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Save The Frogs Day: April 25th, 2015
SAVE THE FROGS! Platinum Visa Card
Chairman of the SAVE THE FROGS! Advisory Committee Sacramento, California, USA
Bio | Presentations | Testimonials | Ghana 2013 | Belize 2013
2012 Accomplishments | 2011 Accomplishments
Michael Starkey serves as Chairman of the SAVE THE FROGS! Advisory Committee. In this position, he rallies together scientists, volunteers, and others in order to help broaden SAVE THE FROGS' mission of conservation. Mr. Starkey regularly gives lectures on amphibian conservation at universities, schools, and to public interest groups. Mr. Starkey has worked as an ecological consultant for environmental consulting firms and government agencies such as the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service and the California Department of Fish & Game. He has worked with a wide diversity of California wildlife, including California Tiger Salamanders, San Francisco Garter Snakes, Giant Garter Snakes, bats, and ringtails. He has also worked at the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute in Panama, studying larval development and parental behavior of the neo-tropical frog, Leptodactylus insularum. After witnessing the result of widespread extinction of amphibians in the Panamanian rainforest, Mr. Starkey became dedicated to conserving amphibian species around the world. Mr. Starkey began working with SAVE THE FROGS! in 2010 to inform the public about the threats facing amphibians and to to help nurture a society that respects and cherishes all forms of wildlife. He has given presentations on frog conservation in the USA, Canada and Belize.
I am raising funds to do amphibian work in West Africa in April 2013 and would love your support! I will be working directly with SAVE THE FROGS! Ghana Executive Director Gilbert Adum, spreading the word about amphibian declines and educating Ghana's people about frogs and their importance to our environment. I will be working to protect the critically endangered Togo Slippery Frog, which survives on only two streams on the planet -- both of which are under threat of mountaintop removal mining. With your support I can provide much needed assistance on our campaign to protect this frog through the creation of the Atewa Hills National Park.
Please help fund my SAVE THE FROGS Ghana expedition!
After you donate, just email me at email@example.com so we know to ydirect your donation to my expedition fund and so we can thank you on this page!
SAVE THE FROGS! Advisory Committee Chairman and Ecologist Michael Starkey is available to give live presentations to your school or organization, in-person or via Skype. Mr. Starkey explains why frogs are under threat and informs the audience about how we as a society can help out amphibians around the globe. The presentation features many of Mr. Starkey's photos of amphibians from around the world, and there will be a question and answer session following the presentation. These PowerPoint presentations usually run between 30-45 minutes. At our talks we like to have a table set up where before and after the presentation, we can offer the audience relevant educational materials, collect petition signatures for our campaigns, and sell eco-friendly merchandise to help fund our efforts.
To cover time and travel expenses we request an honorarium as follows:
Sacramento area: $100
San Francisco area: $150
Online Skype presentation to anywhere on the planet: $50
Some of my efforts in 2012:
-- I gave 52 presentations on amphibian conservation at universities, schools, and community groups, to a total of 3,847 attendees. As part of the San Francisco Tadpole Headstart Project, I spoke to 1,700 elementary school students about amphibian ecology and the threats facing amphibians around the world.
-- At the invitation of the National Park Service, I spoke about amphibian ecology and conservation at the North Rim of the Grand Canyon National Park.
-- I traveled to Belize to spread SAVE THE FROGS! message of amphibian conservation by meeting with academics, biologists, and other conservation organizations to publicize and strategize about how to improve amphibian conservation in Belize.
-- I personally collected over 500 signatures to ban the importation of invasive American Bullfrogs, which are displacing native species of amphibians in California and along the West Coast of the United States. I helped get the American Bullfrog banned in the city of Santa Cruz by testifying about their status as an invasive species in California.
-- I raised $8,682 for SAVE THE FROGS! at informational tables and lectures I gave.
Some of my efforts in 2011:
-- I gave 23 presentations on amphibian conservation at California universities, schools, and community groups, to a total of 1,168 attendees. As part of the San Francisco Tadpole Headstart Project, I spoke to 755 elementary school students about amphibian ecology and the threats facing amphibians around the world.
-- I helped restore habitat for the threatened California Red-legged Frog at Antonelli Pond.
-- I personally collected over 600 signatures to ban the harmful pesticide Atrazine, which is used heavily in the United States and has been found to change male frogs into females.
-- I raised $3,200 for SAVE THE FROGS! at informational tables and lectures I gave.
In October 2011 I was fortunate to meet primatologist Dr. Jane Goodall at the Wildlife Conservation Network Expo in San Francisco. The conference aims to bring more awareness to conservation efforts around the world and I was running a SAVE THE FROGS! informational table. Dr. Goodall was the keynote speaker.
There were many talks about larger, more charismatic species (e.g. Ethiopian wolves, marine mammals, apes) but Save The Frogs! was able bring awareness to the conference attendees about the many threats facing amphibian populations and how amphibians, just like wolves, whales, and pandas, need more conservation efforts around the world. It was an incredible experience to be among such great conservationists from around the world and we were able to meet so many other inspirational and interesting individuals.
During the conference, I had a young boy (perhaps 5 or 6) come up to my table with his mother and sister. He explained to me how much he loved his pet frog and wanted all the frogs to be saved. He then left, but soon returned to my table because he wanted to give me a photo of his pet frog. He wanted me to have it so that I would remember him, and his frog. I reassured him that I would and that I would hold his photo close to my heart. He even wanted to take a photo with me (and of course, a photo was taken). Later in the day, I had the amazing opportunity to meet Dr. Jane Goodall. I told her about this experience with the boy and asked her to sign the back of that photo. You see, as I get older and continue my work as an ecologist, activist, conservationist, whatever you want to call what I am… I have noticed that people have started to look up TO ME… Simply, I want to remain humble, and let them know how when I was young… I looked up to her. Teary-eyed, I thanked her for everything.
Image courtesy Tyler Shaw of Sharpmind Photography.
My first introduction to Central America was in 2008 when I traveled to Belize. I fell in love with the diversity of flora and fauna in the tropical rainforest. I quickly understood how such an ecosystem was so fragile and how it needs to be protected. As my career in amphibian conservation grew, so did my concern about the amphibians of Belize. Not much is known about the amphibians of Belize, and I wondered if the same drastic declines were happening in Belize as they were happening in other parts of the world. In 2012, I set out to answer these questions and discover what was the status of amphibian conservation in Belize. I gave presentations throughout the country in order to grow Belize's network of students, academics and biologists interested in amphibian conservation efforts. Currently SAVE THE FROGS! is working with Belizean nonprofits to bring awareness to the threats that amphibians in Belize. We are also conducting research in order to study the prevalence of the chytrid fungus and orographic agrochemical drift in remote wilderness areas of the Maya Mountains.
Read more about my work in Belize here and join us for an adventure of a lifetime on our SAVE THE FROGS! Belize Ecotour.
This is a Foam Frog (Leptodactylus fragilis) I found on my January 2012 expedition to Belize.
With Cody Howard, photo by Casey Capachi
"Thank you for the presentation. I think the girls really enjoyed it. Your slide show was great, and you are off the charts with enthusiasm. Also, I loved your section on contests and what they can do to get involved."
-Anya Manes, teacher at Immaculate Conception Academy, San Francisco, CA
"Thank you for taking your time out to visit our class today. The kids were super excited even before your presentation and even more excited afterward. You should have been here with us after lunch; they can't stop talking about frogs. You were enthusiastic and passionate about the topic and it shows. And thank you for being so patient with the kids, answering all their questions and acknowledging all their comments."
- Jacueline Le, teacher at Cleveland Elementary, San Francisco, CA
"Hi Mr. Starkey, Thank you so much for presenting at our school! Your presentation was very accessible to all of our students, and information was supported with excellent visuals. Our students can be challenging to engage, but you held their attention the whole time!"
-Rebecca Fall, 7th Grade teacher at Visitacion Valley Middle School, San Francisco, CA
"…can't tell you how many kids are talking about the FROGS!!! I wish I could have attended, but heard great things…..thank you again for this opportunity."
-Mary Beth Kropp, Principal/PAIS, Foulks Ranch Elementary School, Sacramento, CA
"I thought his presentation to all grade levels was very appropriate and educational, his speaking style was engaging, and the PowerPoint presentation was also very appropriate. I truly think he did a fabulous job with each group."
-Mark H. Beard, Vice Principal/PAIS, Foulks Ranch Elementary School, Sacramento, CA
"Michael…thank you. Your passion about frogs and what you are trying to do is infectious and so refreshing. It's also great for kids to see that scientists are humans with curiosity, not only someone in a lab wearing a white cost. Thanks again for a thoughtful and informative presentation."
-Mira Sinick, Lawton School, 3rd grade, San Francisco, CA
"A big thank you to Michael Starkey of the Save The Frogs initiative, for a fantastic presentation to the TBZ staff! With 200 amphibians gone extinct since 1979, and over 2000 more threatened to disappear this century, there is a great need to help save those long legged leapers. From being excellent pest control, to vital food sources for many carnivores (including humans!), frogs are definitely worth saving."
- The Belize Zoo, January 18th, 2012
"Thanks so much for coming out to speak to us, and for putting on such an enthusiastic performance. Your dedication shows, and your imagery was fantastic!"
-Roger Repp, Rattlesnake Biologist, Tucson Herpetological Society
Website design, photos & content by Kerry Kriger unless otherwise noted.
Copyright © 2008-2013 SAVE THE FROGS!TM All Rights Reserved. Terms of Use
SAVE THE FROGS! is a 501(c)(3) public charity, and SAVE THE FROGS! is a registered trademark.
Michael Starkey


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Dear Reader: Do you think you are related to the individuals listed in this post? Please drop me a note! I love hearing from cousins and others researching my family!
This is my first stab at Saturday Night Genealogy Fun (albeit a day late) — a concept championed by Randy Seaver on his Genea-Musings blog: http://www.geneamusings.com. This has been a really educational exercise to undertake — I learned about a numbering system I hadn't been exposed to before, I further investigated a relative that I hadn't spent a lot of time on yet and I found some interesting discrepancies in his census records that will require some work to clear up.
This week's challenge is Ahnentafel Roulette:
1) How old is your father now, or how old would he be if he had lived? Divide this number by 4 and round the number off to a whole number. This is your "roulette number."
2) Use your pedigree charts or your family tree genealogy software program to find the person with that number in your ahnentafel. Who is that person?
3) Tell us three facts about that person with the "roulette number."
4) Write about it in a blog post on your own blog, in a Facebook note or comment, or as a comment on this blog post.
5) If you do not have a person's name for your "roulette number" then spin the wheel again – pick your mother, or yourself, a favorite aunt or cousin, or even your children!
This post has prompted me to learn more about the Afhnetafel numbering system. I was a bad MLS grad and went to Wikipedia for a basic description: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahnentafel
Shame on me, I know (actually, it's even worse; first, I Googled it). Google also led me to this better explanation at ancestry.com. Note that there is a typo, and number 15 should actually be great-grandmother.
Following the rules above, the roulette number to investigate is 26. This is my mother's father's mother's father, Anson G. Bennett (1859-1944). I had done some preliminary investigations online into who Anson G. Bennett was, but I didn't have much information. Here's what I've been able to glean, with some certainty:
1) He was born in October 1859 in Missouri.
2) He married Josephine Susan Campbell after moving to San Antonio, Texas.
3) His father was a merchant and Anson worked for him in his store before marrying my great-grandmother.
The above has been gathered from a family history previously compiled by a relative and by searching federal census records. The one sticking point is that the state of birth information for his mother varies — either given as Missouri, Tennessee or Virginia, depending on the census year. This could mean that I've been viewing the records of two (or more) different Anson G. Bennetts. It could also mean that a recording error was made or that the wrong information was inadvertently given to the census taker in a given year. Obviously, more work needs to be done to clear this up.

subset: commoncrawl


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"Yeah, definitely saw a brand of some kind," said Wre'kesa, nodding to himself as he answered Vithar's first question. Idly, he noticed Warwick talking to her horse off to the side. Eh. "I doubt that anyone knows if there's anyone training them. I heard them shout something about a "evil pride" or something like that; it's likely that everyone here thinks they're hell beasts sent to terrorize them."
{Wre'kesa Idle Animation}
Wre'kesa sat on the edge of the building's roof and pulled out an oiled rag. He began to clean his crossbow of any grit or dust, making sure that all the constituent parts slid smoothly to ensure maximum efficiency.
{end Wre'kesa Idle Animation}


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The Environmental Protection Agency announced on December 7, 2009, that greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide emissions, contribute to air pollution that may reasonably be anticipated to "pose a threat to our health and welfare." If this finding is allowed to become law, the Obama Administration will succeed in gaining greater control over everyday life in America, at a time when small businesses are already struggling.
After the endangerment finding was announced, an unnamed White House official prophesied that if Congress failed to pass climate change legislation "the EPA is going to have to regulate in this area." The source went on to say, "[The EPA] is not going to be able to regulate on a market-based way, so it's going to have to regulate in a command-and-control way."
The pattern is becoming clear. The Obama Administration – unsatisfied with the process of representative democracy – disregards the Constitution and forces upon the American people an agenda that Congress would not pass and the majority of Americans do not want.
So how did we get here?
In 1999, Massachusetts and several other states began a campaign to force the EPA to regulate carbon emissions from motor vehicles, claiming that these gases contribute to man-made global warming. The Supreme Court, legislating from the bench, ruled in 2007, "The [EPA] Administrator must determine whether or not emissions of greenhouse gases…cause or contribute to air pollution."
Under the 1970 Clean Air Act (CAA), any source that emits an "air pollutant" above 250 tons per year will trigger additional taxes and onerous permit requirements levied directly on businesses – costs that are ultimately passed along to consumers. To fly this terribly expensive energy tax under the radar, the EPA contrived a clever "tailoring rule," arbitrarily amending the CAA without Congressional authority by raising the CO2 emissions threshold from 250 to 250,000 tons per year so that only the largest polluters are regulated.
But according to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, this threshold would be reached by "one-fifth of all food services, one-third of those in health care, half of those in the lodging industry, [and] 10 percent of buildings used for religious worship" in America. Even the EPA's own estimates project that small entities will incur more than $55 billion in costs under the endangerment finding absent the tailoring rule.
This small polluter exemption, however, rests on questionable legal footing, causing the usually EPA-friendly Center for Biological Diversity to object that "the EPA has no authority to weaken the requirements of the statute simply because its political appointees don't like the law's requirements."
What can Americans expect if the EPA gets away with this?
The EPA's first step will be to regulate the auto industry. Once they have established control over automobile emissions standards, the EPA will be emboldened to continue controlling any carbon emitting source, imposing draconian measures on hospitals, schools, churches, farms, restaurants and malls. In fact, a recent study by the EPA found that more than 6 million businesses would be financially burdened by a full enforcement of the endangerment finding.
Additionally, a recent analysis by the Heritage Foundation estimates that EPA's actions could result in a cumulative loss of nearly $7 trillion in GDP by 2029 (in inflation-adjusted 2008 dollars) and annual job losses could surpass 800,000 for several years.
Simply put, under the Obama Administration, the EPA is a wrecking ball that is destroying jobs, putting more businesses under water and increasing government control over our everyday lives.
With the U.S. already in a soft economy, many cash-strapped communities will face a tough choice – jump through another expensive regulatory hoop or cancel much needed community development projects. Compound this situation over many times around the nation and you have a crisis of economic gridlock.
While the EPA is expanding its regulatory jurisdiction, Congress has the sole right and responsibility to enact legislation nullifying any rogue determination they make – and we should do just that.
Bipartisan support is growing for legislation that will force the EPA to abandon this aggressive pursuit of more regulatory control and unbridled authority over our daily lives. Unless Congress acts fast, Americans will be forced to pay for the most expensive regulatory scheme in a generation.


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Costing hundreds of dollars a pound, these beans are found in the droppings of the civet, a nocturnal, furry, long-tailed catlike animal that prowls Southeast Asia's coffee-growing lands for the tastiest, ripest coffee cherries.
This rare coffee has the dubious distinction of being consumed before the customer has even taken a sip.
Platinum members can now purchase submersible convertibles, dinosaur bones and $100 a cup coffee harvested from Indonesian jungle cat feces.
Cat's Ass Coffee, or Kopi Luwak as it is known in Sumatra, is renowned all over the world for its incredibly delicious, subtle, lingering flavor and exceptional smoothness. It is the worlds premiere rare & exotic coffee.
Deep in the heart of the Sumatran jungle, where the roads are few and the people fewer, the stealthy Luwak roams free. This adorable cat burglar will make its way to coffee plantations when the crop is in season, using its superior senses to select only the choicest of coffee cherries. After digestion, these organic beans are gathered by hand from the rainforest floor and then taken by oxcart to an earthen kiln where they are gently roasted by a native coffee artisan.
Genuine Kopi Luwak coffee beans release hidden flavor compounds from the beans that are never accessed by regular roasting and brewing. These wonderful, locked-away flavors are released because of the natural enzymes of the Luwak. Cat's Ass Coffee is commonly known among connoisseurs as the worlds best-tasting coffee.
Although the coffee is expensive per pound, the affordable price of Cat's Ass Coffee allows everyone to enjoy this rare delicacy. Our Kopi Luwak is whole-heartedly guaranteed... If it isn't the smoothest cup of coffee you have ever drank, simply return it for a 110% refund. In addition to this solid endorsement, we ship all Cat's Ass Coffee with a certificate of authenticity that is ready to be framed and mounted on your wall.
You've taken so much shit from your dad over the years... like the time you dropped that pass in the playoffs, or when you brought home that lousy report card. On Father's Day show him you care, and pour shit down his throat for a change.
Enjoy Cat's Ass Coffee, the world's rarest and most exotic coffee, for an affordable price. Imitations are selling in London for over 50 pounds a cup!
If Cat's Ass Coffee is not the smoothest cup of coffee you have ever drank, simply return it to us within the next 30 days and receive a 110% refund.


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Police investigating an allegation of rape and indecent assault have arrested veteran BBC commentator Stuart Hall.
The 82-year-old former 'It's A Knockout' presenter was detained this morning, sources said.
Lancashire Police did not name Hall but said a suspect was arrested at his home in Wilmslow, Cheshire, earlier today.
He was taken to a police station for questioning on the allegations, described as "historic".
A police spokesman said: "An 82-year-old man from Wilmslow in Cheshire has this morning been arrested by Lancashire Police at his home address on suspicion of rape and indecent assault.
"The man will be interviewed at a police station during the course of the day.
"The allegations are historic. We are not prepared to discuss further.
"We would encourage people with any information about sexual abuse or who has been a victim of sexual abuse to come forward and report their concerns, confident in the knowledge it will be investigated appropriately and with sensitivity."


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My loving wife recently gave me a Nike + iPod kit for Father's Day. I was super excited about the gift thinking that I had recently upgraded my iPhone 3G to the new 3.0 software. Seems somewhere in the back of my mind I thought OS 3.0 = Nike + iPod compatible. Well I, like many other 3G owners, quickly realized that wasn't the case. It seems the Nike + iPod is only compatible with the iPod nano, 2nd gen iPod touch and the brand new iPhone 3GS.
I was must say I was pretty bummed at the thought of using my 4 year old nano just to exercise at the local track, knowing my 3 month old iPhone 3G would be in my pocket. That's tough for a techie like me. And, my wife wasn't too happy with my displeasure either. So I did what any carefree gadget junky would do, I used this as an excuse to buy an iPhone 3GS.
So a 4 hour wait inline at the Lenox Apple store, turned wife shopping spree at the mall, produced the wholey grail of phones iPhones, the 3GS. I'm not going to review the new iPhone 3GS in this post, but I will say there's huge difference from 3G to 3GS just in performance. I'm truly loving the purchase. I was also able to get the subsidized pricing by upgrading my teenager's line, which in turn meant he was getting my old 3G (lucky kid).
After leaving the Lenox Apple store, taking a left in the mall will put you right in front of the Nike store. How convenient, I needed to grab a pair of Nike + compatible shoes. BTW, the Apple/Nike relationship is obvious as the Nike store was loaded with iMacs, very hip. So I grabbed a pair of Nike Air Pegasus+ thinking I was just about ready to hit the track.
The following day included a stop at my local Best Buy to find a wireless headphone solution. With the iPhone OS 3.0 even my now old 3G supported A2DP (bluetooth) wireless audio, and what better way to workout then to do it wirelessly, right? So I found the MOTOROKR S9 HD which also included a built-in microphone so it could answer calls too. Who wants to miss that important call while working out? A short 2 hour charge and simple pairing of the devices and the my ears were full of wireless HD goodness. Or, so I thought…
Day 1 on the track:
With my Nike + shoes on, my wireless headphones roaring and my iPhone 3GS ready to hub my digital workout, I hit the track. I set up my workout on the Nike + software and hit start. Well, it wasn't more than 100 feet and my headphones started dropping audio, which was surprising after they worked so well at home. After repositioning my iPhone (to my hand) I thought all was well. But then I noticed my Nike + was saying I was walking a 9 min mile pace, then a 30 min pace, something was wrong. I turned my attention to calibrating the Nike+ as I could deal with the occasional audio drops. This turned into my quest for the remainder of my walk, I spent at least 3 miles trying to get the Nike+ to register something close to what I was actually walking. At the end of my walk it dawned on me, that the Nike + is probably using some form of bluetooth technology and that could explain the problems with the MOTOROKR S9-HD (interference). So back to Best Buy went the MOTOs for a refund. They may work fine without the Nike + but I bought them specifically to use with it.
Day 2 on the track:
With my handy Apple earbuds in place, I set out for a fresh start to remedy my miserable first impression of the Nike +. I was certain my problems were with the MOTO. After walking my first half mile, I checked in with my Nike + only to be shocked, it said I had walked an entire mile. This can't be. So I decided to once again attempt to calibrate the system. One half mile, no luck. Another half mile, with no luck. I was beginning to doubt myself thinking the new track I was walking on was mysteriously supersized. So I switched over to a great iPhone app called MotionX GPS Lite (iTunes Link). This app uses the GPS in the phone to do many things, including measuring the distance you are traveling. So after another half mile, I started thinking the plus in Nike + name is meant for mystery distance they add to your workout for you. Now I'm getting frustrated.
Day 3 on the track:
So I'm beginning to think I just needed to calibrate my Nike + in the workout mode. The system will let you calibrate your device after you have worked out. So I figured I would start with a full mile, maybe the longer distance would help. As I completed one mile, naturally my Nike + tells me it was 2.08 miles I scroll the calibration to the lowest amount it would allow, 1.37 miles. I'm not sure why they limit it, but apparently Apple/Nike must think their device can't be that far off. Ha! So with a new calibration set, I set off for another mile in workout mode, certainly this will be closer to the actual distance, wrong. Once again the Nike + is completely nuts, even Lance Armstrong chimed in on my headphones and congratulated me on new "best mile" 9'05″. Anyone who knows me and my size knows I can't run a 9 min mile, never mind the fact that I'm walking.
At this point I'm about to give up on the Nike + iPod. I have another sensor that I'm going to try next time. Maybe that will be the winner. As for now, I have spent 3 days trying to log over 9 miles of walking with nothing to show for it. Well I'm sure my waste line will show improvement but my Nikeplus.com account sits dormant waiting for me to log some real data. I did however link my Nikeplus.com account my Twitter and Facebook, so when/if I get this working, my social network isbound to know.
UPDATE: Day 4 – I reached Nike + nirvana, seems my new sensor works great. I put up a nice 2 mile walk this morning. Now if only there were some compatible wireless headphones. Here's my chart:
Ideas, solutions, questions? Drop a comment below, I'd love to hear from you.


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-internationally tested rally tire
Continental TKC80 Twinduro Dual Sport 140/80-17
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Dimensional weight listed
Continental TKC80 Twinduro Dual Sport 140/80-17
Produced by Continental of Germany


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Capital: Budapest
Population: 10.0 million
GNI/capita, PPP: US$19,550
Source: The data above were provided by The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2012.
* Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance, to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects.
NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year.
The elections of April 2010 brought a right-wing government headed by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to power. It controls a two-thirds supermajority in the National Assembly, consisting of a formal coalition between the Young Democrats' Alliance–Hungarian Civic Union (Fidesz) and its subordinate partner, the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP). The landslide electoral victory of Fidesz-KDNP came after the previous government, led by the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), lost credibility due to a number of factors, including the September 2006 revelation (via leaked audio tapes) that Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány had deliberately lied to the public to win elections, and the authorities' gross mishandling of the ensuing protests. Failed fiscal policies predating the onset of the global economic crisis cemented the MSZP's deep unpopularity. The party is currently in opposition, along with the green-liberal Politics Can Be Different (LMP) and the radical nationalist Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik).[1] An MSZP splinter party led by Gyurcsány is expected to establish a new parliamentary faction in 2012.
Following Hungary's negotiated transition to democracy in 1989–90, issues including the role of the secret services under communism and the privatization of state assets and services remained unresolved. Citizens' ongoing reliance on public entities instead of the private and nongovernmental sectors pushed the state beyond its capacity. Government after government balked at tackling this problem, and exacerbated it through inaction or superficial remedies. The present government identified many of the areas that need reform, but its initiatives have proven inadequate and had the effect of undermining democracy. Meanwhile, inflammatory rhetoric, such as the government's declaration that the Fidesz-KDNP electoral victory was a "revolution in the polling booths" and its promises to carry out "true regime change," have raised tensions in an already polarized political environment.
A new constitution adopted in April 2011 will enter into force on 1 January 2012. The increased range of laws that will require a supermajority to pass in this new constitutional framework will likely damage the effectiveness of future governments. Should an opposition party come to power in the next elections, it will also be constrained by Fidesz's takeover of independent institutions and installation of clients in key positions for nine-year terms, most importantly in the judiciary. A new law on the Constitutional Court further limits citizens' access to the body, which has in any case been stacked with Orbán's appointees. The government's intimidation and domination of the court recently led to its inaction on an important case related to the protection of private property.
Even as the government has usurped the independence of other public institutions, power within the government has been concentrated in the hands of the prime minister. Orbán tends to appoint weak figures to key positions, favoring personal loyalty and a lack of serious political ambitions over professional expertise and ability.
Fidesz's electoral triumph gave it a historic opportunity to rescue the country from its dire economic situation and initiate crucial reforms in public services such as health and education. Instead the government has engaged in reckless economic policies, exerted political control over state institutions, pursued an ideologically driven cultural transformation, undermined labor protections, and redrawn the electoral map with the apparent aim of entrenching itself in power for the foreseeable future.
National Democratic Governance. In 2011, a new constitution was passed by the governing Fidesz-KDNP coalition without any meaningful consultation. The charter generally provides for fundamental rights, but opens up the possibility of backsliding. Due to the continued erosion of checks and balances, the growing strength of right-wing paramilitary groups, and the creation of institutional and procedural obstacles for future governments, Hungary's national democratic governance rating worsens from 3.00 to 3.50.
Electoral Process. In late December, the National Assembly passed a government-backed electoral law that appears designed to solidify the ruling coalition's grip on power through the redrawing of parliamentary electoral districts and changes to the allocation of seats and votes in Hungary's mixed system of single-member districts and party lists. The law also raised the registration thresholds for candidates and party lists, and granted the vote to citizens with no residence in Hungary, such as ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries. Due to the gerrymandering and other problematic provisions in the new electoral law, Hungary's electoral process rating worsens from 1.75 to 2.25.
Civil Society. Civil society in Hungary is relatively vibrant, and citizens have recently been mobilized by new civic or political movements and resuscitated trade unions. However, an alarming drop in and increasing centralization of public funds may threaten many civil society organizations' existence. Hungary's civil society rating remains unchanged at 2.00.
Independent Media. New media legislation that took effect in 2011 has triggered unprecedented national and international indignation. The regulatory rules and institutions associated with the new law give government appointees considerable power to limit freedom of expression and punish perceived violations, creating an atmosphere that encourages self-censorship. Hungary's rating for independent media worsens from 3.25 to 3.50.
Local Democratic Governance. Local governments have enjoyed a high level of political independence in Hungary, but their legally enshrined autonomy is hindered in practice by grim financial difficulties. The new constitution redefines local councils' property as part of Hungary's state assets, but it was not yet clear in 2011 whether this would lead to greater centralization. Hungary's local democratic governance rating remains unchanged at 2.50.
Judicial Framework and Independence. The government completely overhauled the administration of the judiciary in 2011. As part of this reform, important officials in the courts and the ombudsman's office were removed prior to the end of their terms, and the wife of a prominent Fidesz politician was appointed as head of the judiciary for a nine-year term. The changes cleared the way for more direct political manipulation of the courts, which had represented one of the last state institutions outside the government's control. Hungary's judicial framework and independence rating worsens from 2.25 to 2.75.
Corruption. With their two-thirds parliamentary majority, the governing parties have an opportunity to reform legislation on party financing, one of the most acute sources of corruption in Hungary. However, the government's promises to tackle graft have yet to result in a comprehensive anticorruption strategy. Hungary's rating on corruption remains unchanged at 3.50.
Outlook for 2012. By next year the government will have consolidated its hold on almost all areas of public life through the appointment of loyal cadres to head institutions of relevance, including the presidency, the Constitutional Court, and the judiciary. In 2011 the government was already attempting to bring the Hungarian National Bank (MNB) under its control, and it will likely try to replace MNB president András Simor with someone more pliant. Economically, the country will undergo severe duress in 2012, and having nationalized private pension funds in 2010 and 2011, the government may try to confiscate other savings. However, the need for external financing from the European Union and the International Monetary Fund may force the leadership to backtrack on some of the most prominent laws that undermined democracy in 2011.
Since 1990, Hungarian elections have consistently been assessed as free and fair. Members of parliament have been elected for four-year terms in a two-round mixed electoral system. Parties had to reach a 5 percent threshold to gain seats through regional and national party lists.
In the last general elections in 2010, the severely discredited MSZP was soundly defeated by Fidesz-KDNP, which now holds 67.88 percent of the seats in the parliament. Jobbik has 12.18 percent, the MSZP 12.43 percent, and the LMP 4.15 percent. At the time of writing there were 14 independent members, mostly due to the secession of Gyurcsány and his allies from the MSZP.[11]
While the electoral system ensured free and fair balloting, it was very complex, and the parliament—with 386 members, of whom 176 were elected in individual constituencies—was consistently deemed too large for the population of the country. A new electoral law passed by the ruling coalition at the end of 2011 retains the mixed proportional-majoritarian nature of the previous system, but will reduce the parliament to 199 members and increase the share of single-member districts, with 106 individually elected members and 93 party-list seats. The law sparked strong resistance from the opposition for its blatant gerrymandering of the new constituencies, an increase in the number of signatures required for candidacy, a shorter period for collecting these signatures, and changes in the allocation of excess and lost votes that favor the dominant party. It also granted the vote for the first time to ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries who have accepted Hungary's offer of citizenship.[12] Critics allege that the new law will solidify Fidesz's grip on power for the foreseeable future.[13]
The president of the republic is elected by the parliament for a five-year term and can be reelected once. In the first two rounds of the election, a supermajority is required; if it cannot be reached, a third round is decided by a simple majority. Schmitt, the current president, is seen as a creature of Prime Minister Orbán, having declined to apply his limited veto to any of the government's numerous, highly controversial, and hastily adopted laws during his tenure.
Political parties are active in the country, especially the newer factions, which seem to be more responsive to grassroots concerns. New parties emerged out of the protests of 2011, but whether they will have much impact remains to be seen.[14] Beyond periodic protests, demonstrations, and voting every four years, citizen participation in political and public life is not significant. Meanwhile, the political representation of women and minorities, particularly the Roma, continues to be unsatisfactory.[15]
The legal framework is generally hospitable to civil society, accommodating various forms of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Associations, foundations, and nonprofit limited companies are registered by a court and are relatively easy to establish. With its 70,000 registered organizations, the Hungarian civil sphere can be considered vibrant, maintaining about 100,000 jobs and contributing 4 to 5 percent of the annual gross domestic product.[16]
However, aside from a handful of high-profile watchdog organizations, most NGOs operate on a very small scale, with miniscule budgets. They are subject to the same tax rules as ordinary companies, including high payroll taxes that pose a major obstacle to small businesses as well, making it difficult to add or retain personnel.
Due to the limited level of private philanthropy, NGOs are still overly dependent on government and EU funds. A significant independent income source for the sector is the so-called 1 percent tax scheme, under which taxpayers can assign 1 percent of their income tax to an NGO of their choice. However, a new flat tax of 16 percent is expected to cause a 300 billion forint (US$1.5 billion) decline in state tax revenues, and would presumably have a proportional effect on NGOs' funding through the tax mechanism.
State funds for NGOs have been distributed through the National Civil Fund (Nemzeti Civil Alap, or NCA). The NCA's average annual budget in recent years was around 7 billion forints, but this was cut to 2.8 billion in 2011 and will shrink to 1.4 billion according to the 2012 budget plan. This fivefold decrease of the NCA's funds puts the financially fragile civil sphere at serious risk. In November, a coalition of 73 NGOs issued an open letter to the government,[17] stating that conditions for the sector "have been steadily deteriorating over the last 18 months." It is feared that hundreds of organizations will have to close down operations and discharge employees.
Beginning in 2012, a new law will require all civil organizations to submit their financial reports to a court, and failing to do so may result in suspension. The rule is aimed at eliminating thousands of nonfunctioning or phantom organizations from the system, but it will impose an extra burden on many small organizations.
The law also replaces the NCA with a National Fund of Cooperation. To ensure independent self-governance for the sector, 90 percent of the delegates in the NCA's governing bodies were representatives of civil society organizations. Under the new system, this proportion will drop to 30 percent, with the majority of the members chosen instead by the government. Many argue that this reform contradicts the original mission of NCA and that its sole purpose is to cement political influence.
Large-scale civic mobilization has been relatively rare in Hungary, but in 2011 a handful of citizens organized a new movement via the social networking website Facebook called One Million for the Freedom of Press in Hungary.[18] It quickly gained almost 100,000 members and has become a key player in the civic sphere. The One Million group and other NGOs were able to draw thousands of people into the streets on 15 March and 23 October to protest the "authoritarian" Fidesz government, mounting what may have been the largest antigovernment demonstrations of the past 20 years.[19] It remains unclear whether the movement will be able to sustain its momentum.
Austerity measures, retroactive legislation concerning early retirement benefits, and a controversial new labor law seem to have triggered the resuscitation of the workers' movement as well. Twenty years after the fall of communism, trade unions are still struggling with a lack of public credibility. In 2011, however, new leaders successfully mobilized workers and organized numerous noteworthy demonstrations.
One of them was the so-called Clown Revolution. The name came from Orban's alleged disparaging remark that he would delegate his "clown affairs secretary" to deal with trade unions' request to negotiate planned benefit cuts. In response, some 10,000 people rallied in June in clown costumes and make up. Although the police were seriously affected by the cuts, most of them were unable to protest. The Independent Police Trade Union reported that the head of the National Police summoned all officers to duty on the day of the demonstration.[20]
Another threat to freedom of assembly arose during the short visit of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, also in June. The police rejected a request from local adherents of the Falun Gong spiritual group, which is persecuted in China, to demonstrate against Wen's visit, claiming that it would block traffic. In addition, immigration officers paid an unexpected visit to the homes of three Tibetan refugees, all of them lawful permanent residents, and summoned them to the immigration bureau the next morning to "clarify certain identity questions." The bureau later claimed it was a "routine check-up,"[21] but the move appeared designed to prevent any China-related protests.
A new law on religions, introduced by the KDNP and substantially remodeled by Fidesz on the day of its adoption, grants formal recognition to only 14 religious groups, down from the previously recognized 352. Beginning in 2012, all other religious groups will lose the financial privileges associated with recognition and will instead function as associations. Although these groups will have the opportunity to apply for official recognition, the process requires meeting a set of difficult criteria and winning approval from at least two-thirds of the parliament.
The previous regulation was undoubtedly liberal, and the associated financial benefits had fueled an often opportunistic proliferation of religious groups over the last two decades. Nevertheless, the harsh new law triggered widespread indignation. Critics stressed that although it would help eliminate disingenuous "business churches," the law would also deprive numerous well-established and legitimate congregations of their official religious status. The fact that they will lose their financial privileges and be excluded from the 1 percent income tax scheme will substantially decrease their revenues. The change in designation will also affect their ability to own land and participate in the provision of public services.
Hungary is a parliamentary republic in which the prime minister, elected by a majority of the 386-member unicameral National Assembly (Országgyűlés), holds executive power. The prime minister is responsible to the parliament and can be removed, along with the cabinet, only through a "constructive no-confidence" process, which requires a new prime minister to be endorsed in the same vote. It follows that under normal circumstances the parliament does not serve as a significant check on the government. During 2011 the government effectively eliminated other checks and balances through legislation and amendments to the constitution that was still in force during the year, and by installing loyalists in all ostensibly independent institutions except the Hungarian National Bank (MNB).
The parliament is the main legislative organ and has the exclusive power to pass laws. However, lesser forms of legislation may be passed by the government and ministers so long as they conform to the laws and the constitution. The parliament elects the president of the republic for up to two five-year terms. The head of state plays a mostly symbolic role, but has some control over the nomination and appointment of public officials and may refer legislation back to the parliament for reconsideration, or to the Constitutional Court, before signing it into law. President Pál Schmitt, who took office in 2010, has not once used this limited veto.
Since the April 2010 elections, the right-wing coalition of the Young Democrats' Alliance–Hungarian Civic Union (Fidesz) and its subordinate partner, the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP), has held more than two-thirds of the seats in the parliament. The opposition is composed of three ideologically divided parties: the center-left Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), the green-liberal Politics Can Be Different (LMP), and the radical nationalist Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) on the extreme right. In October 2011, former prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsány and his followers left the MSZP and later formed a new party, Democratic Coalition (Demokratikus Koalíció), which filed a request to establish a new parliamentary faction. After a mandatory waiting period of six months, the new group will be recognized.
By far the most important development of 2011 was the adoption of the country's new constitution.[2] Scheduled to enter into force on 1 January 2012, it provides for fundamental rights, though the framework to protect those rights will be weaker than it was under the previous constitution. Overall, the document is seen as conservative and biased toward collectivist values. The preamble's heavy reliance on Christian language—in a country where religious attendance is around 13 percent—is particularly controversial given the government's policies on religious freedom to date.[3] Some of the constitution's provisions are considered progressive, such as those concerned with the protection of the natural environment, but critics argue that it represents a step backward in other areas, with passages that define marriage as heterosexual and open up the possibility of stricter rules on abortion. Further causes for concern are the increased number and scope of issues on which any legislation will require a supermajority to pass, making reforms difficult for future governments.
The country experienced peaceful protests during national holidays in March and October, and an especially intense one on 23 December, when the government pushed a raft of controversial bills through the parliament. The protesters came from various strata of society and criticized the government on different grounds, including press freedom problems stemming from the 2010 new media law, labor legislation that eroded protections for workers and harmed vested interests in key sectors such as the armed forces and law enforcement,[4] the controversial provisions of the new constitution, economic woes, and the undermining of democratic institutions.
The government continued to enjoy the support of the majority of likely voters, according to a poll in late 2011,[5] but the same survey found that 54 percent of respondents did not trust any of the political parties. In another sign of widespread loss of confidence in democratic institutions, a separate survey by Perspective Institute found that nearly 29 percent of respondents would strongly support and 16 percent would somewhat support changing the present democratic regime for an authoritarian one if that came with rapid economic growth.[6]
In this context, the country's main extreme right-wing political party, Jobbik, has achieved historically high support, drawing around 20 percent of the voters who expressed a party preference, according to some polls.[7] In 2011, economic problems, the government's clashes with the European Union (EU) and International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the successful manipulation of ethnic tensions gave the party opportunities to present itself as patriotic and capable of tackling "Gypsy criminality." Jobbik's main selling point is the "Érpatak model," named after the town whose mayor first implemented it. The program is strongly authoritarian and assimilationist, emphasizing order and a merciless, punitive administration of the law. It has been reproduced in other villages, mostly located in the northeast of the country.[8] Despite its formal denials, Jobbik has continued to make extensive use of affiliated—and in some cases banned—paramilitary groups to intimidate opponents and especially Roma.
The situation of the country's Romany population has long been critical, and tensions between Roma and ethnic majority communities have been actively stoked by the extreme right and Jobbik in particular. Perhaps the most important intercommunal confrontation of 2011 was in Gyöngyöspata, where, following altercations and alleged criminality by some local Roma, paramilitary groups threatened the Romany population for weeks. The crisis ended with the deployment of police forces and the holding of a mayoral election.
Two aspects of this case illustrate broader problems. First, the increasing number of intercommunal clashes, the active participation of right-wing paramilitary groups, and the inability or unwillingness of the country's security forces to deal with them are slowly bringing the state's monopoly on the legitimate use of force into question. In the case of Gyöngyöspata, the prime minister failed to even comment on the situation for weeks,[9] further opening up space for radical elements. Second, the victory of Jobbik's mayoral candidate by a significant margin suggests that the party's authoritarian message and exploitation of ethnic conflict resonate well with residents of villages and small towns who feel that their security is not guaranteed by the state. A recent survey by TARKI indicates that there may be further potential in divisive ethnic politics, as 63 percent of respondents expressed the opinion that criminality is "genetic" among Roma.[10]
The Hungarian media market can be considered vibrant, with a relatively low level of concentration secured by a handful of multinational print houses and a few local companies with varying portfolios. A wide range of print, broadcast, and internet outlets provide space for fairly diverse ideas.
Still, the daily newspapers consist largely of apolitical tabloids and openly biased broadsheets, with two major outlets on each side of the political divide. This dynamic is also apparent in the journalistic profession, which is highly partisan. In recent years, quality journalism has mainly migrated to magazines and the internet. A good number of weeklies—HVG, Heti Válasz, Figyelő, Magyar Narancs—and online news portals—Origo, Index, HVG-Hírszerző, FN.hu—employ a new generation of journalists striving for high professional standards. Slowly but steadily, investigative journalism has also been developing. A few NGOs and professional associations provide conferences, free trainings, and scholarships in the field to promote investigative journalism as a fundamental tool of democratic control.
The flourishing scene of high-quality political blogs has attracted a growing number of followers. But the web is also home to radical views, with numerous websites providing an endless stream of far-right, anti-Semitic, racist, and extremely nationalistic content.
The new media law, which took effect on 1 January, was the most important development for press freedom during 2011. It had been severely criticized, even before its adoption, and remained a key concern both nationally and internationally. It received harsh assessments from the European Parliament, the European Commission, the United Nations special rapporteur on freedom of expression, the media representative of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe, and a number of governments, human rights groups, and press freedom advocates.
One of the most controversial provisions of the law was its creation of the National Media and Electronic Communications Authority (Nemzeti Média és Hírközlési Hatóság, or NMHH). With authority over all media, including broadcast, print, and online outlets, the NMHH grants licenses and frequencies, monitors content, and both investigates and adjudicates public complaints. Its major regulatory body, the Media Council, consists of six people, all nominated by the governing party, with a chairperson appointed directly by the prime minister for an unprecedented nine-year term.
Due to the questionable independence of the Media Council, the NMHH is seen by many as an "arm's-length government agency," and observers have expressed fears that its power to impose steep fines on media outlets that do not respect its guidelines could be applied arbitrarily.[22] Recent analysis on the tendering practices in the analogue radio market suggests that the Media Council awarded almost half of all frequencies to the same three applicants in 2011.[23]
While the new law has not yet been used to gag dissenting voices, critics argue that its substantial penalties and vaguely worded provisions have undermined freedom of expression by creating a "chilling effect" that may result in self-censorship. One related area of concern is the lack of effective protection for journalists' sources. The media law states that in exceptional cases, journalists can be required to disclose their sources, but what constitutes an "exceptional case" is poorly defined and left to the investigative authority's discretion.
For the majority of Hungarians, the primary source of news is television. The evening news programs of the three national terrestrial channels—the public M1 and the commercial RTL Klub and TV2—reach about 30 percent of the population every day. However, the proportion of political and economic news in these programs is incredibly low. For instance, in October 2011, only 12 percent of all news concerned political issues, and three-quarters featured tabloid or crime stories.[24] On the commercial channels, political reports have been relegated to the last few minutes of the newscast for many years, and they rarely come to the foreground even in times of political turmoil. More recently, depoliticization has also affected public television, whose central mission is to keep citizens as well-informed as possible. Over the politically fraught months of late 2011, public television seemed to purposefully avoid reporting directly on political news and instead featured neutral current affairs items that were only loosely related to politics. The proportion of hard political news was only about 25 percent in October.
Public-service media have been paralyzed by political meddling and lack of independent funding ever since the fall of communism. They suffer from an extremely poor reputation as well as low ratings figures. Fidesz promised to bring efficiency and rationalization to public media by merging three previous institutions and the Hungarian News Agency (Magyar Távirati Iroda, or MTI) into the Media Services Support and Asset Management Fund (Médiaszolgáltatás-támogató és Vagyonkezelő Alap, or MTVA). But the new umbrella institution is less transparent than ever, with a proliferation of senior management positions and obscure areas of responsibility. Meanwhile, almost 1,000 employees have been dismissed in two waves of layoffs. A reduction of the overgrown staff had been expected, but hundreds of those dismissed were picked either randomly or on a political basis. As a result, critical and independent voices are almost completely absent from public media, and their content is regularly affected by censorship, intimidation, and factual distortions to suit the government's interests.[25]
There are approximately 3,200 settlements in Hungary, though about half are small villages with fewer than 1,000 residents, and only around 300 have the status of a town. Regardless of size, each settlement enjoys formal political autonomy. They directly elect their own mayors, councils, and other self-governing bodies, and almost all maintain full-fledged municipalities and manage local public services. This high level of decentralization was a symbolic element of the new democratic era that began after the fall of communism.
However, financial difficulties seriously limit this legally enshrined independence in practice. Many settlements, particularly those in the impoverished eastern parts of the country, have suffered from an absence of industry and consistently high rates of unemployment. With no significant revenues, most depend on the central government's redistribution of taxes. According to the latest figures, on average only 21 percent of local councils' overall expenditures are covered by local income.[26] However, the nominal per capita amount of state aid has been steadily decreasing since 2005.
Due to a liberalizing legal amendment in 2006, the value of bonds issued by local governments shot up drastically,[27] resulting in an overall debt of 1 trillion forints (US$4.4 billion).[28] Sixty percent of the debt is valued in foreign currencies (euros and Swiss francs), which, given the extreme volatility of the Hungarian forint in recent years, poses an extra risk to the issuing municipalities. Some view this as one of Hungary's most acute financial problems, but others argue that indebtedness only affects a minority of towns, and except for a few cases of mismanagement, debt repayment is under control.[29] Whether by rescheduling repayment, realizing assets, or increasing local revenue, most councils are able and willing to redeem debt.
Above the municipal tier is another level of governance—Hungary's 19 counties. These regional administrative units share many public-service functions with the municipalities. Based on an agreement between the central government and county councils, in 2012 the former will take over all institutions previously owned or operated by the counties, including health care and educational institutions, social and youth services, cultural foundations, and business associations. With the assets comes an accumulated debt of 180 billion forints (US$776 million).[30] While the move is seen by many as another major step toward centralization, the government maintains that it would be in a much stronger negotiating position than the individual counties should the debt payments need to be rescheduled.
The new constitution will fundamentally change the status of local government property. The old charter declared that the state would respect local councils' property, but under the new document, all local assets are considered part of Hungary's national property. They are not owned but merely controlled by the municipalities to perform certain tasks allotted by the state. This shift was ostensibly designed to ensure better management of national wealth, but it also opens the way for the central government to take over local assets without compensation.
As with the parliament, Fidesz controls an overwhelming majority of local councils, including 22 of Hungary's 23 main cities, and all of the 19 county assemblies. The capital, Budapest, comprises 23 autonomous districts, each with an elected mayor and assembly. The structure is topped with an independently elected mayor and council on the citywide level. This two-tiered system, in which the districts are not subordinated to the Budapest municipality, has led to serious conflicts and lack of coordination on key decisions and projects. However, since Fidesz won the mayoral posts in 21 of the 23 districts in 2010, and took the citywide mayoralty for the first time since 1990, these tensions seem to have been reduced.
Citizens are equal before the law, and the judiciary serves as the primary guardian of constitutional rights. The judiciary is currently organized in a four-tier system of local courts, county courts, high appeals courts, and the Supreme Court. Local and county courts have jurisdiction over their territorial districts, with county courts also serving as appellate courts for minor local cases. The high appeals courts have regional jurisdiction, with seats in Budapest and four other towns. The Supreme Court serves as a final appeals court and ensures the uniform application of laws, developing a limited form of case law.
Since 1997 the Hungarian judiciary has been governed by the National Judicial Council (Országos Igazságszolgáltatási Tanács), a body composed of judges and representatives of the other branches of power and led by the president of the Supreme Court. In November 2011, however, the government pushed through a law that introduced a new system, in which the judiciary's hierarchy will be headed by an official elected via a supermajority vote in the parliament for a nine-year term, with a powerful mandate and broad discretion. While the previous arrangement was duly criticized for engendering a lack of transparency and placing too much power in the hands of the presidents of the county courts, the new system exposes the judiciary to government influence.[31] The reform notably allows for the summary removal of the current president of the Supreme Court, András Baka, a nominee of former head of state László Sólyom.
In mid-December the parliament chose the leader of the new system, electing Tünde Handó—the president of the Labor Court, wife of Fidesz member of the European Parliament József Szájer and longtime friend of the prime minister—to serve as president of the National Judicial Office (Országos Bírósági Hivatal).[32] In 2012 it will be up to Hando to fill the 274 vacancies created by Fidesz's earlier decision to send judges into early retirement, plus over a hundred additional vacancies that will arise in the coming years. Her discretionary powers will include the appointment of the presidents of local and higher-level courts, and the temporary transfer of individual judges to other districts.
Until 2011, the parliament elected four ombudspersons to report on human rights, privacy rights, the rights of ethnic and national minorities, and the right to life and a healthy environment (ombudsperson for future generations). The Fidesz government decided to transform the existing institution, and beginning on 1 January 2012, the functions of the ombudspersons will be taken over by the Office of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Fundamental Rights. As with many other positions created by the current government, the new ombudsman will be elected by a two-thirds vote in parliament for a nine-year term, with the possibility of one reelection.[33]
Since 1990, the 11-member Constitutional Court has shaped the legal framework of Hungary. Its members are elected by the parliament from among the country's legal scholars. The court's primary function is to safeguard constitutional rights through its interpretation of the constitution and control of legal norms. Since it lacks an effective enforcement mechanism, however, some of its decisions, most notably on the representation of minorities in the legislature, have not been implemented by the parliament.
As part of the broader drive to eliminate checks and balances in the country's constitutional framework, in 2010 the government had amended the old constitution to strip the Constitutional Court of its jurisdiction over important matters that were already closed to public input via referendums. Thus, so long as they do not pertain to certain fundamental rights, the Constitutional Court no longer has jurisdiction over questions related to the national budget. Importantly, cases regarding the right to private property are also outside the court's purview. In 2011 the Constitutional Court was further weakened through the limitation of those with standing to request a review; only petitions by a quarter of the members of parliament or individuals at the center of specific cases are now eligible. Moreover, all existing requests and proceedings that do not meet the new criteria are to be dropped on 1 January 2012. Also during 2011, the government continued staffing the Constitutional Court with its cadres, some of whom had questionable qualifications.[34] The court failed to deliberate on the most contentious issue of the year, the government's nationalization of the savings in compulsory private pension funds in late 2010.[35]
The chief prosecutor is nominated by the president of the republic and elected by the parliament for a nine-year term, and lawmakers no longer have the right to question him in the parliament. The law governing the rules of the chief prosecutor's election now requires a two-thirds vote. This practically entrenches Péter Polt, an Orbán confidante who was elected in December 2010, for more than two parliamentary terms. Polt had previously served as chief prosecutor during Fidesz's government of 1998–2002, and exercised his functions in a partisan manner.
The judiciary in 2011 continued its practice of disproportionately trying and sentencing Roma for hate crimes—under Article 174B of the criminal code—against ethnic Hungarians, effectively persecuting minorities with a provision intended to protect them. On a positive note, in a second-instance verdict at the Court of the Capital, a judge overturned several sentences passed under this article and downgraded the convictions to a lesser offense that carries a significantly lower penalty.[36]
Amid protests, the parliament in November 2011 passed legislation to criminalize homelessness. According to the new law, a person may be fined 150,000 forints (US$750),[37] or subjected to detention, if caught living on the streets twice within a six-month period.[38] Such legislation is unlikely to solve the problems of the thousands of homeless people in Hungary, though it has the potential to keep them away from the eyes of the public, forcing them to spend the winter months in forests outside the city limits.
There was no state anticorruption strategy in place in 2011, and although the government promised to issue a comprehensive plan in 2012, no details had emerged by year's end.
Party financing is a major arena for corruption, and the legislation governing it has long been heavily criticized. A fundamental reform would require a two-thirds majority vote in the parliament, and the political parties, unwilling to act against their own interests, have blamed lack of consensus for failed attempts in the past. Fidesz could now easily tackle the problem on its own, but it has taken no concrete action to date. While the opposition has offered draft legislation based on the suggestions of a joint civil initiative that has been lobbying for transparency and accountability for years, the majority has blocked its attempts to put the bill on the parliament's agenda.
The public procurement process is also subject to serious corruption. A thorough research effort in 2011 found that in almost 40 percent of public procurement tenders, only one bidder submitted a valid application.[39] When EU auditors question such tenders for projects financed with EU funds, a common response is that the small size of the Hungarian market means there is only one qualifying company in many sectors. While this may be true in some cases, corrupt tenders are often deliberately drawn up in such a way that only one company can meet the stated conditions.
Small-scale corruption in Hungarian society is a widespread and blatant phenomenon, and many people see it as a necessary part of life. The public health system is afflicted with petty bribery that supplements the income of seriously underpaid staff. The Hungarian Residents' Association (Magyar Rezidens Szövetség) has proposed a solution known as the Green Cross concept, under which doctors who agree not to accept bribes would have their salaries doubled, and would wear a green cross badge on their uniforms to inform patients of their status. According to a survey carried out by the initiators, the idea was backed by 70 percent of all doctors. Still, it was firmly rejected by the Hungarian Medical Association (Magyar Orvosi Kamara). The group's president, István Eger, described the concept as "unfortunate, divisive and ignominious,"[40] and argued that the proposed salary increase would lead to tensions and unnecessary accusations. The idea was also thwarted by the fact that the doubled salaries could not be covered by the central budget.
A new Hungarian watchdog NGO, Átlátszó (Transparent), was founded in 2011. Combining investigative journalism and civic activism, it publishes articles, handles whistleblower information, and files public-record requests with the aim of tackling corruption and promoting transparency. It managed to raise 2.5 million forints (US$11,100) in six months from about 100 small donors, ensuring a level of independence for its handful of volunteers that is unique in Hungary.
[1] The name is a pun in Hungarian on various uses of the word jobb (right), meaning at once "the better one," "the one which is more correct," and "the more conservative one." Movement for a Better Hungary is the official English translation.
[2] Magyarország Alaptörvénye [Basic law of Hungary], Magyar Közlöny, 25 April 2011, http://www.kormany.hu/download/0/d9/30000/Alapt%C3%B6rv%C3%A9ny.pdf; "Nézőpont Intézet: Válságkezelő az Alaptörvény" [Perspective Institute: Crisis-managing constitution], Gondola.hu, 26 April 2011, http://gondola.hu/cikkek/76165-Nezopont_Intezet__Valsagkezelo_az_Alaptor... "Vallásos magyarok: kevesebben vannak, de iskolázottabbak" [Religious Hungarians: Fewer but better educated], Hvg.hu, 5 March 2010, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20100305_vallasos_magyarok_statisztika.
[3] See the Civil Society section.
[4] "Aláírták a megállapodást az új Munka törvénykönyvéről" [Agreement on labor code signed], Hvg.hu, 2 December 2011, http://hvg.hu/gazdasag/20111202_mtk_szakszervezetek_matolcsy#utm_source=... "Élesen bírálja a Munka törvénykönyvéről született megállapodást a SZEF" [SZEF sharply cirticizes the agreement on labor code], Hvg.hu, 2 December 2011, http://hvg.hu/karrier/20111202_SZEF_biralat_Munka_torvenykonyve.
[5] "Ipsos: Másfélszeres a Fidesz előnye" [Ipsos: Fidesz in one and half times advantage], Mandiner.hu, 17 November 2011, http://mandiner.hu/cikk/20111117_ipsos_masfelszeres_a_fidesz_elonye.
[6] Magyar Nemzet, "Nézőpont: A magyarok közel fele lemondana a demokráciáról a gazdasági növekedésért" [Perspective Institute: Nearly half of Hungarians would give up democracy for economic growth], Origo.hu, 25 October 2011, http://www.origo.hu/itthon/20111025-nezopont-az-emberek-kozel-harmada-fe....
[7] MTI, "Ipsos: 1,8 millió választó már elpártolt a Fidesztől" [Ispos: 1.8 million voters already left Fidesz], Hvg.hu, 17 November 2011, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20111117_ipsos_fidesz_partok; "Tárki: a fiatalok közel harmada már a Jobbiké" [Tarki: Nearly a third of youth already belong to Jobbik], Hvg.hu, 8 February 2012, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20120208_tarki_jobbik_fidesz_mszp.
[8] Index.hu extensively covered the Érpatak model in a series of articles: Földes András, "Robbanáshoz vezethet az érpataki modell" [Erpatak model may lead to explosion], Index.hu, 17 August 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/08/17/robbanashoz_vezethet_az_erpataki_mode... Földes András, "Aki nem érti, annak bele kell verni a fejébe" [Whoever can't get it, you must beat it in their heads], Index.hu, 18 July 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/07/18/fejbe_verik_a_rendet_erpatakon/; Földes András and Plankó Gergő, "Rend és hódok a Jobbik falvaiban" [Order and beavers in Jobbik's villages], Index.hu, 29 July 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/07/29/hencida_hegyhathodasz_tiszavasvari/; Földes András, "Rend van, más nincs" [There is order and nothing else], Index.hu, 11 August 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/08/11/erpatak/.
[9] Gábor Miklósi, "Cigány- és gárdaterror Gyöngyöspatán" [Gypsy and guard terror in Gyongyospata], Index.hu, 6 March 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/03/06/ciganyterror_es_gardaterror_gyongyosp... "Orbán Viktor, Gyöngyöspatáról nyilatkozott" [Viktor Orbán addressed Gyöngyöspata], Hir24.hu, 28 April 2011, http://www.hir24.hu/belfold/2011/04/28/orban-viktor-gyongyospatarol-nyil.... Another town with a Jobbik mayor formed its own "gendarmerie" in March and April: "Tiszavasváriban csendőrség alakul" [Gendarmerie formed in Tiszavasvári], HetiVálasz.hu, 23 November 2011, http://hetivalasz.hu/itthon/tiszavasvariban-csendorseg-alakul-36114.
[10] "Még az LMP-szimpatizánsok fele is előítéletes" [Even half of the LMP sympathizers are prejudiced], Népszabadság, 5 December 2011, http://nol.hu/belfold/20111205-a_rejtett_ketharmad.
[11] Magyar Országgyűlés [Hungarian National Assembly], http://www.parlament.hu/.
[12] "Orbán: Választójogot kapnak a határon túli magyarok" [Orbán: Transborder Hungarians will have right to vote], Index.hu, 29 March 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/03/29/orban_valasztojogot_kapnak_a_hataron_... "Hogyan kapjanak választójogot a határon túli magyarok?" [How to grant voting rights to transborder Hungarians?], Kitekinto.hu, 15 June 2011, http://kitekinto.hu/karpat-medence/2011/06/15/hogyan_kapjanak_valasztojo... "Két szavazatot adna a határon túli magyaroknak Kövér" [Kövér would give two votes to transborder Hungarians], Origo.hu, 12 May 2011, http://www.origo.hu/itthon/20111205-kover-valasztokeruletet-hozna-letre-....
[13] For extensive analysis on the electoral system, see the following: http://www.valasztasirendszer.huSzigetvári Viktor, Tordai Csaba, and Vető Balázs, "Túl a demokrácián—Az új országgyűlési választási rendszer modellje (2. rész) [Beyond democracy—The model of the new parliamentary electoral system (part 2)], Hazaeshaladas.blog.hu, 25 November 2011, http://hazaeshaladas.blog.hu/2011/11/25/tul_a_demokracian_az_uj_orszaggy... Kovács Áron, "Még narancs-sárgább lenne az ország Lázár ötletétől" [Lázár's idea would make the country even more 'orange'], Origo.hu, 22 November 2011, http://www.origo.hu/itthon/20111121-ellenzeki-valasztokeruletek-eslistas... Kovács András, "Bajnaiék nem adják föl: tovább manipulálnak", Mno.hu, 8 February 2012, http://mno.hu/belfold/bajnaiek-nem-adjak-fol-tovabb-manipulalnak-1049580... András, "Bajnaiék figyelmen kívül hagyják a tényeket" [Bajnai and co. disregard the facts], Mno.hu, 30 January 2012, http://mno.hu/belfold/bajnaiekfigyelmen- kivul-hagyjak-a-tenyeket-1047302Kovács András, "Bajnaiékat cáfolja az LMP-s nagyágyú?" [LMP's big shot proves Bajnai wrong?], Mno.hu, 26 December 2011, http://mno.hu/belfold/bajnaiekat-cafolja-az-lmp-s-nagyagyu-1039525; Kovács András, "Mégse a Fidesznek kedvez az új rendszer?" [The new electoral system won't favor Fidesz at the end of the day?], Mno.hu, 11 December 2011, http://mno.hu/belfold/megse-a-fidesznek-kedvez-azuj-rendszer-1036835; Kovács András, "Tudatosan manipulál Bajnai alapítványa?" [Bajnai's foundation manipulates wantonly?], Mno.hu, 3 December 2011, http://mno.hu/belfold/tudatosan-manipulal-bajnai-alapitvanya-1035438.
[14] "Államosítás rizsával" [Nationalization with nonsense], Magyar Narancs, 16 December 2011, http://magyarnarancs.hu/belpol/kis-komcsik-77971.
[15] There are currently 34 women in the parliament. See Ferenc M. László, "Orbán és Kövér vitájától függ a kisebbségek ügye" [The issue of minorities hinges on the debate between Orbán and Kövér], Hvg.hu, 13 October 2011, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20111013_Orban_Kover_kisebbsegi_kepviselo; MTI, "Nem lesz népszavazás a női kvótáról" [No referendum on female quota], Index.hu, 13 October 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/01/28/nem_lesz_nepszavazas_a_noi_kvotarol/.
[16] "A nonprofit szektor legfontosabb jellemzői 2010-ben" [Key features of the nonprofit sector in 2010], Statisztikai tükör, 16 December 2011, http://portal.ksh.hu/pls/ksh/docs/hun/xftp/stattukor/nonprofit/nonprofit....
[17] "Nyilatkozat: Erős hatóságokat és erős civil szervezeteket!" [Statement: Strong NGOs and strong civil organizations!], Magyar Természetvédők Szövetsége, 3 November 2011, http://www.mtvsz.hu/dynamic/koltsegvetes_zoldek_nyilatkozat.doc.
[18] One Million for the Freedom of Press in Hungary, https://www.facebook.com/sajtoszabadsagert?sk=app_11007063052.
[19] MTI, "Throngs Protest Hungarian Media Law in Budapest; Organizers Say Largest Demo since 1989," Politics.hu, 15 March 2011, http://www.politics.hu/20110315/throngs-protesthungarian-media-law-in-bu....
[20] "Berendeltek minden rendőrt a 'bohócforradalom' idejére egy szakszervezet szerint" [All officers were summoned on duty during the time of the 'clown revolution' says a trade union], Origo.hu, 15 June 2011, http://www.origo.hu/itthon/20110615-bohocforradalomegy-szakszervezet-sze....
[21] "'Figyelmességből' rendelte be szombaton a tibetieket a bevándorlási hivatal" [Tibetans summoned on a Saturday morning to the Office of Immigration was "a courtesy"], Origo.hu, 27 June 2011, http://www.origo.hu/itthon/20110627-bevandorlasi-es-allambiztonsagihivat....
[22] "Hungary: How Not to Regulate the Press," Index on Censorship, 17 November 2011, http://www.indexoncensorship.org/2011/11/hungary-a-lesson-on-how-not-to-....
[23] Mérték Médiaelemző Műhely, The Media Council's Tender Procedures for Broadcasting Frequencies (Budapest: Mérték Médiaelemző Műhely, 2012), http://mertek.eu/sites/default/files/reports/report_on_tender_procedures....
[24] Republikon Institute, Híradók Politika Nélkül [News without policy] (Budapest: Republikon Institute, 2011), http://republikon.hu/upload/5000252/Media_2011-41-44.pdf.
[25] "Journalists Protest Manipulation with Hunger Strike," Spiegel, 16 December 2011, http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,804299,00.html.
[26] "Kilencvenkilenc bűnös település: ön az adóssághegyen lakik?" [Ninety-nine guilty villages: Do you live on a mountain of debt?" Hvg.hu, 10 August 2011, http://hvg.hu/gazdasag/20110810_onkormanyzatok_eladosodotsaga_gki.
[27] "A franktol nyogő onkormanyzatok harom evet halasztananak" [Local governments suffering from franc debts would defer repayment with 3 years], Nepszabadsag, 5 August 2011, http://nol.hu/belfold/20110805-mar_harom_evet_halasztananak.
[28] Hungarian Central Bank, Felmérés a hitelezési vezetők körében a bankok hitelezési gyakorlatának vizsgálatára [Survey of lending: Leaders among the banks' lending practices] (Budapest: Hungarian Central Bank, August 2011), http://www.mnb.hu/Root/Dokumentumtar/ MNB/Penzugyi_stabilitas/mnbhu_hitelezesi_felmeres/mnbhu-hitelezesi-felmeres-201108/hitelezesi_felmeres_2011Q2_hu.pdf.
[29] "Kell-e önkormányzati törlesztési moratórium? Hitek és tények" [Should government impose moratorium on repayment? Beliefs and facts], Gki.hu, 15 August 2011, http://www.gki.hu/sites/default/files/users/Szenczy%20D%C3%A1niel/onkorm....
[30] MTI, "Retail Banks Set to Lose County Council Accounts as Government Consolidates Control of Municipal Finances," Realdeal.hu, 13 October 2011, http://www.realdeal.hu/20111013/retail-banks-set-to-lose-county-council-....
[31] See for example Zoltán Fleck, "Bírósági reform: rosszból a még rosszabba" [Judiciary reform: From bad to worse], Hvg.hu, 13 October 2011, http://hvg.hu/velemeny/20111021_fleck_birosagi_reform; Ferenc M. László, "A főbíró Orbánék reformjáról: teljesen hiányoznak a fékek" [The supreme judge on Orban's reforms: The checks are completely missing], Hvg.hu, 24 October 2011, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20111023_Baka_interju_birosagi_reform#utm_source=hv....
[32] "Darák Péter a Kúria, Handó Tünde az OBH elnöke" [Péter Darák is president of the Curia, Tünde Handó of OBH], Index.hu, 13 December 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/12/13/darak_peter_a_kuria_elnoke/.
[33] "Az alapvető jogok biztosáról – A T/3585. számú törvényjavaslatról" [On the commissioner for fundamental rights—Proposed act no. T/3585], Jogi Forum, 14 July 2011, http://www.jogiforum.hu/hirek/25775; András Kósa and Ferenc M. László, "Példátlan és barátságtalan levelet kaptunk az EU-ból" [Unusual and unfriendly letter from the EU], Hvg.hu, 16 December 2011, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20111215_Europai_Bizottsag_Reding_kovetkezmenyek; "Reding-levél: ellentmond Navracsics érvelésének Jóri András" [Reding letter: András Jóri contradicts Navracsics's argument], Hvg.hu, 16 December 2011, http://hvg.hu/itthon/20111216_reding_navracsics_jori_andras.
[34] "A Magyar Köztársaság Alkotmánybírósága, tagok" [The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Hungary, members], Constitutional Court website, http://www.mkab.hu/index.php?id=jelenlegi_tagok.
[35] "Történelmi mélyponton az Alkotmánybíróság" [Constitutional Court at historical low], Ecoline.hu, 15 December 2011, http://ecoline.hu/ki_hitte_volna/2011/12/15/A_vilag_szegyene_a_magyar_ko... "Az Alkotmánybíróság kukába dobja a nyugdíjügyet" [Counstitutional Court dumps pension case], Index.hu, 15 December 2011, http://index.hu/gazdasag/magyar/2011/12/15/az_alkotmanybirosag_kukaba_do... and "Nem döntött az Alkotmánybíróság a magánnyugdíjpénztárakról" [The Constitutional Court did not decide on the private pension funds], Nol.hu, 28 December 2011, http://nol.hu/belfold/nem_dontott_alkotmanybirosag_a_magannyugdijpenztar....
[36] Index.hu covered these cases extensively: Gergő Plankó, "29 év börtön a szavakért, amiket nem szabad kimondani" [29 years in prison for words that may not be said], Index.hu, 3 March 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/03/03/vannak_szavak_amiket_nem_lehet_kimondani/; "Relatív, hogy ki a kisebbség" [Relative to the minority], Index video, 4:03, posted 24 October 2011, http://index.hu/video/2011/10/24/relativ_hogy_ki_a_kisebbseg/; "Jogerős ítélet büdösmagyarozásért" [Sentence in force for insulting Hungarians], Index.hu, 24 October 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/10/24/jogeros_itelet_budosmagyarozasert/; Gergő Plankó, "Csak cigányok támadnak rasszista okokból?" [Do only Gypsies attack for racist motives?], Index.hu, 17 March 2011, http://index.hu/belfold/2011/03/17/csak_ciganyok_tamadnak_rasszista_okbol/.
[37] This is approximately twice the monthly minimum wage in 2011 and slightly higher than the average net income. See Central Statistical Office of Hungary, http://portal.ksh.hu/pls/ksh/docs/hun/xftp/gyor/let/let21110.pdf.
[38] "Jövő héten életbe lép a hajléktalanok elzárásáról szóló törvény" [Law on the detention of the homeless enters into force], Origo.hu, 22 November 2011, http://www.origo.hu/itthon/20111122-eletbe-lep-a-hajlektalanok-elzarasar... "293 képviselő szerint a szegények bűnözők" [293 lawmakers think the poor are criminals], Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ), 15 November 2011, http://ataszjelenti.blog.hu/2011/11/15/a_szegenyek_nem_bunozok#more33847....
[39] Corruption Research Center, Közbeszerzések egy pályázóra és tájékozatlan adófizetőkre [Public procurements for one bidder and uninformed taxpayers] (Budapest: Institute for Sociology and Social Policy, Corvinus University, November 2011), http://www.crc.uni-corvinus.hu/download/kb_adatok_2011_riport2_111115.pdf.
[40] "Vitatott ötlet: dupla fizetést a hálapénzt visszautasító orvosnak" [Controversial idea: Double payment for doctors who refuse bribes], Népszabadság, 4 January 2011, http://nol.hu/belfold/20110104-eger_istvan_nemet_mond_a_zoldkereszt-otletre.


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WHO <3 (loves) TACO BELL?
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I know I do.
Mine is my rondo for a sonata collab
Hey! I hope you have some to listen to some sax quartet music.
I just added 5 scores in this group, please let me know if you like it or not.
Also check out our facebookpage: The Magical Saxes
Hi all, there used to be a flute piece titled "end credits", but it was taken down when the user's account got suspended. Does anyone else know what piece I'm referencing, and can anyone remake it? (I'm not too good in the composing area).
This is one of my first scores, so any and all feedback would be great (although preferably constructive criticism). Thank you!
Hi there! I have yet another piece I'm looking for feedback on (again, preferably constructive criticism, but hey). Please comment on the piece itself preferably, but idc if you post here either.
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This has been a paid political announcement.
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Ive updated my account (hope u like it)
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I'm looking for some sheet music for a talent show in my school if anyone could make some songs?? We had an idea of Don't Stop Believin', Or Livin' on a Prayer with..
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hey, what's going on? except for Mozart Forever (yay!), no one wants to post to this group? did the bananas all turn brown?
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ima stop for now, practicing trombone


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Welcome to SMI
The Strategic Marketplace Initiative (SMI) is a member-driven consortium of industry thought-leaders united to shape the future of the healthcare supply chain to improve the healthcare marketplace in the United States. SMI's mission is to establish new standards of supply chain performance for delivering healthcare to patients and their communities. Through SMI, provider and industry partner members discover an open, non-competitive environment for innovative idea-exchange and sharing best practices. Members work together on initiative teams to develop tools that they can take back to their organizations and customize to meet their unique needs. All of these tools are shared free of charge with the healthcare industry as SMI is dedicated to improving the entirety of the healthcare supply chain.
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SMI is dedicated to improving the healthcare supply chain and to that end all findings / improvements / processes / established best practices are shared with the marketplace through white papers, industry meeting presentations, articles in national publications, and free access to final work products. All of our Tools are posted to this website and may be downloaded free of charge and used as is or tailored to meet the unique needs of an individual organization. All we ask is that specific acknowledgement is made of SMI as the original author/developer.
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