "We had a rally problem during the primaries," Anita Dunn said. "It was like he was on a pedestal." As far back as the earliest primaries, the campaign went back and forth between embracing the crowds to show off Obama's mass appeal and shunning them to emphasize his regular-guy credentials. Hillary Clinton's campaign discovered that it could make Obama's popularity work against him. "Once the Clinton campaign figured out how it wanted to run against Obama, she started doing these town halls," Dunn said. "Her visuals were she was with people, she was working her heart out, and he's floating into these rallies with all these adoring people."
McCain's aides adopted the same strategy in the general election. In July, after Obama toured the Middle East and Europe, and spoke in Berlin at a rally where two hundred thousand people came to cheer him, a McCain ad compared Obama to Paris Hilton. What seemed to outsiders like a trivial, even ridiculous attack had an enormous impact inside Obama's headquarters.
"We've had a 'presumptuous watch' on since then," Dunn said. Alyssa Mastromonaco, who was in charge of putting on all of Obama's events, said, "After that, people started thinking that he's like this celebutante. You have to make it pretty clear through your pictures every day that you aren't, that this is not easy for you."
The campaign kept Obama away from celebrities as much as possible. A Hollywood fund-raiser with Barbra Streisand became a source of deep anxiety and torturous discussions. The campaign was on the phone for days trying to make sure it was going to work, and almost cancelled it. In Denver, celebrities who in past Presidential campaigns would have had major speaking roles were shielded from public view. "We spent hours trying to celebrity-down the Democratic National Convention," the aide said.
Two days before Obama's acceptance speech, in Denver, Jim Margolis, a top media consultant to the campaign, went to inspect the stage at Invesco Field. McCain's aides had successfully turned the Greek columns ringing the stage at the stadium into a story about how a godlike Obama would be speaking from a "temple." But when Margolis arrived he realized that it was even worse than that. "I walked in and turned to look at the stage, and they had put in purple runway lights all the way around the whole stage, up across all the columns and it looked like a set from 'Deal or No Deal,' " he said. "And in back of them, where he would walk out, there was a colored horseshoe that was lit that would have gone around him. And in back of that was a sixty-five-inch plasma monitor that would change colors. And for a guy who is being torpedoed every day about celebrity and Hollywood this was straight out of a Hollywood set. My mouth just dropped open." Margolis ordered the producer and the set designer, who had worked for months on the design, to remove the screen and the purple lights and generally make the stage look less like a Hollywood production.
Obama's rallies had a strategic purpose beyond their visual impact, and, by putting pressure on Obama to scale down these events, Clinton and then McCain were able to take away one of the campaign's most useful organizational tools—a chance to capture personal information about potential voters and campaign volunteers, and, toward the end, a means of encouraging supporters to vote early. The battle between the communications staff, which was spooked by the Paris Hilton ad, and the field organizers, who needed the rallies to help identify Obama voters, was decided in favor of the organizers. "Finally, at the end of September we got back to saying, 'Look, we're gonna do this again because we need to push early voting,' and if you're gonna push early voting and voter registration you've gotta do big events," Messina said.
In the closing weeks of the campaign, crowds of fifty, sixty, and seventy thousand people greeted Obama at every stop—almost as if there were a pent-up demand to see him. At Obama's final rally, in Manassas, Virginia, the night before Election Day, ninety thousand people came to a dusty fairground. Traffic was snarled for miles on the main highway leading to the site, and people simply abandoned their cars on the side of the road so as not to miss Obama's speech. Obama's grandmother, Madelyn Dunham, had died that morning. He seemed subdued, and when he finished his speech he did something unusual. He stood on the stage for what seemed like a long time, a solitary figure in a simple black jacket with his arms at his sides, as if simply absorbing the intensity of a crowd illuminated by high-powered spotlights. A man standing next to me pointed up at Obama. "Look," he said. "He doesn't want it to end."
Much of the Obama campaign was consumed with making the candidate look Presidential. The theory was that the U.F.G.s wanted to be for Obama, but needed some help visualizing him as Commander-in-Chief. His aides had a term for the process of getting voters comfortable with a President Obama: "building a permission structure." Bill Burton explained it this way: "There were a lot of questions about Senator Obama from the start. Who is he? What's with the name? Is America ready to vote for a black guy for President?" There were four major moments in the general election—Obama's trip to the Middle East and Europe, his selection of a running mate, his Convention speech, and the debates—and each was designed to add another plank to the permission structure. For instance, the foreign trip was designed to show Obama in meetings with world leaders, the strategy that the McCain campaign employed when it sent Sarah Palin to the United Nations to meet people like Henry Kissinger and President Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan. "If he looks like a President, and you put him in Presidential settings, then people will get more comfortable with the idea that he could be President," Anita Dunn said.
To Obama's aides, the most important moment of the campaign occurred when Obama had to actually be President. It was not totally obvious how he would perform. Many who cheered for Obama from the moment he gave the keynote address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention have had reservations. Michelle Obama once talked to me about the doubts that would need to be addressed before people could vote for her husband. "It is a leap of faith," she said finally. "We talk about it all the time. It is a leap of faith."
No matter how much confidence one has in Obama, support for him is often based on such intangibles as his temperament and his intelligence, not on a real record of successful decision-making. The campaign helped affirm supporters' faith in him, but running a successful campaign can't predict whether someone will be a good President; after all, most Presidents, whether good or bad, have won a Presidential race.
The September financial crisis, which confronted Congress with the task of trying to rescue the economy from collapse, gave Obama's aides the clearest indication that he might indeed be as good at governing as he has been at campaigning. It forced Obama to do something unusual and difficult for a candidate: he needed to separate politics and governance in the midst of a political campaign in which there was often no distinction. Obama's aides say that that was the moment they won the election—the moment that any lingering doubts were erased.
The Obama campaign was organized around a series of conference calls, the most important of which was a nightly call involving Obama and some dozen senior advisers. There was always a mixture of the serious and the absurd. For instance, on October 10th the agenda included an update on the message for rallies in Philadelphia, an update on the collapsing economy, and, just as important then, an "Ayers update"—how to respond to attacks on Obama's limited contacts with the former Weatherman William Ayers. On these calls, Obama's advisers had a chance to watch their candidate grapple with complex economic problems. During one, Obama laid out the steps in negotiating the bailout package: he would call the Treasury Secretary, Henry Paulson, and the Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, and consult with Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. Pfeiffer said, "We all got off the phone and I was, like, 'You know what? That was the first call that felt like that's what it's going to be like if he's President.' That was the moment where he began looking like a President and not a Presidential candidate."
Ever since the Benenson PowerPoint presentation in June, Obama's aides had been looking for ways to show that McCain was just another Washington politician; this was the strategy that had helped defeat Hillary Clinton. At the start of the financial crisis, when McCain announced that he would "suspend" his campaign, Obama's team knew that McCain had stumbled—and that it could highlight his mistake. "We tested right away as to whether people thought it was a genuine attempt to solve the crisis or more of a political maneuver," Benenson said. "The numbers started out as even, maybe a two-point edge on 'genuine intent,' but, five days later, it swung against him, with a ten-point deficit toward 'political maneuver.' " Obama was surprised by McCain's move. Earlier that day, September 24th, he had spoken with McCain and asked him to release a joint statement about principles that both men wanted to see in a financial rescue package. McCain seemed interested but also told Obama about possibly suspending his campaign; he asked Obama to join him. Obama was noncommittal, but he ended the conversation with the belief that they had agreed about the joint statement and called Jason Furman, a top economic adviser.
"I picked up the phone, and he basically said, 'Jason, I just got off the phone with Senator McCain and we're going to come out with a joint statement to help move the financial rescue package forward, because it looks like it's in a lot of trouble,' " Furman told me. " 'I know you know his economic adviser, and I'd like you to call him up and make it a really substantive statement.' " Furman, glancing at a television, saw McCain walking up to a lectern; a caption at the bottom of the screen said that he was suspending his campaign and might not attend the first debate. When Furman told Obama what McCain was doing, Obama used a salty expression to describe the move and hung up the phone.
As the financial crisis dragged on, Obama and his aides began to realize what it meant for their prospects. Staffers eagerly soaked up the latest polling, which showed a growing lead for Obama, and the conference calls at night only increased their confidence in the candidate. There was some pressure on Obama to come out against the rescue bill, a position that would have been more consistent with the campaign's themes. "On a purely political calculation, it would have been easy to be against that bill," Anita Dunn said. "If you look at all the polls, right? People were thinking, They made a mess and they're trying to stick you, and they're going to bail out Wall Street. I mean, what would have been easier?"
David Axelrod, who has known Obama longer than most of Obama's other campaign aides, said that he had always wondered how Obama would fare at such a moment. "Barbaric and sometimes ridiculous as is this process of running for President, the thing that I love about it is at the end of the day you can't hide who you are," Axelrod said. "I'd known him for sixteen years, I have huge confidence in him, but you never know how someone's gonna handle the vagaries and vicissitudes of a Presidential race, so you hope that they do well."
A lingering question about Barack Obama's run for the Presidency was whether this inspirational figure—more so even than the candidate John F. Kennedy—would be transformed by consultants and a sophisticated campaign apparatus into someone no longer recognizable. "Most of us do this and then we go away," Dan Pfeiffer said at the end of a conversation at Obama's Chicago headquarters. "The first Wednesday in November, we're off doing something else. We got the horse to the water, and someone else can make him drink. We're about winning elections, not actually governing the country, and because he has not done campaigns—he has not run for reëlection five times; he's actually really only ever had one hard race, this one—he doesn't have all the bad habits of career politicians."
It is already being said by the great army of bloggers and commentators that the Obama campaign was the best-run in modern history. Much the same thing was said about James Carville's work for Bill Clinton in 1992 and Karl Rove's for Bush in 2000. But campaigns can change a candidate, too. Axelrod said to me that, early in the process, Obama told aides, "I'm in this to win, I want to win, and I think we will win. But I'm also going to emerge intact. I'm going to be Barack Obama and not some parody." At another point, in early 2007, Obama returned from a forum about health care knowing that he had not done well against Hillary Clinton. "She was very good, and I need to meet that standard, meet that test," he told Axelrod. "I am not a great candidate now, but I am going to figure out how to be a great candidate." One of Obama's achievements as a politician is that he somehow managed to emerge intact, after navigating two years of a modern and occasionally absurd Presidential race, while also becoming a great candidate. On Election Night, as he once again invoked the words of Lincoln, he seemed to be saying that he was going to figure out how to be a great President. ♦


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Let your customers view your Microsoft Office documents on your website/
When you host Microsoft Office documents on your website, you might fret that people need to have Office or an Office viewer installed to read the document. Don't worry. By using Office.com to create a URL for the document, you can share a link that opens the document in a web browser.
When someone clicks the link, Office Web Apps run in the browser to display Word, Excel, and PowerPoint documents with Office features intact. Formatting and layout in Word documents are preserved; data in Excel workbooks can be filtered and sorted; animations play in PowerPoint presentations.
Create and use the URL
To create the URL, follow the steps on the Create URL page: Type (or paste) the URL of the document you want to link to, and then click Create URL. Copy and paste the resulting URL onto a page in your website.
For example, if you have forms for volunteers to print, press kits, price lists, brochures, or annual reports, you don't need to go through the extra step of saving them as PDF files. You can host them in their native Office format on your site, and link to them with the URL you create on Office.com. When site visitors click the link, the document opens in their browser.
If you edit a document after creating its URL, the link will continue to open the older version for a few hours. If you want people to see the changes immediately, do the following: Replace the original document with the new version, saved with a new file name, and then create a new URL on Office.com.
If you see the error, "We're sorry, but for some reason we can't open this for you," it means the document could not be found or could not be displayed. Likely reasons include:
Ways to reduce
file size.
For example, to encode a URL that includes an ampersand (&), you would type %26 for the ampersand character. For more information about URL encoding, also known as percent encoding, see Percent-encoding on Wikipedia.


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This is just a thought but nonetheless something interesting:
As attributive adjectives,
the noun precision means, made for, adapted for X;
the noun optimum means, most favorable condition for growth.
It's interesting that both definitions contain the preposition 'for'.
Maybe it's the case that attributive adjectives express what kind, whereas attributive nouns express 'for X'.
All the best, :D


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