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Sociedad (Buenos Aires)
Print version ISSN 0327-7712
Sociedad (B. Aires) vol.4 no.se Buenos Aires 2008
An approach to Paraguayan organized groups in Buenos Aires
Gerardo Halpern*
Translated by Agostina Marchi
Translation from Sociedad (Buenos Aires), Buenos Aires, n.27, 2008.
In this article I will try to introduce some of the aspects that compose what is commonly known as 'Paraguayan community in Argentina'. Nonetheless, the underlying hypothesis of these considerations assumes that much of such referent transcends what common sense ascribes to it; the so-called 'Paraguayan community' shows dynamics and processes that are often disregarded by the social imagery. Hence, I will herein intend to point out some of the motives and reasons that explain such disregard and, at the same time, collaborate in building up the definitions I will subsequently propose.
It might well be worthwhile saying, before moving any further, that even though it is certainly possible there is some sort of general agreement within the academic field regarding what follows, such is not the case within other fields of discursive and political production. Ethnic relationships within a social formation such as the one that has developed in Argentina from its very beginnings prevent any dialogic conception of and/or between the 'different' social groups involved. Therefore, the specification process that goes across the social construction of a group that becomes visible in Buenos Aires through syntagms related to a 'Latin-American origin' (such as the 'Paraguayan community') will presuppose, update, and reinforce forms of stigmatization that will, on the one hand, define much of the originating dialogue, and, on the other, influence the self-perception of the subject concerned1.
This paper has two sections. The first one deals with a demographic systematization of Paraguayans in Argentina. In the second one, I will present some of the cultural specificities of Paraguayan organized groups in Buenos Aires I believe attest to the disregard above-mentioned.
Two final considerations are needed as part of this introduction. Firstly, I would like to stress the fact that it is quite common to find a great de-historization when thinking about immigration to Argentina with regard to certain specific groups. The ways of classifying a group that is quite often labelled as 'new', for example, tend to express the fact it has merely become visible quite recently, and not necessarily the fact that it has actually emerged as a new social actor. This de-historization cannot only be found, furthermore, in the official narratives about the national epic (in which 'immigration' has always meant, in addition, 'European immigration'). On the contrary, it can also be found in many of the discursive productions that, placing regional immigration within the category of 'new migratory currents', reproduce (deliberately or not) the hegemonic ways of classifying Latin-American immigrants in the country.
Such classification produces or reproduces one attention-grabbing operation: it makes the constant look inconstant and, on such assumed alteration, it builds up myths, policies, and stigmas that become strongly entrenched in the social imagery. In turn for example and despite empiric evidence only shows the percentage of Paraguayan immigrants over the total population of Argentina has been historically minimum (between 0.2% and 0.9%), we can nonetheless find operations that have authorized the assumption of Paraguayan immigration being a 'wave', a 'silent invasion', or even a 'crisis generator' by rooting themselves in ideas of massiveness and excess2. I believe it is necessary to draw the attention upon such operations for among other things great deal of the production on the Latin-American migratory process to Argentina is much more sifted by the ways in which it becomes visible than by new phenomena or recent formations3.
Thus (and since the second part of this article will work on certain indicators of the Paraguayan migratory process to Buenos Aires that express themselves in the materialization of several institutions), the analysis of the emergence of such organizations within the proposed framework will allow us to understand the kind of activities immigrants dedicate themselves to as an answer to the way of life they are immersed into. And, in addition, we will be able to see the occurrence of these activities is not only related to quantitative phenomena, but also to the social processes of the home and arrival countries.
Secondly, it is also necessary to tell of the scarcity of ethnographic research devoted to analyze the Paraguayan migratory process to Argentina and, specially, to Buenos Aires, is quite remarkable. As we will see, Paraguayans are today the most discursively marginalized and least specifically analyzed yet the biggest migratory group of non-nationals living in Argentina. Repeatedly pointed out at (together with other Latin-American groups of immigrants) as part of the dysfunctionalities that have structured some of the explanations regarding the cultural, political, and economical 'degradation' of Argentina, no attention has been paid yet to what immigrants actually do in the country of arrival.
Within this framework, hence, the ways in which Paraguayan immigrants organize themselves and produce discourse are, among other things, more or less effective ways of dealing with an unequal, adverse, and whether this is lived as such or not discriminatory daily life. And, in this sense, much of what Paraguayans have done despite having been kept in the darkness by cultural analyses (beyond the aesthetic ways of power of accounting for the 'communities' in state ceremonies by vindicating a certain 'state folklore') does not only respond, therefore, to certain 'national-ethnic' invisibility but, also, to the invisibility imposed over what subordinate social sectors produce from such subordination.
Nevertheless, the absence of research in regard to Paraguayan immigrants stands out against the existence of an embryonic yet relevant academic production regarding other groups that are also defined in national-ethnic terms (such as Bolivians, Chileans, Peruvians, etc.)4. Such contrast becomes even more striking, furthermore, when comparing it to the existing production on European (mainly Italian and Spanish) immigration.
I emphasize this situation for the almost only work that deals with a serious systematization of some of the socio-demographical variables of Paraguayans in Argentina was carried out though not published yet a few years ago by María José Marcogliese5. Such report is one of the most relevant contributions to the knowledge of some of the features of the group we are herein trying to analyze6. I am fully aware, on the other hand, these notes of caution must be framed within an interpretation proposed for and centred in Buenos Aires. I know their emphasis and range become thus certainly reduced. Anyhow, we should also take into account the centre of all scientific and academic production in Argentina is highly condensed in Buenos Aires; it is the capital city outwards, hence, where official discourses and constructions about the nation mainly come from. This way, the porteña vision on the Paraguayans or, even more, their legitimate invisibilization as social agents, becomes anything but irrelevant. And, at the same time, this noticeable lack of research on the subject should also be highlighted for, during the last few decades, Paraguayans (together with other social groups) have been, on the contrary, strongly pointed out at and problematized in and by the political and mass-media agendas (mostly as part of an assumed 'invasion' to Argentina and as one of the main reasons for many of the crises through which the country goes or has gone through).
Paraguayans in Argentina I
Paraguayans are, since 1947, the first group of Latin-American immigrants in Argentina. And, since 2001, they have been the more numerous group of foreigners living in the country.
If we take into account Buenos Aires City and Greater Buenos Aires alone, the impact of Paraguayan immigration rises up to even more substantial levels: this area has been, since 1980, the main settlement location for Paraguayan immigrants (which proves, in addition, the dynamics of an 'inner' circulation that goes back up to the mid-1940's and continues until today). Such region and the whole area that borders on Paraguay are the two geographical settings where most Paraguayan immigrants concentrate. If we add both settlements, we will be able to see that, currently, they hold over the 96% of the Paraguayans living in Argentina.
The geopolitical boundaries between Argentina and Paraguay are set, from the Argentinean side of the border, by the Provinces of Salta, Formosa, Chaco, Corrientes, and Misiones. From the Paraguayan side of the border, the frontier is outlined by the Central Department (where Asunción, the capital city, is), and the Departments of Ñeembucu, Misiones, Itapúa, Alto Paraná, Presidente Hayes, and Boquerón. The frontier between both countries is 1,699 kilometres long, and has generated across the years several cultural and socioeconomic formations that work both sides of the border11. Therefore, what research classifies as 'migrations' is usually not lived as such by the agents of an economic and symbolic circulation themselves.
Paraguayan presence in Argentina has been registered, at least according to official databases, since the first national census (1869). In those days, Paraguayans were the 0.2% of the total population of the country, the 1.6% of the entire foreign population living in Argentina, and the 7.9% of the total foreign population coming from neighbouring countries. If we sum up all these neighbouring-countries immigrants, they rose up to the 2.6% of the total population (and, despite whatever official and mass-media discourses and/or the social imagery may suppose, this percentage has remained constant up to the present).
If we stick to a merely quantitative reading of the charts, Paraguayans have never represented more than the 1% of the total population of Argentina. The same as in 1970 and 1980, 2001 registers show Paraguayans reach only the 0.9% over the total population, which is actually the highest peak of Paraguayan presence in the country. A second reading of the same figures, on the other hand, allows extracting the percentage of Paraguayans with regard to international migrations in general (fourth column of Table 3) and Latin-American migrations specifically (fifth column of Table 3). This last reading would highlight, hence, the progressive percentage growth of Paraguayan immigrants over the total migratory mass to Argentina.
Having said that, I believe we should reject the assumed 'massiveness' so strongly stated by the dominant discourses (especially since the employment crises that have rocketed during the 1990's) with regard to Paraguayan immigration. On the other hand, such perspective changes when we look at the same phenomenon but, this time, from the other side of the border: one of the specificities of Paraguayan migratory movements is actually its high percentage regarding Paraguay's own total population.
Beyond the count of all Paraguayans living abroad that have been registered in each one of the national censuses worldwide (summation that shows percentages that do not reach the 10% of the total population of Paraguay14), there are several estimates that restrict Paraguay's own social imagery on this issue15. According to the most serious research that has been carried out on the subject, between the 10% and 15% of Paraguayan natives live abroad16. Their main destination has been and still is Argentina. Jorge Balán actually states Argentina is the centre of the migratory system within the Southern Cone region17. In any case (and even though the Paraguayan case can quintuplicate the 3% migratory studies believe to be the world migrating population media), such 'drain' of Paraguay's native population outside its frontiers does not get any closer to the most dramatic cases those same migratory studies use to talk about population catastrophes o massive departures18.
This does not mean, on the other hand, that the relevance of this emigration phenomenon can be minimized (quintuplicating the world migrating population media is not at all irrelevant). On the contrary, I herein aim at trying to properly place this issue within certain boundaries. Yet, the truth is that, as a theoretical problem and as it can be concluded from the relevant academic production on the subject, Paraguayan emigration to Argentina has been, at least since the 1910's, much more significant than Paraguayan immigration to Argentina.
Despite the fact that Paraguayans are currently the most numerous group of immigrants among those coming from neighbouring countries, they nonetheless show periods of both quantitative growth and decay that force us to be careful when analyzing dynamics and, specially, when making projections. As we can see in the charts, Paraguayans have, on the one hand, experienced a proportional growth regarding the total immigrant population between the 1980 and 1991 Argentinean national censuses. But, on the other hand, they have also decreased during that same period quantitatively speaking (that is, in absolute values). Those two pieces of information placed together make us remember that several of the speculations we usually make on this subject have restrictions: we are usually forced to disregard motives (whether it is motives for leaving the native country or for choosing the country of destination and the idea of 'choosing' already arises, in addition, more than one issue ); we do not always take into consideration the possibilities of staying in the home or arrival country and/or the factors for ejection of either of them; we tend to disregard the phenomena related to immigrants returning to their native countries or not; etc.
The reasons for Paraguayans (the same as Bolivians) having overgrown European (Italian and Spanish) immigrants have to do, mainly, with the fact that migration movements between Bolivia, Paraguay, and Argentina have maintained themselves constant over the years while, at the same time, European migration to the country has and for a long time now stopped almost completely. The lack of renewal of native Spanish and Italian immigrants (the same as the decease of their already long-lived representatives: over the 90% of the Italian and Spanish immigrants in Argentina are over 60 years-old) has a lot to do with the changes in the composition of the immigrant population of the country we can track in the charts. In fact, both the absolute figures (second column of table 4) and the percentages of foreigners over the total population (table 5) have shrunk considerably.
What I am intending to show with these figures and percentages is that, on the one hand, we can certainly see significant changes with regard to the composition of Argentina's immigrant population, but, on the other one, such changes do not have any major percentage impact whatsoever if we compare regional immigration and total population of the country.
The total migratory mass to Argentina could well be becoming 'more Latin-American' (in fact, that is actually the case). Nevertheless, that does not necessarily mean (and it actually does not mean) such 'Latin-Americanized' immigration is having any actual impact (at least quantitatively speaking) on the total population of the country. In fact, if Argentina grew underneath the epic of being 'an immigration country', the proportion of such immigration over the total population is nowadays in its lowest historical peak (4.2% see table 5)20. In spite of such a low percentage, I do not believe a parallel diminishment to be taking place regarding the 'discourses about immigration'.
Although we should take into account several other elements to analyze the above mentioned phenomena, I will continue to list and briefly characterize the different organizations of Paraguayans living in Argentina that allow a typology with which I intend to close this article. The characterization of the factors of ejection (as well as their relationship with the role played by the Argentinean State since the War of the Triple Alliance (1865-1870) and the ways in which modern Paraguay has shaped itself) will have to wait for future works.
Nonetheless, Paraguay's forms of capital accumulation (its poor industrialization, the large estate, the stagnation, the land consolidation), as well as the political internal struggles and its institutional instability (persecution of political opponents included), have been the main factors for the ejection of Paraguay's own native population abroad21.
Paraguayans in Argentina II
Regarding some of the cultural and political features of Paraguayan groups in Argentina, we should first of all say the heterogeneity of their organizations is not at all something we should disregard. The same as the border is not always lived as such by those who work their lives out through it, that exact same border has served, in many occasions, as a lifesaving resource for all those Paraguayans who have been politically persecuted throughout the most unstable and barely democratic Paraguayan history. The idea of exile, therefore, must be included as one of the main concepts for this analysis. Such word was already in use, in fact, by the times of the War of the Triple Alliance, when the 'Paraguayan Legion' (which was formed, according to Héctor Decoud, by some 400 Paraguayan exiles who were seeking to return to the land that had expelled them22) took part in the conflict within the Argentinean ranks that invaded Paraguay.
One of the main features of this case becomes structured, hence, by the fact that Paraguayans have configured, throughout their entire history in Argentina (and they still continue to configure nowadays), an arena in which political struggle is one of the crucial elements to all the organizations they have created for sustaining their so-called 'Paraguayanness'. Thus, within such 'Paraguayanness', the political component allows to underline one of the questions that guide this article: if we ask 'What do Paraguayan immigrants do in Argentina?', we will have to answer, at least in principle, 'They are politically active'.
Paraguayan immigrants in Argentina have created institutional spaces of organization that were born strongly related to their native country. Therefore, it is useful to mention that, for instance, the country of arrival held headquarters for all Paraguayan political parties already by the mid-1950's. And, furthermore, all the main political leaders of the opposition parties to Stroessner's thirty-five years-long dictatorship used to live, during those days, in Argentina (including, in fact, the factions of Stroessner's Partido Colorado that did not support Stroessner himself).
Even though Stroessner's dictatorship has fallen, such organizations continue to be active nowadays and, in fact, they are one of the main driving forces for many of the initiatives of the Paraguayan community in Argentina. Since their development and growth has entailed strong stands regarding Paraguayan State policies, they have generated, throughout their history, a quite specific political culture: their struggle against the reasons for Paraguayans having to leave their native country and for the retrieval of the civil rights they have lost after the 1992 Constitution has allowed this militancy to have a not at all irrelevant impact on Paraguay's own public sphere. Paraguay's last election (2008) and the repeated claims for the right of Paraguayans living abroad to vote prove it quite clearly.
Despite these struggles are inevitably covered by a 'political' overtone (which goes from the Asociación Nacional Republicana and the Partido Colorado ANR/PC to the Partido Liberal Radical Auténtico and all Paraguay's left-wing parties Partido Revolucionario Febrerista, Tekojoja, Partido Comunista, etc.), these demands have also been upheld by organizations we could describe as 'cultural' rather than as 'political'.
This second kind of organizations groups Paraguayan immigrants around subjects and practices that, in principle, do not intervene in the political arena of their home country. Nevertheless, it is also necessary to say that, even though in different (less explicit) ways, such organizations have also taken part in both Paraguayan and Argentinean public spheres. They have enrolled themselves in the struggle for democracy, in the issues related to Paraguayans returning to their homeland, and in the claims for civil rights and anti-discriminatory policies in both sides of the border.
Such a multiplicity of institutions and organizations has developed throughout the XXth century and, specially, since the 1950's. As Marcogliese states, they "were mainly created ( ) for answering needs such as 'gathering the fellow countrymen', 'organizing the participation of the Paraguayans living in Argentina', 'maintaining the links', 'gaining leisure spaces of their own', or 'creating spaces that would help sustaining the love for the «distant Homeland»' ( ) Those were decades of major Paraguayan (and Latin-American on the whole) immigration to the Metropolitan Area (Buenos Aires City and Greater Buenos Aires), mainly drove by the opportunities its urban market seemed to offer"23.
These institutions can be characterized by the use of Guarani as their main language, as well as by the vindication of both practices and consumptions that appear related to the native country: 'Paraguayan' food and music are combined in order to create some sort of 'local construction' within a context to which such practices and consumptions are strange. These spaces, therefore, crystallize a 'Paraguayan migratory culture' that is not new for the Paraguayan social imagery. They allow, within their boundaries, to make legitimate what outside them is not: the claim for a 'national culture' in these spaces contrasts with the stigmatization that is projected towards them from outside their margins.
Hence, group organization allows Paraguayans reverting, at least momentarily, stigmas that have been both materially and symbolically imposed to them since the 1960's by both Argentinean legislation and Argentinean social imagery.
'Political' and 'cultural' organizations show, thus, spaces of systematized reunion and reorganization where Paraguayans can debate, propose, and reflect on the situation of their own native country. Drawing their boundaries, on the other hand, is quite complex for, among other things, 'cultural' organizations have suffered major transformations as they took stands regarding, first, Paraguay's State policies and, then, the more and more restrictive Argentinean policies on the concerned subjects.
It is also necessary to point out that many of those both political and cultural formations carried out their programmes within 'non-Paraguayan frameworks' by relating themselves with local (Argentinean) political organizations and/or institutions, with whom they have shared spaces and projects in many occasions. Therefore, it is absolutely possible to find militants and active members of both Paraguayan and Argentinean political parties within the Paraguayan groups in Argentina, as well as several Paraguayan 'cultural' institutions that have carried out activities together with 'Argentinean' popular and political organizations24.
The specificity I am herein trying to underline lies, thus, on the strong presence of the 'political' component both inside and outside all these organizations; we become able to highlight, therefore, the presence of politics as one of the main articulating links for Paraguayan both identities and culture in Argentina. Such politics emerge strongly related to the native country: Paraguayan organizations in Argentina suppose a strong bond regarding their native country, both in cultural terms (speaking Guarani, sharing typical food, vindicating folkloric practices, etc.), and in social and political terms (organizing Paraguayan political parties in Argentina, creating spaces for the debate of the general situation of their home country, publically demonstrating in the public sphere of Paraguay, confronting with its token empowered party, and, in extreme cases, rising up against Paraguay's political regime)25.
Nevertheless, since stigmatizing discourses and policies about the 'Latin-American immigrants' in Argentina seem to have gained ground almost uninterruptedly since the 1960's (though, especially, from the 1990's on) these organizations were soon forced to include in their agendas the debate regarding the situation of Paraguayans in Argentina and the struggle against inequality and discrimination in the country of arrival. Such a state of affairs resounded, almost unavoidably, in the consolidation of a migratory (or Paraguayan) public sphere, which started taking active part in many conflicts with the Argentinean state itself (for instance, its intervention in relevant parliamentary debates, in repudiations to restrictive policies, in both local and international charges against discrimination, or beyond the actual results of those actions in immigration amnesties processes).
Finally, we must also mention within this heterogeneous framework a third kind of organization that will be mainly related, this time, to the Church: the Equipo Pastoral Paraguayo in Argentina (EPPA) was founded in 1970 for vindicating and denunciating several events related to both Paraguay's socio-political situation and the situation of the Paraguayans living in Argentina. Its creation was strongly related to the Liberation Theology and to the guidelines posed by the Movement of Priests for the Third World, and the EPPA slowly grew into a strong voice within the public sphere (mainly Paraguayan, though also Argentinean) through which many Paraguayans had access to the possibility of organizing themselves publicly.
Among the various initiatives of the EPPA, we must highlight the organization of Caacupé-í, which is a 'religious' ritual that is celebrated each December 8th and summons tens of thousands of Paraguayans, mainly coming from the Greater Buenos Aires. There, and besides the religious ritual itself, a true 'Paraguayan public festivity' takes place. Both the 'cultural' and the 'political' institutions that gather all Paraguayan immigrants living in Argentina take part in this celebration, which becomes, hence, a quite heterogeneous and multifaceted public holiday.
Even though the 'religious' is certainly predominant in this venue, the 'ethnic' and the 'political' are not at all irrelevant either (both for the public exposure of what Paraguayans in Argentina build up as a 'reproduction of the Paraguayan ways' from food and dances to Guarani and invocations to the Homeland, as well as for the proclaimed speeches).
Within those speeches (and, in fact, as a relevant part of those 'Paraguayan ways in Argentina'), we can find claims for policies that allow the right not to migrate, denunciations against the direct or indirect ejection of Paraguayans of their home country, demands for an immediate stop to the repressive policies in rural areas, for the democratization of Paraguay, its transparency and the end of corruption in its public sphere, for a better treatment in the border, and for policies that allow Paraguayans to return to their native country. At the same time, they also speak against the discrimination in Argentina, against the corruption both in the frontier and the customs, against inequality, and, finally, for the social organization of Paraguayans in Argentina. Between both types of registers, Daniel Esquivel, who was a priest and active member of the EPPA that was abducted by the last Argentinean military dictatorship, is always honoured and remembered. Those speeches also claim for the full recovery of the political citizenship of Paraguayans living abroad. In short, Caacupé-í renews and updates in much more than one way those features that define the organization of Paraguayans throughout their history in Argentina.
We must say, at last, such a renewal allows understanding the political and cultural heterogeneity and richness of those Paraguayans who have been living in our country. Sadly, we must also remember these issues and features are not quite usually included in the Argentinean social imagery around them, who, in the end, are immigrants struggling for the right to become a legitimate part of the social 'totality', both back in their home country and in Argentina.
* Gerardo Halpern is an Assistant Professor to the Chair of Teorías y Prácticas de la Comunicación I (Communication Studies B.A. Degree, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Buenos Aires), and a researcher at Gino Germani Institute and CONICET.
1 To some extent, that is exactly what Walter Mignolo states when talking about the "double coloniality of power": power can 'colonize' not only through the construction and simultaneous stigmatization of the 'other', but also through the reproduction of the classifications and definition schemes that sustain such power by the 'other' himself. Walter Mignolo, ed., Capitalismo y geopolítica del conocimiento. El eurocentrismo y la filosofía de la liberación en el debate intelectual contemporáneo (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Ediciones del Signo, 2001).
2 Sergio Caggiano, Lo que no entra en el crisol. Inmigración boliviana, comunicación intercultural y procesos identitarios (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Prometeo, 2005).
3 Talking about 'new phenomena' regarding the migratory issue is quite frequent in much of the current production on this subject. Such production usually proposes 'new' concepts for describing merely apparent population innovations (such as transmigration, bivalence, etc.) by accounting geographical, technological, and communicational factors that are certainly part of the global transformations post-1973 crisis. Nevertheless, several of such 'innovations' are actually continuities of historical processes that, in many cases, have been poorly studied. Therefore, I must herein restore some of the more classical approaches that, despite being not necessarily hegemonic, I believe have to be revisited in order to explain the constitution of contemporary migratory movements before assuming they have been completely used up. I do not rule out, on the other hand, the possibility of using the concepts and theories that currently argue much of the already produced on the subject (for example, all the production we could here group within the 'pull-push' theories). On the contrary, what I am merely pointing out is that such current follow-ups of much of the criticism that has been posed to more classical theories and ideas have, in many cases, forgotten a handful of unquestionable truths that should not be forgotten. Even though 'culturalist' contributions to the study of the migratory issue have been fundamental for leaving neoclassical economic explanations behind, this cannot mean, in any case, to forsake political-economical factors of expelling and attraction when trying to interpret migratory processes. Taking this into account shapes not only my perspective regarding migratory movements but, as well, my overall look towards social sciences.
4 Alejandro Grimson, Relatos de la diferencia y la igualdad. Los boliviano en Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires, Argentina: EUDEBA, 1999); Sergio Caggiano. Lo que no entra en el crisol. Inmigración boliviana, comunicación intercultural y procesos identitarios, op. cit.; Mauro Vázquez, "Como en susurros. La identidad política de unas bolivianas piqueteras: entre la nación, la clase y el género" (Communication Studies B.A. Degree thesis, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Buenos Aires, 2005); Mirtha Lischetti, ed., Desafíos para la integración regional. Chilenos en Argentina. Una perspectiva antropológica (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial Antropología, 2003); Brenda Pereyra, "Más allá de la ciudadanía formal. La inmigración chilena en Buenos Aires", in Cuadernos para el Debate #4 (Buenos Aires, Argentina: IDES, 1999); Brenda Pereyra, R. Castronovo, "Volver o no volver: El retorno de chilenos residentes en Buenos Aires" (paper presented at the V Jornadas sobre colectividades, Buenos Aires, Argentina, IDES, 1998).
5 María José Marcogliese, "Proyecto diagnóstico de la colectividad paraguaya en Argentina" (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Mimeo, 2003).
6 Another work that analyzes part of this migratory process and exile is that of Andrés Flores Colombino (La fuga de intelectuales. Emigración paraguaya Montevideo, Uruguay: Talleres Gráficos de la Comunidad del Sur, 1972), who analyzes Paraguayan 'intellectuals' and college students that had to immigrate to Uruguay by the late 1960's. By saying this, nonetheless, I am not unaware of the many contributions that have certainly helped my research. I would merely like to highlight the noticeable absence throughout the Latin-American academic production of a subject that, at least every once in a while, seems so much relevant in order to explain so many crises.
7 Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, La migración internacional en la Argentina: sus características e impacto (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Secretaría de Política Económica del Ministerio de Economía y Obras y Servicios Públicos, 1997); Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, "Tendencias recientes de la inmigración internacional", in Aquí se cuenta. Revista informativa del Censo 2001 (Buenos Aires, Argentina: 2004).
8 María José Marcogliese, "Proyecto diagnóstico de la colectividad paraguaya en Argentina", op. cit.
9 Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, La migración internacional en la Argentina: sus características e impacto, op. cit.
10 Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, "Tendencias recientes de la inmigración internacional", op. cit.
11 Alejandro Grimson, "El puente que separó dos orillas. Notas para una crítica del esencialismo de la hermandad", in Alejandro Grimson, ed., Fronteras, naciones e identidades. La periferia como centro (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Ediciones CICCUS-La Crujía, 2000); Alejandro Grimson, El otro lado del río. Periodistas, Nación y Mercosur en la frontera (Buenos Aires, Argentina: EUDEBA, 2004).
12 Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, La migración internacional en la Argentina: sus características e impacto, op. cit.
13 Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, "Tendencias recientes de la inmigración internacional", op. cit.
14 CELADE (División poblacional de la CEPAL), Observatorio Demográfico No.1: Migración internacional (Santiago de Chile, Chile: 2006; http://www.eclac.cl/publicaciones/xml/8/27498/Observatoriodemografico.pdf); CELADE (División poblacional de la CEPAL), Boletín Demográfico No.65 (Santiago de Chile, Chile: 2000; http://www.eclac.org/Celade/publica/bol65/planilla.xls). Both reports can illustrate these figures: in the first case, the report works with the national censuses carried out between 1999 and 2002; in the second case, it works with the early 1990's censuses.
15 Paraguayan official databases sometimes take into consideration quite exorbitant figures: 1,800,000 out of the 5,163,198 Paraguayans registered in 2002 are supposed to be living in Argentina (that is to say, over the 30% of the total population of the country would be living abroad, and that if we take into account only one of the many countries where Paraguayans have emigrated. Argentina is the country that has had the biggest Paraguayan influx throughout history) (Dirección General de Estadística, Encuestas y Censos, Paraguay. Resultados Finales. Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda 2002 Asunción del Paraguay, Paraguay: 2002). Such databases do not take into consideration Paraguayan emigrants living in Brazil, Spain, the United States, and other places in America, Europe, Africa, and Oceania (there are Paraguayans in each one of those places and their figures are not at all irrelevant in Brazil, Spain, Uruguay, and the United States). Following here Marcogliese's work once more, percentages decrease quite considerably if we relate Paraguay's and Argentina's national censuses:
16 Adela Pellegrino, Migrantes latinoamericanos y caribeños: síntesis histórica y tendencias recientes (Santiago de Chile, Chile: CEPAL-ECLAC-Naciones Unidas, September 2000); Tomás Palau Viladesau, "Nostalgia y temor. Las condiciones del retorno de migrantes paraguayos desde Argentina" (paper presented at the Asociación Internacional de Sociología. Seminario de Buenos Aires "La migración internacional en América Latina en el nuevo milenio", Buenos Aires, November 2000); Organización Internacional para las Migraciones, "Población y migración en Paraguay", in Revista sobre Migraciones en América Latina #2/3 (1992).
17 Jorge Balán, Las migraciones internacionales en el Cono Sur (Buenos Aires, Argentina: CEDES, 1985).
18 Stephen Castles, "Migración internacional a comienzos del siglo XXI: tendencias y problemas mundiales", in Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales #165 (UNESCO, 2000); Georges Photios Tapinos, "Mundialización, integración regional, migraciones internacionales", in Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales #165 (UNESCO, 2000); Raúl Urzúa, "Migración internacional, ciencias sociales y políticas públicas", in Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales #165 (UNESCO, 2000).
19 There are three pieces of data that should be highlighted in Table 4:
a) The total number of immigrants to Argentina only decreases from the 1970 national census on (second column).
b) The influx of neighbouring-countries immigration to the country grows in absolute values (third column) and in parallel with the diminishment of the total influx of immigrants (second column).
c) By 1991, neighbouring-countries immigration exceeds for the first time in Argentinean history not-neighbouring-countries influx of immigrants (fourth and sixth columns). If immigrants coming from neighbouring countries were, in 1980, the 39.59% over the total migratory mass to Argentina, by 1991 they were already reaching the 50.19% (INDEC figures, on the other hand, make it the 52.3%). According to the last national census, neighbouring-countries immigration constitutes the 60.26% over the total number of immigrants registered.
20 The need to insist on several of these figures and percentages entails a risk I have tried to avoid throughout my entire research: conceptually homogenizing Paraguayan immigrants underneath categories such as 'regional immigration', 'Latin-American immigration', 'neighbouring-countries immigration', etc. tends to simplify complex, heterogeneous, contradictory, multi-casual, and multifaceted processes. Nonetheless, I have to acknowledge sometimes there is no other way out and I do not have any other choice but to fall for what I actually intend to argue. Therefore, I feel I should herein clarify I believe taxonomies such as 'Paraguayan community in Argentina usually de-historize what they actually intend to analyze. Homogenization as a theoretical way of codification shows the same symbolic operations with which state classifications work (and, thus, such a classification is as ideological as any other).
21 Adriana Marshall, Dora Orlansky, "Las condiciones de expulsión en la determinación del proceso emigratorio desde países limítrofes hacia la Argentina", in Desarrollo Económico #80 (January-March 1981); Adriana Marshall, Dora Orlansky, "Inmigración de países limítrofes y demanda de mano de obra en la Argentina, 1940-1980", in Desarrollo Económico #89 (April-June 1983).
22 Héctor Francisco Decoud, Los emigrados paraguayos en la Guerra de la Triple Alianza (Buenos Aires, Argentina: L. R. Rosso, 1930).
23 María José Marcogliese, "Proyecto diagnóstico de la colectividad paraguaya en Argentina", op. cit.
24 I devote a whole chapter of my Ph.D. thesis to the description of these organizations: their relationship with Peronism (Partido Justicialista), Radicalism (Unión Cívica Radical), and communism shows such levels of complexity it does not allow the national-ethnic factor to be 'the' (only) defining factor of migratory identity construction. The relevance of their growth and the density of their organization prove a cultural and political dynamics that is nonetheless seldom studied when analyzing migratory and exile processes in Argentina (and that certainly is one of the debts the Argentinean academic field still owes to the history of Latin-American foreigners living in its country).
25 Due to reasons of space, I will not discuss here the history of Paraguayan guerrillas or revolutionary groups that were created or developed in Argentina. See, for great articles on the subject, Novapolis #8 journal (Asunción del Paraguay, Paraguay: August 2004).


text:
I've made the charlestonwx.com source code available for the moment as I transition the site to a new codebase. Rest assured there is nothing remotely special about it beyond how I present the data (and slice up the Weather Underground feed, before their API was solid).
Big changes are coming for this site soon thanks in no small part to help from my @chswx data partners at Weather Data. I'm very excited, to say the least.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Part Time Car Washer Englewood
Are you looking for a steady part-time opportunity with a reliable and well-known company?
Do you want a schedule that stays consistent from week to week so that you can have better work/home life balance?
Are you seeking a fun and friendly work environment where management actually listens to and cares about their employees?
Enterprise Rent-A-Car in Englewood is actively seeking to employ a part-time service agent. The Service Agent cleans vehicles inside and out (vehicles may be cleaned by hand or by operating washing equipment). The Service Agent also performs regular maintenance (non-mechanical services), moves vehicles, and performs other duties assigned by the manager, all completed in a safe and timely manner.
This position is a true part time opportunity for 20 - 25 hours/week.
This position does NOT have the opportunity for overtime.
Compensation is $14.00/hour.
Branch Location:
4895 South Broadway
Englewood, CO 80113
Option 1: Monday-Friday: 7:00am-1:00pm, Saturday: 8:00am-1:30pm
Option 2: Monday-Friday: 1:00pm-6:00pm, Saturday: 8:00am-1:30pm
**Day off variable based on applicants need**
The Service Agent is responsible for the care and maintenance of the cars on the lot. This includes vacuuming and prepping the cars, shuttling cars to and from car washes and dealerships for servicing, car transports to and from offices, checking fluid levels, and changing tires.
- Clean vehicle exterior by brush or by operating washing equipment
- Polish, dry and clean vehicle windshields, windows, lights, mats and exterior body
- Vacuum, shampoo, add air freshener and clean vehicle interior (some stain removal may be required)
- Determine need for and add windshield fluid, gas, oil, water and antifreeze
- Perform basic maintenance check: antenna, under the hood, inside the vehicle, inside the trunk, and outside vehicle
- Verify appropriate stickers are attached to vehicle (registration, plates, etc.)
- May be responsible for maintaining an inventory of cleaning supplies
- May assist with local automobile deliveries
- Perform miscellaneous job-related duties as assigned
Equal Opportunity Employer/Disability/Veterans
- Must be at least 18 years old
- Must have a valid driver's license with no more than 2 moving violations and/or at-fault accidents on driving record in the past 3 years
- No drug or alcohol related conviction on driving record in the past 5 years
- Must be authorized to work in the United States and not require work authorization sponsorship by our company for this position now or in the future
- Must be willing to accept the starting wage of $14.00/hour
- Must be willing to work outside in all seasons and weather conditions
- Must be able to work 20-25 hours/week
- New Hire Orientation is held 10:00am-3:30pm, every other Monday at: 6828 E County Line Road Highlands Ranch, CO 80126. Must be able to attend one of these sessions if hired.


text:
Raghu : Hi I'm Raghu Markus. As many of you know, Ram Dass partnered with Timothy Leary to help create the psychedelic movement of the late '60's. In his quest Ram Dass was looking for a map of consciousness. A map that would answer all of life's big questions. Who am I? being one of the biggest. What am I doing here? What is this culture that I am living in the midst of?
And so when psychedelics did not totally do it for him, he went to India to find the map. What he found was an enlightened being who knew everything about him and saw him as no one had seen him before. That is, without judgement and only with love. It was Ram Dass' first experience of unconditional love.
Now when Ram Dass came back to America he toured the country sharing that experience and speaking the words that would become the book Be Here Now. Of course, before he left India, his guru told him do not say a word about me – and that's all he did when he came back.
Now at that time I was the programme director of a major alternative rock station in Montreal, Quebec. As far as spirituality was concerned all I knew about was the Hare Krishna people at the airport and … but I had seen a picture of an Indian saint named Meher Baba and underneath were the words 'Don't worry be happy'. Well I dug that. That made real sense to me. That was the beginning of something making sense.
So one day I received a call from a promoter asking me to get the station to promote a lecture by a man named Ram Dass.
I had no idea of a Ram Dass but then he told me that it was Richard Alpert. Did I not know Richard and Tim? Of course, I loved them and so I asked the promoter to send me a previous lecture of this Ram Dass and I would let him know if we could support the evening. The tape was sent to me that day and I went into the studio. Everything I had been needing to hear about how all this works for years and years of thinking about this stuff. Suddenly clarity. But it wasn't just the words. It was the presence of the voice. The idea that I could be happy. Suddenly everything made way more sense. So, I played Ram Dass lectures day after day on that rock and roll station and the response was incredible. People had never heard anything like this before.
And in fact when I finally did make it to India there were some people from Montreal who had heard these lectures, and got turned on and made their way there and we have been close ever since. So here is a bit of what we heard back then.
Ram Dass:
The wild geese do not intend to cast their reflection and the water has no mind to receive their image. That was the first message I got from the first fortune cookie I opened when I returned from India. And it seems like a fitting contract for these meetings. And perhaps the full implications of that contract will become clear as the afternoon continues.
What I'd like to do is to present a model to you … and the specific model is my own life experience. That's really all I have to offer to you – of my own experiences.
And I would like to clarify the reason for doing this. It is not my expectation, or my hope, that any of you necessarily would undergo the particular journey that I am pursuing. I am not proselytising for Ashtanga yoga.
But we in the West are faced with a very interesting predicament through a variety of circumstances, some of which are built into the culture like changes in communication media and so on. Some of them are the result of the chemicals that have appeared and been widely used – psychedelics.
Some of them are personal experiences people have had which previously they kept hidden but now they begin to redefine or they've hidden them under labels that society provided them which made them seem like psychosis or insanity or something, and they now reconsider them. As a result of all these circumstances many people in the west including me, and I assume you and that must be what's bringing you here; appreciate the possibility of states of consciousness other than our normal waking state of consciousness.
Or maybe you are here just because you look at the world in which you're living and you say, 'Well, we obviously can't handle it with what we've got going, so I'll at least look for something else.' even though you may not have the faith in the possibility that there is something else, but you're gonna look anyway.
So we're presented with a possibility and it filters through to us from one source or another that there is a very ancient tradition of people who have realized other states of consciousness and have sent messages and made maps. But the problem that we have as westerners is, that we can't understand the maps. The maps are there, the secrets are not secrets in the sense of 'I'm not gonna tell you', they're secrets of, they're secrets in the sense that we cant hear.
Jung in his writings in the book by Wilhelm called the Secret of the Golden flower, its a eulogy, Wilhelm, he commends Wilhelm for having the courage as a westerner to give up his predispositions of thought to be able to get into that position from which he could appreciate the eastern writings from a, from an inside point of view, in other words give up his identity as a westerner.
The term that you may be familiar with its required, is what's called surrender.
And so what we can do for one another as westerners, is collect the data that are available to each of us as we open ourselves to them. We are all on a journey. We are just as Herman Hesse talks about the fellow travellers on our journey to the east. East not being literal necessarily but metaphorical.
And what we can do is we can help each other along.
We can be the satsang, the sanga, the spiritual community, the support for one another.
Giving each other the confidence to keep pursuing this possibility.
And we give each other our own lives to help and that's what I would like to do today.
Is to present as I say, the model, because maybe there'll be some clues that will be of some use to you in your own sadhana, in your own spiritual journey.
But in doing this I am going to work on myself throughout this whole afternoon as I'm always doing. Doing my mantra, japa, and therefore I'm really not speaking – I should tell you and I hope you aren't listening. Because the place where I am and I hope you are – is the same place. Where we together are witnessing one of us speaking and the rest of us listening.
But let's not get trapped in our social roles. It's a good exercise.
Now the reason that my life may be useful, although from most other standpoints it seems, even to me, quite trivial, is that I have a … He led three lives
I have three chapters each of which has led quite naturally in to the next although at the time it didn't seem very natural.
The first chapter was that of being a social scientist.
The second was that of being an explorer in the psychedelic community and the third is that of being a student of Ashtanga yoga.
And I'm going to take you through my trip to show you why each of those transformations occurred. As best as I can.
In 1961, in the fall of '61, I was at the height of my academic career. I had obtained my PhD from Stanford in psychology and through a, more through charm than scholarship I will admit, I had obtained a assistant professorship at Harvard, and a number of research grants and a role as a therapist at the health service and at the time I had research contracts at Yale and Stanford and when I was on leave from Harvard I'm teaching at the university of California at Berkeley.
So I had four major universities cornered and in the academic ladder that's climbing pretty fast. I was 28 and I was being groomed for all kinds of things. Right. I was definitely on my way up.
Now, as a result of working these 70 hours a week, I was amassing a lot of money and I was using this money to live as a cosmopolite or a bachelor. Under these circumstances mind I had an apartment filled with antiques. And a Mercedes Benz, and Cessna airplane and a Triumph motorcycle, and an MG sports car and a sail boat. And I went to the Caribbean skin diving and I, you know, that kind of life.
I was an empire builder very simply, that the best way I labelled myself.
Well, with it all, although it looked awfully good on paper there was something wrong inside about it. I don't think I'm yet ready to be able to label because I'm probably not free enough to be able to have objective understanding of it, to be able to label what really didn't feel right I can give you some clues about what didn't feel right.
One of the problems I was teaching these very hip courses at Harvard. I was teaching Freud and human motivation, personality development and clinical psychology. And all of these students would come seeking my wisdom. And the problem was that I knew I didn't know. I mean I knew everything you had to know in order to be a professor of psychology at Harvard. But when you got down to the nitty gritty of what had something to do with people's lives I knew that it all didn't add up right. Because I had all these various roles. I was a researcher studying child development and so I could see how the variables we were working with didn't quite get to what that kid was all about.
Then I was a therapist and so many hours a week I had somebody sitting on the other side of the desk, and he was playing patient, I was playing doctor I would run thru my list of theories as he would run through his list of symptoms and we'd compare them and match them up and, you know, it wasn't enough. It wasn't … it didn't quite gel. It was as if psychology had a reason to be as defensive as it was.
Because as if behaviourism hadn't quite gotten hold of the critical variables in human experience. And I looked around, I looked at my psychological and psychiatric colleagues and they seemed to be really just about as neurotic as anybody else. They would come and they would be psychologists from 9 – 5 and then they would go home and they seemed to be roughly as hung up in their marriages. Their children seemed to be as destructive as other people's children. They seemed to show the same personality manifestations and it seemed a fair question that if all of these theories were so good and these people were the masters of them – why wasn't it reflected in their own human behaviour?
Now I had gone – I had really tried, I had gone through five years of psychoanalysis and most people hide behind that and say well it was a didactic analysis. That is, I did it so that I could help others, it was a teaching thing I didn't do that, I did it because I was neurotic and I paid because I was sick and I wanted to get well. Because I knew that I wasn't making it in the world the right way, even though all the credits were, you know, the by line had all the credits.
But at the end of five years of psychoanalysis it was apparent that since I knew a lot about Freud and could keep pointing out to my analyst where he was making misinterpretations on the basis of 1906 paper or something like that, that my defences were at least as strong as his tools. That's all that roughly 25 thousand dollars demonstrated to me.
I hope those of you that are invested in those particular professional roles will appreciate that I am probably still merely acting out my negative transference.
And as far as the other things in my life, if you take the motorcycle, when I first got the motorcycle I loved to climb hills with the motorcycle and do hill climbing races with it. And go roaring off into the night into the Californian hills at 95 miles an hour, with a girl holding on to the back and the wind blowing and holding on for dear life and there was a thrill, there was something that was very great and at that moment, there would be a moment when it would just feel … just that place would feel good inside. That was about one moment, then all the rest of the time it was cold, you know, or it was rainy. And so after the newness wore off the motorcycle sat in the garage and the airplane sat out the landing strip. Because after a while each of the things, the possibilities of each of those vehicles for giving me that thing I was looking for inside, had been explored and they were very finite and I had appreciated what their limits were.
Now it was at this time that, er just as this… I was settling into working for my tenure. That is I was told if you get your publications in order we're holding a chair for you. Which meant, you know, publish or perish, get those books out, look good on paper. And so I was doing just that and although it was a little discouraging to see, I already saw that this wasn't going to make it in life, this was my commitment for the next four years.
Now I had a big corner office at Harvard, with two secretaries and about forty research assistants and, as I say I was an empire builder. And down the hall in a little closet like place there was this other guy who had come back from Italy. Who had been riding a bicycle around Italy, and had been found by the chairman of the department who brought him back as the new bright thing for the department and his name was Timothy Leary. And he was a fun-loving, drinking Irishman and we were bachelors and so we started to share evenings together and …
He said he was going to Mexico in the summer and I said that I'd like to come down too and that we ought fly- take a trip across the north of South America in a little plane and I told him I flew. Which wasn't exactly true, I had a student licence at the time and he said great that we would meet in Cuernavaca on a certain date and we would take off from there.
So I then secretly went out and got my licence, and then nobody would trust me with a plane, so I had to buy one. Or the bank bought it actually. And off I went with the licence one day old for this hair raising trip. Believe me, quite a hair raising trip over the mountains into southern, into central Mexico.
Well, when I got there, Tim had just had this experience in which he had taken the sacred mushrooms of Mexico. Which he had gotten from a woman called Crazy Juana, acurandeira up in the hills, who would put one in your hand and two in her mouth.
And I heard many stories about what had happened to him in this experience.
There weren't any more of the mushrooms around and we didn't take the trip across South America we just hung out down in Tepsilan and Cuernavaca, then we flew back to the US together in the plane with his son and an iguana and I went to Berkeley so I couldn't do anything more and he went back to Harvard to start exploring these chemicals because he said he had learned more in this one experience than he had learnt in all of his years as a psychologist.
So when I came back to Harvard in the spring I was quite eager to have this experience. And he had gotten hold of the synthetic of these, called psilocybin so on March 6th in 1961, it was the night of the biggest snow storm of the year and my parents home was about two blocks away from Tim's big house. And I went to my parents to visit and then I trudged though the snow and went over to Tim's house to turn on. Which we did in the kitchen with a variety of assorted people. In our usual highly controlled manner.
And the first part of the experience had that certain unpredictability about it that er …Tim's son's dog had been out running in the snow and came in and in our timeless minds it seemed like it was gasping for breath for too long and we thought it was going to die. And it was by then 12 o'clock midnight on a Saturday night in a raging blizzard and we imagined ourselves carrying this dog to the veterinarian four miles away, when we weren't even sure the dog… it wasn't just us. So we called his son down from upstairs to ask him… to see how he would act with the dog and he came down and the dog played with him so we assumed everything was alright.
And then I went off into the other room, and I was sitting in the living room by myself after all of this tragic comic hallucinatory revelry.
I was sitting in the semi darkness, the light came in from the street, it was snowing, and it was very beautiful. I was sitting there and suddenly in the dark across the room, I saw a figure standing there and as I looked more closely I realized that the figure was myself.
It was dressed in a cap and gown strangely enough, and what I saw was my 'professorness' across the room. It was what you call in psychology, what I called at the time a dissociative experience.
And so I looked at this 'professorness' and I said well, and it wasn't me any longer I was here and there was it, and I said 'Well I guess I don't really need that anymore' and I sat back and relaxed. And the minute I said 'I don't need that anymore' the figure changed and it was somebody else and I sat forward and there I was again except now I was, um, the young cosmopolite. My 'cosmpoliteness' was sitting over there, alright well I guess I can do without that. Sat back. And in a sequence went by all of my social roles, 'loverness', 'wise man', 'kind person', all of my roles and each one: 'OK, well too bad about that one', there it goes.
And then went by 'Richard Alpertness'. Now, this was another matter you see. This was, this was who I learnt to be, way be back then and I wasn't at all sure I was… What happened when you gave that up? And I … went through my mind the thought 'What have I taken with this drug, this mad man Larry has given me?' See it's already his fault!
And what's clearly going to happen now is that I'm going to be an amnesia case because I'm losing my identity. I wont know who I am. alright well I can always get another social identity. I went through this thought process. I'll give up 'Richard Alpertness'. At least I am my body.
But as those of you that have experimented with this world l know I had spoken prematurely because as I looked down at the couch nothing below my knees was visible any longer and as I watched, slowly, it all disappeared until there was only the couch, on which I was sitting.
Now the kind of panic I experienced at that time is … er, has been reported, usually in the tabloids as the dire consequences of irresponsible use of psychedelics. Because there was nothing in my model of the universe that led me to believe that if I was not in my body there would be anything left ….um….so as far as I was concerned I was dying or ceasing to exist. That was it. And I recall the feeling. I recall the adrenalin flowing. I recall the sweat breaking out. I recall wanting to scream out for help. I recall all those feelings and as the panic was mounting in whatever it was mounting in since I wasn't seeing anything …. a voice inside of me said, very quietly and rather jocularly it seemed to me, in view of the gravity of the situation.. But who's minding the store.?
And …. I became aware at that moment that although everything by which I knew myself was gone, still there was something, in me, that was watching this whole process disappear. There was what I at the time was calling a scanning device or a point of awareness; something in there that had no reference to body; no reference to personality; no reference to any of my social roles and yet there it was clear and lucid and watching the whole thing and just, you know, watching it all happen.
And the minute I defined it or labelled it or named it, I experienced a tremendous exhilaration, a tremendous feeling of liberation.
And I remember jumping up and I ran out into the snow and danced in the snow. And then later I recall going back through the drifts to my parents home around five in the morning and deciding as a young tribal buck that I would shovel the snow in the front and I was shovelling and my parents came to the window and opened the window and said 'You damned idiot come in, you don't shovel snow in the middle of the night'. And I looked up and I heard this voice which was the kind of voice of external sanction to which I had always responded since that's how I got to be where I was and I listened to the voice inside and the voice inside said it's cool if you want to shovel snow its all right there's nothing immoral about that alright and I looked up at them and I smiled and I danced a bit of a jig and I went back to shovelling. And the window closed and I saw them smiling behind it.
Well um now I was presented with a peculiar dilemma because the next Monday when I had to get up and give my lectures in human motivation – the theory of ego psychology which I was expected to present as a responsible member of the psychological community, I saw, was not adequate to the experience I had had. Because that place that I had gone to, I couldn't find it in the book. I couldn't find it in the book anywhere.
Freud's unconscious was too, had too much to do with the uniqueness of the individual and too much to do with personality qualities. Even Jung's collective unconscious wasn't quite the place – as I later explored more carefully. And I couldn't find the words to tell anybody about what had happened and I hid behind what we all got to use quite frequently of 'This was an ineffable experience. I'd like to tell you about it but it's ineffable. Sorry.'
This podcast has been brought to you by the LoveServeRemember foundation and ramdass.org. We appreciate all the support for the foundation and for Ram Dass' work and we hope that you will continue that support. You can go to ramdass.org and click on the 'Donate Now' button and follow the prompts. Thank you.
Transcribed by Sue Friston


text:
Classification for Kingdom
Plantae Down to
Prunus emarginata (Douglas ex Hook.) D. Dietr.
Click on names to expand them, and on P for
PLANTS profiles.
Enter a scientific or common name at any rank. The report
will display the kingdom and all descendants leading down to
the name you choose.


text:
Purse theft ring preying on women
Thieves use disguises to assume victim's identity
JACKSONVILLE, Fla. – Investigators in St. Johns County say a purse theft ring is working together, watching women in parking lots across Northeast Florida and then breaking into cars to steal their identities.
The targets include women in World Golf Village, Anastasia Park, Julington Creek, RaceTrac Road, Girvin Road and Blanding Boulevard. Detectives say they think this same ring is even responsible for purse thefts as far away as Tallahassee.
Here's how it works: It's not your typical smash and grab, crime of opportunity. St. Johns County deputies say it's a well-organized group that only takes purses and specifically targets parking lots outside day care centers, fitness centers and schools. They usually strike in broad daylight. They use the driver's license in the purse to trick tellers into thinking the female suspects are the women in the driver's license photo.
"They pull up normally right beside the vehicle or in the back of the vehicle which blocks peoples' view. It takes five to 10 seconds for them just to get out, tap the window, it falls out, reach in, grab the purse and they're gone," Detective Kip Brantley said. "They use a window punch and they hit this area right here and it shatters the whole window," pointing to the bottom corner of the drivers' window.
IMAGES: Female bandits at work
Brantley says there are usually two cars. The one that commits the car burglary and then the one that takes the stolen purse to the bank.
One Orange Park victim of this ring is too frightened to give her real name since the crooks have not been caught. We'll call her "Jane." She had her purse stolen while it was parked outside the gym where she works out in Orange Park.
"When they see them get out of the vehicle without a purse, they assume that it is somewhere in the vehicle," says Detective Brantley.
"I walked out to the car, and just saw glass all over the place," said Jane. "You didn't even think they would have seen my purse with the tinted windows and having a black purse hidden underneath the seat."
Jane (on right in photo, with im is convinced they must have been watching her.
Detective Brantley has been tracking the purse theft ring for weeks. He says the thieves try to pick a woman who looks like one of the women working with the crooks.
"The person had the same color hair, kind of appeared, looked like me a bit," said Lynn, who also is a victim of this purse theft ring.
Jacksonville police say a woman withdrew $3,000 from Lynn's accounts. Her purse was stolen from under the seat of her car as it was parked outside Abess Park Elementary School in East Arlington last month.
"Within an hour that it happened, (they) went to two different places (banks), not just one, two different, and withdrew the money," Lynn explained.
Investigators say they trick the teller into thinking they are the woman in the driver's license from the stolen purse. It's why detectives call the far drive-through lane "felony lane." It's so far away; the teller can't get a close enough look to see if the driver's face matches the picture in the license. The female suspect tells the teller she does not have her account number and the teller writes the number on the withdrawal slip, making it easy to take money out of the women's bank accounts.
Channel 4 obtained police reports that show six women, all blondes, were targeted for their purses in the same way. In surveillance photos, in all but one instance, the female suspect withdrawing money has blonde hair. In all, $32,760 was stolen from their bank accounts.
"My account, at the lowest it went to, was negative $11,000," said Jane. "Your life is upside down when it's happening. You don't have access to your money."
Jane (on right in photo; imposter on left) goes on to say no money should have ever been withdrawn from her account. She says she called her bank immediately after the theft and had security alerts put on her account.
"They were going to cancel my card and put a fraud alert on my account so no one could tap into that account," she said. "We put security passwords on my account. They put something saying no transactions through the drive-through."
The purse thieves had her driver's license and her bank cards, none of her checks were stolen. She thought cancelling the cards, putting the fraud alerts and the alert telling tellers not to conduct any transactions involving her account through the drive- through, would protect her money. But Jane says the tellers ignored those alerts. Jane says tellers allowed someone with her ID to withdraw $1,900, $1,920 and $600 from her accounts, from the drive-through at different banks.
"They would have had to go through the bank drive-through, say they didn't have the account number and show them my driver's license," said Jane. "The person never double-checked the picture. The bank teller then would fill out the deposit slip, put my account number and send it back to them all they would have to do is sign it. And those signatures never even matched mine."
Jane goes on to show us a copy of one of the checks that tellers cashed through the drive-through. She says, "none of the signatures on the deposit slip they signed matched. Looks like they signed it twice. I was told by the bank that the first time they didn't think the signature was mine." She goes on to say, "then the manager came thru looked at the signature, asked them to sign it again, and it's exactly the same and all she (manager) said was that signatures change and still handed over the money."
Even when Jane closed her account and opened a new one, she says tellers still gave out money from her accounts. She says two more checks for $1,900 and $1,800 were cashed at the drive-through, six days after she called the bank to put the fraud alerts on her accounts.
"How hard is it to ask for a password? You put all these security measures in place, thinking your money's safe," said Jane. "Out of seven locations, only one actually asked (for the password) and it scared the person off and they drove away." Jane says her bank told her that when a bank teller in the drive- through accesses a customer's account on their computer, there is a screen that pops up asking for the teller to type in the customer's password. Jane says her bank told her, that the teller can hit a button that bypasses that request.
It took Jane three weeks to finally be able to access her accounts. All of the money that was stolen from her was reimbursed to her by her bank.
Channel 4 did call Jane's bank to get some answers. The bank told us it is still researching Jane's account to get us some answers. Detective Brantley says he thinks bank tellers don't ask a lot of questions because they want to keep their customers happy and don't want to upset someone by questioning their deposits or withdrawals.
Copyright 2013 by News4Jax.com. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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Promoting our cultures and history
- 127 Posts
- Age 34
I've recently had the opportunity to travel to a number of countries for work, and there is nothing I love more than learning about new cultures.
Not everyone is lucky enough to be able to travel, and many lack access to television or even books to expose themselves to other cultures, their customs and stories. What's more is that in order for you to watch a documentary or read a book about a culture it usually means that someone else needs to have decided that it was worth making a book/documentary about and the process is both time consuming and expensive.
Enter the age of the Internet and self-publishing. I think that blogs and other self-publishing platforms that enable photo and video sharing offer an amazing opportunity for people from all around the world to share stories about their cultures, their histories, food, and languages. And I think that mobile phones will play an even greater role in this - with my iPhone it is possible for me to take photos, write entries and post them to my blog quickly and easily. While the smartphones are still the exception and not the norm, it is a well known fact that phones are getting smarter and cheaper, also in developing countries.
So if you've been thinking about starting a blog I strongly encourage you to talk to your family and see if this is an opportunity for you to document the interesting oral histories or to share your culture's customs with the world.


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The Essex Calendar is the quickest and easiest way to discover what's happening in and around Essex, NY. In addition to the calendar view, you can view a list of upcoming events and add an event. (Lost your password?)
Essex Community Potluck
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I have a Samsung NP740U3E with pre-installed Windows 8 (boots with UEFI). I installed Ubuntu 13.04 without problems. Later, Windows 8 did a BIOS update which messed up everything, nothing would boot. I recovered everything and went back to fabric settings.
Now Windows 8 works fine, but when I try to install Ubuntu it does not detect any operating system, so I can`t install Ubuntu alongside Windows.
I`ve googled as much as I can, ran a boot-repair, disabled fast- and secure-boot. I have a GPT disc, been looking into gdisk without luck.
Here`s my boot-repair summary http://paste.ubuntu.com/5835719/
Is it necessary to convert the GPT disc to MBR? Is it possible to hard-reset the disc "even more" than fabric settings?
Thanks in advance.


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In late 2007 I came across a thread on AbsoluteWrite mentioning a UK publisher called Olympia Publishers. At the outset, it should be stressed that this publisher has nothing to do with the distinguished Paris-based literary and erotica press founded by Maurice Giordias during the early 1950s. Giordias' avant-garde esoteric publishing house introduced us to classics by Burroughs, Beckett, Bataille and Nabokov. Giordias also ran the erotica imprint Ophelia Press which published one of literature's most famous and enigmatic publishing mysteries in the form of Pauline Reage's The Story of O. Every time I come across the Olympia Press during research, I keep telling myself I should do an historical publishing piece on this publisher. But that one is for another day.
"We continue to publish books by well-known writers and have also given writers at the dawn of their careers the necessary opportunities to have their books published successfully. Therefore, we can now pride ourselves on achieving fame for previously unknown writers. We have been able to achieve this by proven methods of internet marketing and by well-established and traditional forms of promotion. To achieve this we have developed very useful and beneficial links with the Media, and this has escalated world-wide; consequently more and more of our books are reaching the potential that they deserve."
"Initially all manuscripts submitted to us are considered under non-contributory publishing contracts. This is where no costs are incurred by the author and the whole outlay is taken on by Olympia Publishers.
Should we be unable to offer the non-contributory contract for those manuscripts that would fit in with our high standards and genre criteria, an alternative means of being published is considered. This would be under a slightly different form of contract which is contribution-based. We would like to point out that the promotion and marketing of all our books is carried to the same depth regardless of the type of contract that is offered.
As always, we dedicate a great deal of our resources to researching new methods by which we can move forward, in keeping with modern innovations. Some of our future plans include the provision of e-books as these are currently gaining impetus; now it appears that e-books are beginning to pose an important addition to normal publishing. We plan to encompass all our future and existing titles to be sold as e-books as well as in paperback format. "


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His colorful coaching style was matched only by his equally colorful fashion sense on the sidelines. But sadly, the most prolific head coach in Portland Trail Blazers history has passed away, according to family members. Dr. Jack Ramsay, who coached the franchise to its first and only NBA Championship in 1977, lost his battle with cancer during his sleep early today in Naples, Florida. Affectionately called "Dr. Jack" by Trail Blazers fans and all around the NBA, Ramsay was 89.
Ramsay coached the Trail Blazers from 1976-1986, highlighted by defeating the Philadelphia 76ers for the 1977 NBA Title. Overall, Ramsay accumulated a record of 864 wins and 783 losses in 21 years of coaching with four NBA franchises – Philadelphia (1968-72), Buffalo (1972-76), Portland and Indiana (1986-89). His record in 10 seasons at the helm for the Trail Blazers was 453-367 (.552). In 1992, Ramsay was inducted into the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame, along with the Oregon Sports Hall of Fame. The Number "77" hangs retired in the rafters of Moda Center in salute to Ramsay.
"The Portland Trail Blazers and indeed the NBA have lost an authentic original in Dr. Jack Ramsay. In leading this franchise to its first NBA Championship, Dr. Jack set a standard of excellence for his players, coaches and all who crossed his path," said Trail Blazers Owner Paul Allen. "He was that rarest of men with a unique style that was inspirational and motivational about basketball and life itself. We loved him as a coach, as a broadcaster and as a human being."
"We have lost one of the pivotal figures in the history of our franchise. Dr. Jack not only led this organization to its first NBA Championship, but his indomitable spirit and character impacted the lives of our players, coaches, fans and staff," said Chris McGowan, President & CEO of the Trail Blazers and Moda Center. "He is – and always will be – the personification of a true Trail Blazer. We will miss him, and so will the world of sports."
"Few people have made a bigger impact on the Trail Blazers organization, the city of Portland or the game of basketball than Dr. Jack," said Trail Blazers General Manager Neil Olshey. "As the son of a Naval Veteran myself, I have always valued and admired Dr. Jack's service in the United States Navy and dedication to our country. In the end, not only have we lost a Trail Blazers great and basketball icon, but in fact a national treasure."
Ramsay stepped into the broadcast booth in 1990 as a television analyst for the Miami Heat. But his most extensive and best-known span as a broadcaster came as an NBA analyst for ESPN Radio, stretching from 1996-2013.
"I have always had tremendous respect and admiration for Coach Ramsay. He was a great coach, a great person, and a great ambassador of the game of basketball," said Trail Blazers Head Coach Terry Stotts. "He had a positive influence on many players and coaches throughout the years, including myself. He will be missed and will always be remembered as a true Trail Blazer."
"I was with him every day he was here in Portland, and I can't think of a funnier guy on the face of this earth, or someone who had a bigger influence on the way I think about basketball and life in general," said legendary Trail Blazers broadcaster Bill Schonely. "As far as the game of basketball, he was a genius. He had the great ability to put a group of people together as a TEAM. And that was his great success. He was an outstanding teacher of the game."


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Summer's here, and you know what that means: Lying on the beach and ducking dozens of colorful rubber and plastic projectiles. If you can break away from your Corona and dog-eared copy of "50 Shades of Grey," get up and join the fun. Playing ball games that involve hitting and throwing build coordination and flexibility and burn calories like crazy. And when you've worked up a good sweat, collapse back on your towel. There's a great one reviewed here too.
Bad badminton
Speedminton Fun Set S70: The new racquet sport, invented in Germany, features an extra-heavy badminton-style birdie called a "speeder" (shown above) that can travel long distances.
Likes: Super fast, fun game. The heavy "speeder" birdie (9.2 grams versus 4.5 grams for a regular birdie) carries remarkably long distances at high speeds, making for dramatic power slams. If you play close, it's as fast-paced as doubles tennis. Easy to do, with or without a net, if you've played any racquet sport. Two racquets and three Speeders are included, with one a "Night Speeder" that lights up.
Dislikes: None
Price: $39.95. (877) 225-7275; https://www.sklz.com/speedminton-set/speedminton-fun-set or https://www.speedminton.com
Super towel
TowelMate Ultimate Beach Towel: Luxurious and massive, this 3-by-5.7-foot beach towel has a built-in pillow and zippered compartments for wallet, iPad, phone, sunblock and other personal items.
Likes: Big, colorful, thick and convenient. The 8-by-13-inch water-resistant pockets have hidden zippers to camouflage all your valuables. Now people have to steal the whole towel. A foam pillow removes for washing. Available in four prints. A smaller fitness towel is $25.
Dislikes: Not cheap for a towel
Price: $45. (855) 869-3568 (Towel-m8); https://www.towelmate.com
Never out of style
Pacific Sports Smashball: Venerable "beach tennis" with two wooden paddles and a small rubber ball.
Likes: You can't get any simpler (and cheaper) than this classic beach game, unchanged since the "Gidget" era: two thin, composite wood paddles and pingpong-sized rubber ball. A fast-paced skill builder, it encourages teamwork between you and your partner and challenges you to set new world rally records.
Dislikes: None
Price: $7.99. (877) 938-9455; https://www.wetproducts.com
American tradition
Coop Nitro Football: Inflatable soft rubber 9-inch football with real fabric laces and a grippy exterior surface.
Likes: Easy to throw and catch, even when wet, due to great grip from the extremely tactile "Super Grip TPR technology Gription cover." Soft enough that it probably will not seriously hurt unassuming sunbathers when it conks them in the head. Small enough for everyone, even young kids, to throw a spiral with some degree of coordination.
Dislikes: None
Price: $14.99. (800) 889-7946; https://www.coop-sports.com
Wallack is the coauthor of "Barefoot Running Step by Step" and "Bike for Life: How to Ride to 100." email@example.com


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NASHVILLE, Tenn. – The Lipscomb Lady Bisons softball team finished 33rd in the nation in the final NCAA RPI ratings, the highest ranking in the history of the program.
"It is really, really exciting for us to be able to say we finished in the top 35," Lipscomb coach Kristin Ryman said. "We have been in the top 35 all year along. It shows how far we have come as a program."
The Lady Bisons finished the season with a 41-15 record. Their .732 winning percentage was the 22nd best in NCAA Division I.
They were rated 36th in scoring with an average of 5.7 runs per game and 39th with a 2.31 earned run average.
They were second overall in the Atlantic Sun Conference and received the school's first ever NCAA at-large bid. In the Knoxville Regional they finished 2-2 with a pair of wins over Charleston Southern, a two-game split with Virginia Tech and a 2-0 loss to host Tennessee.
The Lady Bisons were one of four A-Sun teams in the top 50 of the RPI. USC Upstate, the regular season conference champion, is 29th. Stetson, the conference tournament champion, is rated 35th. Mercer finished in 42nd place. Of the top four teams only Mercer failed to earn an NCAA Tournament berth.
It marked the second time the Lady Bisons had earned an NCAA berth. The 2010 team won the A-Sun Tournament and finished with a 50-13 record, the most wins in a season in the history of the program.
The 2010 team's final RPI was 36th. That team featured six seniors.
"We had some really good younger players on that team, but we had to replace a lot," Ryman said. "Those seniors that year had done so much to set the tone and shape the mentality of everyone in our program.
"When you lose all of that it takes some time to get it back. It is really cool for me to sit back as a coach and know we were able to get back to that point this year."
Ryman's 2014 team had seven seniors. Like the 2010 team there are starters returning, but a great deal of experience is gone once again.
"It is neat to sit back and reflect on where our program has been and where we are now knowing we were able to get back to that point (NCAA Tournament) and see the improvement in those seniors throughout their careers," Ryman said. "The RPI is certainly a reflection of how hard everyone has worked.
"This goes way beyond me. This is program-wide with our players and our assistant coaches, the recruiting efforts we have made and the everyday efforts in practice. It was great to see it all come full circle again."
Now the challenge is to stay on the level they attained this season.
"Every year our goal is to schedule tough, but you can't just schedule tough," Ryman said. "You have to win some of those games."
Next year's schedule is not final but Ryman expects to have 15-to-17 games against teams that were in the NCAA Tournament this year.
"When you can win a few of those games throughout the year that is when you start turning heads and start climbing in the ranks because you have proven you belong in the conversation," Ryman said. "We feel like we belong. But that is something we want to prove every single year."


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ෂෙරිල් අංක ප්රත්යාස්ථ Lycra නිදහස් කපු ජර්සි BRA මැහුම් රටාව
Created especially for those with an allergy to lycra and spandex. This jersey bra has all the comfort and style minus the irritation caused by elastic.
Features cotton cord/lace ties which allow the wearer to adjust the straps and fit of the whole bra by tightening at the center front opening and tying in a bow.


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All the News That's Fit to Subsidize
Today, Politico Arena asks:
NPR v. Fox News?
My post:
Do I sense a bit of chutzpa in Politico's report today that NPR executives have asked their top political correspondent, Mara Liasson, to reconsider her appearances on Fox News because of what the executives perceive as the network's political bias? The request would be impertinent if NPR itself were beyond reproach, ideologically, but "fair and balanced" it is not. It's a playpen for the left, subsidized by the American taxpayer, exceeded in its biases only by Pacifica Radio, another tax subsidized playpen straight out of the late '60s.
There's nothing wrong with a news organization tilting left or right, of course: let the public then decide, as the Fox News numbers show the public is doing. (And that, plainly, is what's behind the White House efforts to marginalize the one network that's had the audacity to criticize it systematically.) There is something deeply wrong, however, with asking the public to subsidize that tilt. NPR and its listeners would be screaming, and rightly so, if the taxpayers were subsidizing Fox News. Is it any different in their case? And please don't say that NPR's news is "news" — we're all adults here. There's a reason conservatives, mostly, and libertarians want to reduce the reach of government. It's because so much of life — from news to education, religion, health care, the arts, and so much more — is fraught with values about which reasonable people can have reasonable differences. For that, there is only one answer: freedom, including freedom, as Jefferson put it, from having to subsidize views one finds abhorrent.


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text: It's All Too Much song It's all too much It's all too much When I look into your eyes Your love is there for me And the more I go inside The more there is to see. It's all too much for me to take The love that's shining all around you Everywhere it's what you make for us to take, it's all too much Floating down the stream of time From life to life with me Makes no difference where you are or where you'd like to be. It's all too much for me to take The love that's shining all around here. All the world is birthday cake so take a piece but not too much. Sail me on a silver sun Where I know that I'm free Show me that I'm everywhere and get me home for tea. It's all too much for me to see A love that's shining all around here The more I learn, the less I know And what I do is all too much It's all too much for me to take A love that's shining all around you Everywhere it's what you make for us to take it's all too much. It's too much, it's too much. ...with your long blond hair and your eyes of blue Too much, too much, too much "It's All Too Much" Song by the Beatles from the album Yellow Submarine Released 13 January 1969 (US) 17 January 1969 (UK) Recorded 25–26 May, and 2 June 1967De Lane Lea Studios, 129 Kingsway, London Genre Psychedelic rock, pop rock, progressive rock Length 6:28 Label Apple Records Writer George Harrison Producer George Martin Yellow Submarine track listing 13 tracks Side one "Yellow Submarine" "Only a Northern Song" "All Together Now" "Hey Bulldog" "It's All Too Much" "All You Need Is Love" Side two "Pepperland" "Sea of Time" "Sea of Holes" "Sea of Monsters" "March of the Meanies" "Pepperland Laid Waste" "Yellow Submarine in Pepperland" "It's All Too Much" is a song by the Beatles which first appeared on the 1969 Yellow Submarine film soundtrack album. It was written and sung by George Harrison. It was originally recorded in 1967, shortly before the release of Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band, and had been slated to appear on the next release, Magical Mystery Tour, but it was pushed back. Please note the text from Wikipedia is imported without editing or authentication. It's All Too Much (YS) It's All Too Much (YSS) ©1968 Sony/ATV Music Publishing LLC. All rights reserved. Used by permission.


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Helping you find natural childbirth providers
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Northern Virginia Midwifery, PLLC
Northern Virginia Midwifery
, PLLC, is a licensed homebirth practice serving families throughout Northern Virginia.
A very traditional midwife, Tammi McKinley, CPM also provides Well Woman Care, Natural Fertility Planning and Birth Consultation, and she is a Certified
Labor Companion. Most of her families birth in one of her birth pools that are available for rental. Her
web site
has a lot of information that she shares with families, and it includes information about how she practices and her philosophy.
Tammi's focus has always been one of serving her local community. After she had her own homebirth VBAC in 2000, she reactivated the then-defunct local
ICAN chapter
for support for other moms dealing with their cesarean and planning their VBACs. She created the
Northern Virginia Homebirth group
in response to the need for homebirth families to connect with one another.
After attending the beautiful birth of a baby with Trisomy 13 in 2008, Tammi realized that there is no central support for families facing the challenge of a baby who may not make it. She created a repository for
resources online
for Northern Virginia families so that they have the support that they need.
6136 9th Road North
Arlington, VA 22205
United States
p. 571.318.6136
Northern Virginia Midwifery, PLLC
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