text:
I wanted to make a new life and try my luck so that my kids would have a different life than their mother…. But I was mistreated by my employers. I began work at 5 a.m. and sometimes finished around 2 or 3 a.m. I never got a day off. The door was always locked, I could never go out alone. I slept in the dining room.
My full salary was deducted [to pay initial recruitment fees] for six and a half months. If I didn't finish [a task quickly], my employer would hit me … she usually shouted and screamed at me. Once when I was hanging clothes, I had a black eye and my neighbor asked me what happened. My employer had beaten me. That evening the police came and arrested my employers.
—Ati K., Indonesian domestic worker, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, February 12, 2010
Domestic work is one of the oldest and most important occupations for millions of workers around the world…. Domestic work is essential for the economy outside the household to function and, yet, it is undervalued…. It is poorly regulated because it is not regarded as "real" work….
Domestic workers' conditions do not improve unless there is concerted action to improve the legislative framework…. Studies confirm that well-crafted regulatory mechanisms with a suitable enforcement machinery make an important difference in the everyday lives of domestic workers – and they convey the message that domestic workers are indeed workers who deserve both rights and respect.
—Conclusions from a global survey of laws and practices on domestic work, International Labor Organization, 2009[1]
On International Workers' Day, a holiday celebrated on May 1 in many countries around the world as an opportunity to take rest and celebrate the achievements of the labor movement, millions of domestic workers, the vast majority of them women and girls will remain hard at work. Often underpaid and overworked, domestic workers perform services essential for many households to function and to allow others to participate in the formal economy. However, hidden in private homes, their work remains invisible throughout the year, and many governments have yet to accord them full recognition or equal legal protection under labor laws.
Several countries across the Middle East and Asia host significant numbers of migrant domestic workers, ranging from 196,000 in Singapore to approximately 1.5 million in Saudi Arabia. Increased reporting and awareness about abuse against these workers has resulted in active policy debates and in some cases change. Building upon six years of research, this report surveys the patterns of labor, immigration, and criminal justice reforms in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Lebanon, Jordan, Singapore, and Malaysia, highlighting both best practices and continuing gaps.
Millions of Asian and African women, many from socially and economically disadvantaged circumstances, migrate to work as domestic workers in the Middle East and Asia. For many, this employment is one of their few opportunities to earn money to build a house, pay for medical and school fees, and provide basic necessities for their families in their home countries. Many report decent working conditions and are able to provide financial support to their families.
However, safety and financial opportunity are a matter of luck and by no means guaranteed. In many host countries, the combination of significant gaps in labor laws, visa systems that give employers immense control over workers, and racism against an often darker-skinned "servant" class has contributed to exploitative working conditions for migrant domestic workers. In addition to demanding excessively long hours with no days off for little or no pay, employers often take the passports of migrant domestic workers and confine them in their homes. In some cases, migrant domestic workers endure slavery-like conditions including physical abuse, sexual abuse, and food deprivation, sometimes continuing for months or years. In the worst cases, migrant domestic workers lose their lives or are trapped in situations of forced labor or trafficking.
In recent years, increased mobilization by migrants', women's, and human rights organizations, support from trade unions, attention from international bodies like the International Labor Organization (ILO), and high-profile media exposure have intensified pressure for government action, including labor and immigration reforms.
The governments discussed in this report have begun to introduce initiatives to improve the treatment of domestic workers or to prevent and respond to abuse. But change has been slow and incremental, and many of the most critical reforms lag behind, such as including domestic workers in labor laws, divesting the employer of power over the domestic worker's immigration status, and creating stronger oversight over recruitment processes. Reforms often encounter stiff resistance from employers fearing higher costs and fewer entitlements, labor brokers profiting off a poorly-regulated system, and government officials who view migrants as a security threat.
Improving protections for domestic work has become an issue of public debate and reform not only at national and regional levels, but also globally. Although domestic workers have rights under existing international labor conventions, these standards do not address the unique circumstances of domestic work, such as employment in private homes, or provide adequate guidance for guaranteeing them access to decent employment conditions. In recognition of the importance of protecting a sector that is a major source of employment and that has been historically neglected and undervalued, members of the ILO will begin formal discussions in June 2010 on a possible new global instrument, potentially a binding international treaty, to establish international labor standards for domestic work.
Many governments have argued that it is impossible to monitor private homes as a workplace, citing violations of employers' privacy and the difficulty in tracking conditions such as hours of work. Yet labor legislation in Hong Kong and South Africa has set positive examples: domestic workers have the right to a minimum wage, overtime pay, a weekly day of rest, maternity leave, and paid annual leave. While the domestic workers in these countries are not immune from abuse, they have legal remedies available, unlike their counterparts elsewhere. Enjoying relative freedom to form associations and trade unions, many of these domestic workers have greater awareness of their rights, an ability to negotiate better working conditions, and avenues for reporting labor exploitation.
Of the countries surveyed in this report, Jordan has taken the most significant strides in strengthening legal protections for domestic workers. It is the only one that has amended its labor law to include domestic workers, guaranteeing protections such as monthly payment of salaries into a bank account, a weekly day of rest, paid annual and sick leave, and a ten-hour workday. However, the provisions for domestic workers still fall short of providing rights equal to those guaranteed to other workers. For example, domestic workers cannot leave the workplace without permission from their employer – even when they are off-duty – and are entitled to a minimum of only eight hours of continuous rest at night. In addition, the test of these legal reforms will be the government's success in publicizing the new requirements and enforcing compliance.
Most other labor-receiving countries have relied on introducing standard employment contracts to regulate terms and conditions of employment. Such contracts represent an improvement over having no formalized work agreement or minimum standards, but have much weaker protections than most labor laws. For example, Singapore's standard contract does not require a weekly day off, instead giving employers and workers the option of negotiating one to four days off per month or to receive payment instead of taking the day off. Given workers' fear of losing their jobs and uneven bargaining power, most are not in a position to demand time off. The United Arab Emirates' standard contract fails to provide for any rest days at all. Neither the UAE nor Singapore's contract establishes rights to overtime pay or limits to hours of work.
Immigration systems that tie a migrant domestic worker's immigration status to her employer contribute significantly to the unequal power relationship between employers and workers and can enable abuse. Employers can have domestic workers repatriated at will or withhold consent from a worker who wishes to transfer to another employer. Reform of such systems, however, is particularly sensitive in countries of employment with large migrant populations given host governments' fears that relaxing immigration controls could increase irregular migration. Despite a growing consensus that the current immigration "sponsorship" system in the Middle East contributes to domestic servitude and slavery-like conditions, change in this area has come at a glacial pace. Employers' stereotypes of foreign women as promiscuous or naïve continue to be used to justify paternalistic and restrictive policies and practice that give the employers control over domestic workers' lives.
In addition, governments have not dedicated significant resources to create monitoring mechanisms to detect cases of deception, exploitation, and abuse of domestic workers, or to take steps to make labor and criminal justice systems more accessible and responsive. Improving treatment of domestic workers requires effective complaint and enforcement measures, such as wide dissemination of information about rights and responsibilities for employers and employees, random inspections, and strong penalties for violations.
Singapore stands out as a country that has vigorously and successfully prosecuted employers and recruiters who physically abused domestic workers. Most other countries discussed here have mixed records. Some employers receive tough punishments but numerous obstacles continue to stand in the way of such victories. For example, systems for filing complaints are often out of reach of domestic workers trapped in private homes and unable to speak the local language. For cases that do reach the attention of the authorities, legal proceedings often stretch over years, while victims typically wait in overcrowded shelters, unable to work. The lengthy waits and uncertain outcomes cause many domestic workers to withdraw their complaints or negotiate financial settlements so they can return home quickly. In other cases, such as in Saudi Arabia, domestic workers must often defend themselves from counter-allegations of theft, witchcraft, and adultery.
Some of the most encouraging changes in recent years have been the emergence of migrants' rights movements. Organizations promoting domestic workers' rights are growing in size, diversity, and sophistication. Many informal networks have formalized their operations, gained funding, and established services such as shelters for workers in crisis, helpdesks at airports and shopping malls, and training courses to help domestic workers use their time abroad to gain skills for upward economic mobility. In some cases, these organizations have been able to institute working relationships with relevant government bodies such as officials who oversee labor disputes or deportation proceedings.
This report is based on ongoing research and advocacy engagement on migrant domestic workers by Human Rights Watch and draws upon our work in Bahrain, Indonesia, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Malaysia, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates.
Key Recommendations to Governments of Labor-Receiving Countries
To Labor Ministries and Parliaments
- Extend labor protections in national law to domestic workers, including provisions related to a minimum wage, periods of daily and weekly rest, overtime pay, social security, workers' compensation, health care, and maternity leave. Introduce additional protections to address the specific nature of domestic work, such as intermittent working hours, living accommodations, and provision of food.
- Strengthen regulation and monitoring of employment agencies and recruitment fees, and impose significant penalties for violations of laws and regulations on domestic workers' rights.
- Ensure that domestic workers have the right to freedom of association, the right to form an association or trade union, and to bargain collectively with employers and brokers.
To Ministries of Interior
- Reform the visa sponsorship system so that workers' visas are no longer tied to individual employers serving as immigration sponsors. Ensure that workers can change employers without losing legal status and without having to obtain their first employer's permission, and that they are able to leave the country without being required to first secure the consent of their employer.
- Facilitate the approval of valid immigration status for workers awaiting the outcome of legal proceedings and allow them to work.
To Foreign Ministries
- Promote bilateral and multilateral cooperation with labor-sending countries to ensure employment contracts applied in labor-receiving countries are the same ones signed by workers prior to migration, to monitor transnational recruitment (including capping recruitment fees), to resolve outstanding labor disputes and criminal complaints, and to arrange for timely repatriation.
- Support a binding convention on domestic work with an accompanying recommendation during the International Labor Conference in June 2010.
To Ministries of Justice and Social Affairs
- Improve access to the criminal justice system, including through confidential complaint mechanisms in the languages spoken by migrant domestic workers and provision of legal assistance.
- Expand victim services for survivors of abuse, such as shelters, hotlines, access to health care, counseling, and support to civil society and faith-based groups offering these services.
- Improve identification of cases of trafficking into forced domestic servitude and ensure that victims have access to specific protections and services under national counter-trafficking laws and programs.
- Take steps to prevent, investigate, and prosecute criminal violence against domestic workers including physical abuse, sexual abuse, forced labor, and trafficking. Establish mechanisms to expedite these processes in cases involving migrants.
Societies in this region … are supported thoroughly and function smoothly largely through the hard work and resourcefulness of migrants…. Unfortunately, all too often many migrants to this and other regions experience discrimination, abuse, exploitation and other human rights violations.
The situation of migrant domestic workers is of particular concern because their isolation in private homes makes them even more vulnerable to physical, psychological and sexual violence…. Some are held in prolonged detention after they escape abusive employers, and may be unable to obtain access to judicial recourse and effective remedies for their plight.
—Navi Pillay, United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, April 19, 2010
Migration for Domestic Work in Asia and the Middle East
The number of women migrants has increased significantly over the last three decades. They now comprise approximately half of the estimated 214 million international migrants worldwide.[2] The feminization of international labor migration is particularly pronounced in those migrating from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka, where for several years, national-level estimates indicate that women comprise between 50 and 76 percent of documented international migrants.[3] The majority of these women migrate for domestic work in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, Lebanon, Singapore, Malaysia, and Hong Kong.
Both labor-sending countries and labor-receiving countries rely heavily on migrant domestic workers. Labor-receiving countries have addressed labor shortages and inadequate child care alternatives by creating special immigration schemes to bring in live-in migrant domestic workers to meet households' need for child care, house cleaning services, and elder care. For labor-sending countries, remittances constitute an important source of income for poor households. In 2008, international migrants sent home an estimated US$444 billion, of which US$338 billion went to developing countries.[4] Labor-sending countries often actively promote out-migration to relieve underemployment and to generate foreign exchange. For example, although data disaggregating the contribution of domestic workers is not available, Filipino migrants sent home US$19 billion in 2008, 11.4 percent of the country's gross domestic product.[5]
Accurate estimates are difficult, especially as some migration takes place outside of formal channels and is not picked up by official statistics. However, according to estimates Human Rights Watch has collected from labor-sending and labor-receiving governments and figures released by governments to the media, there are approximately 1.5 million migrant domestic workers in Saudi Arabia; 660,000 in Kuwait; 200,000 in Lebanon; 300,000 in Malaysia; and 196,000 in Singapore.[6] In some countries, including Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, and Singapore, migrant domestic workers may comprise close to one quarter of the overall migrant population.
Human Rights Abuses against Migrant Domestic Workers
Many migrant domestic workers enjoy decent work conditions and positive migration experiences. However, the failure to properly regulate paid domestic work facilitates egregious abuse and exploitation, and means domestic workers who encounter such abuse have few or no means for seeking redress.
Migrant domestic workers routinely encounter exploitative working conditions, including excessively long working hours, lack of rest days or rest periods, poor living accommodations, and restrictions on freedom of movement and association. They typically earn wages that are a fraction of the prevailing minimum wage, and nonpayment of salaries, for months or years at a time, is the most frequent complaint reported to authorities and nongovernmental organizations. There is little monitoring for abuse—exclusion from national labor protections often means there are no inspections of migrant domestic workers' workplaces, and many governments prohibit labor inspectors from entering private homes.
Except for Jordan, the labor codes in the countries surveyed in this report specifically exclude domestic workers from key labor protections afforded to most other categories of workers. Such rights include guarantees of overtime pay, weekly rest days, limits to working hours, paid leave, fair termination of contracts, benefits, and workers' compensation. This exclusion denies domestic workers equal protection under the law and has a discriminatory impact on women and girls, who constitute the vast majority of this category of workers.
The recruitment and placement of migrant domestic workers remains poorly regulated and monitored. In their home countries, recruitment brokers may give migrant domestic workers inadequate or misleading information about their employment abroad, or charge them excessive recruitment fees, especially to those migrating to Singapore or Malaysia. In order to pay these fees, migrants typically have few options but to borrow money at exorbitant interest rates from local moneylenders or to receive a "loan" from the employment agency which they must repay by turning over the first six to ten months of their salary once employed. This debt burden makes it difficult for migrant women to report workplace abuse for fear of losing their jobs and the resulting inability to pay off their debts. In labor-receiving countries, recruitment agencies may engage in abusive practices such as substituting the employment contracts signed by workers in their home countries with different contracts that have poorer terms, coercing domestic workers to stay in exploitative employment situations, charging excessive transfer fees, and in some cases, physical or sexual violence.
Immigration policies affect the extent to which migrant domestic workers are at risk of abuse. Migrant domestic workers typically arrive in Singapore, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan, Lebanon, and other countries on two-year employment visas in which their immigration status is linked to their employer. As the immigration sponsor, the employer can typically have the domestic worker repatriated at will, provide or withhold consent on whether she can change jobs, and in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, obstruct her ability to leave the country. In practice, termination of employment often means the worker is obliged to leave the country immediately with no opportunity to seek redress for abuses or settlement of unpaid wages.
This system gives employers immense control over domestic workers, and can leave domestic workers forced to stay in jobs with abusive conditions and unable to demand fair treatment. Migrant domestic workers who leave their employment without their employer's consent lose their legal status, making them subject to immigration penalties and deportation. The widespread practice of employers withholding domestic workers' passports contributes to their precarious situation. Domestic workers, fearing deportation and anxious to repay recruitment debts and provide money for expenses at home may endure exploitative conditions in order to keep their employment and residency in the host country.
Domestic workers' isolation in private homes also places them at heightened risk of ill-treatment, including physical, sexual, and psychological abuse, food deprivation, and forced confinement. In the worst cases, domestic workers may become trapped in situations of forced labor, trafficking, or slavery, or they die from murder, botched escape attempts, or suicide.
Restrictions on freedom of movement, language barriers, lack of information, and their vulnerable immigration status impose formidable barriers to migrant domestic workers' access to the police or other government authorities. In some cases, police may dismiss complaints and return domestic workers complaining of abuse to their employers. Employers may deter domestic workers from approaching the police by filing or threatening spurious counter-accusations of theft or running away. Human Rights Watch has documented patterns in which the combination of poorly conducted investigations, lengthy trials, and weak enforcement of judgments combine to pressure victims of violence into accepting small financial settlements, a return ticket home, or nothing at all.
Some labor-sending countries with large numbers of migrant domestic workers, particularly Indonesia, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka, operate emergency shelters in their missions abroad for migrant domestic workers with complaints of unpaid wages, poor working conditions, or physical abuse. Countries with fewer resources or lower numbers of migrants, such as Nepal and Ethiopia, may be unable to establish such shelters as needed. The Philippines typically meets the highest standards in terms of shelter operations, whereas others often have extremely overcrowded conditions where a small staff without enough relevant training are totally overwhelmed with the high numbers of complaints each day. Domestic workers in these shelters usually have little information about their case or their options, and get stuck in these shelters for months. Regardless of resources, officials face many obstacles to resolving these cases given the labor and immigration frameworks of host countries.
Shelters run by the host government, especially in the context of the anti-migrant security-driven framework of immigration policies, are more akin to detention centers than shelters. They have strict entry requirements, domestic workers cannot leave voluntarily, and it typically serves as a holding space before repatriation.
Estimating the prevalence of abuse is difficult given the lack of reporting mechanisms, the private nature of work, the lack of legal protections, and restrictions on domestic workers' freedom of movement. There are many indications, however, that human rights violations are widespread. For example, Indonesian authorities reported more than two thousand complaints from domestic workers returning from the Middle East in the last three months of 2009.[7] In Saudi Arabia, the Indonesian, Sri Lankan, and Philippine embassies handle thousands of complaints of unpaid wages, physical or sexual abuse, or poor working conditions each year.[8] In many other cases, abuses are never reported at all.
Labor Reforms
We are fully aware in the UAE of the need to improve the situation of domestic workers and have been working systematically towards that goal.
— Dr. Anwar Gargash, minister of state for federal national council affairs, United Arab Emirates, October 27, 2009[9]
Several labor-receiving countries in Asia and the Middle East have begun to acknowledge the precarious situation of domestic workers and to enact reforms. These reforms typically take the form of a standard employment contract that outlines the monthly wage and arrangements over repatriation costs, but that falls short of providing the comprehensive protections provided under national labor laws, such as limits to hours of work, overtime pay, benefits including maternity leave, and social security. While such standard contracts are usually legally binding, measures to publicize the requirements or enforce the provisions often remain limited.
Jordan amended its labor laws in 2008 to include domestic workers, and the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Lebanon, and Malaysia are considering either reforms to existing labor codes or drafting new legislation.[10] The dynamic policy environment provides optimism about increased protections for domestic workers, but despite active debates, these proposed legislative changes have moved slowly, often stalling for years. The points of greatest contention typically involve establishing weekly rest days in which domestic workers have the freedom to leave the workplace, a limit on working hours, and classification of private homes as workplaces subject to government inspection and intervention.
Standard Employment Contracts
Several governments, for example, the United Arab Emirates in 2007 and Lebanon in 2009, have introduced mandatory standard employment contracts. In other countries, such as Singapore and Saudi Arabia, these contracts may be formulated and implemented by private recruitment agencies. These standard contracts represent a significant improvement over informal work arrangements with no written terms of employment, often establishing for the first time a set of minimum standards for domestic work.
However, standard contracts vary in their level of protections, and typically provide much weaker protection regarding hours of work, rest days, overtime pay, workers' compensation, safety and health requirements, annual and sick leave, or other benefits than would be found in the country's labor law. For example, Singapore's contract only requires at least one day off per month instead of one per week; furthermore, it recommends but does not require eight hours of continuous rest. Lebanon's unified contract, adopted in 2009, provides for a weekly rest day, but gives employers the ability to negotiate the conditions of this arrangement, in deference to many employers' preference to prevent domestic workers from leaving the house on their days off.
Provisions regarding adequate food, accommodation, and overall treatment tend to be vague and do not establish clear minimum standards. For example, many contracts simply call for provision of adequate food, but do not clarify that no deductions should be made from the salary for meals, or specify the quantity, quality, and frequency of these meals—a significant omission given the high numbers of complaints about food deprivation.
It is harder to monitor and enforce the provisions regarding terms and conditions of work in standard employment contracts in the absence of accompanying reforms in labor laws. Unlike other labor sectors, oversight of domestic workers falls under the interior or home ministry instead of the labor ministry in Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the UAE. Interior ministries oversee immigration and policing and officials tend to emphasize oversight of migrant domestic workers as an immigration enforcement problem rather than a labor issue. These officials do not have the level of expertise about labor standards and relations housed in labor ministries, and domestic workers do not have equal access to labor-dispute resolution mechanisms as categories of workers overseen by labor ministries.
There is often lack of clarity whether contractual labor disputes can be resolved through procedures at labor courts or other dispute-resolution mechanisms. Instead, such disputes often continue to be mediated by embassy officials or recruitment agents in situations where workers have far less bargaining power than their employers and end up with disadvantageous outcomes.[11] Legislative reforms that place the protection of domestic workers under the purview of the labor ministry and subject to the labor protections provided for other workers are key to enforcing their rights.
Bilateral Agreements: the Example of Indonesia and Malaysia
Another strategy in lieu of comprehensive labor reform has been to forge bilateral labor agreements between countries. Such agreements have been negotiated between Malaysia and Indonesia; Sri Lanka and the UAE; Sri Lanka and Indonesia with Jordan; and the Philippines with several host countries. These bilateral labor agreements normally represent an improvement on the status quo but, like standard contracts, offer fewer and weaker protections than those in national labor laws, and have unclear enforcement mechanisms and penalties.
Indonesia and Malaysia are revising a 2006 Memorandum of Understanding regulating migration of domestic workers. The 2006 agreement allowed employers to keep workers' passports, lacked clear standards on a minimum wage or rest periods—including a weekly day off—and did not establish clear penalties and enforcement mechanisms. Large numbers of complaints from domestic workers of nonpayment of wages and a series of high-profile abuse cases in 2009 led Indonesia to suspend migration of domestic workers to Malaysia until new protections were provided in a revised agreement. This suspension was still in effect as of late April 2010.
After several bilateral meetings and missed deadlines, Indonesia and Malaysia have agreed on revisions that will permit domestic workers in Malaysia to keep their passports and have a weekly day of rest. However, the two governments still disagree on Indonesia's demand for a minimum monthly wage, and employers will have the option of paying a worker to forego the day of rest. This provision can be abused easily since a worker who prefers a day off in lieu of extra payment may not have the bargaining power to demand it, especially if she fears termination of her employment. The negotiations to date suggest that rights such as freedom to form associations and reasonable limitations on hours of work will not be covered in the agreement.
Legislative Reform
Jordan stands out as a country that, after introducing a standard contract in 2003, amended its labor laws to include domestic workers in 2008 and issued the associated implementing regulations in 2009.[12] This reform is an important model in the region and includes provisions such as requiring employers to pay monthly salaries directly into workers' bank accounts, buy the worker health insurance, and limit work to ten hours per day. While these amendments are an advancement, the true test of this reform will be the government's commitment to publicizing and enforcing the new standards.
Furthermore, the implementing regulations also contain provisions that restrict domestic workers' freedoms. These include requiring a domestic worker to obtain her employer's consent to leave the workplace, including during time off, and holding her liable for damages caused by "mistakes" in housework. The regulations also lack a specific prohibition for employers to engage in the common practice of holding their domestic worker's passport.
Other governments have announced intentions or have already begun to draft separate legislation on domestic workers, such as the UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Lebanon.[13] Proposed provisions in current drafts represent significant improvements in legal protections for domestic workers and have begun to address the unique circumstances of domestic work such as employers' responsibilities to provide decent accommodation and adequate food. A risk of developing separate legislation is that it will fall short of equal and comprehensive protections as provided to workers under the main labor laws. Furthermore, the development of these bills has not involved broad consultation with different stakeholders or an opportunity for public debate and comment. These processes have stagnated for years, often receiving lower priority than labor reforms to other sectors with higher visibility, such as construction, and have no specific timelines for action.
Malaysia and Saudi Arabia are considering amendments to labor laws that would improve protections for domestic workers but fall short of providing equal protections as those accorded other workers. For example Malaysia in 2009 proposed amending the Employment Act of 1955 to extend a weekly rest day to domestic workers, but did not announce plans to remove the exclusions of domestic workers from other protections, such as limits to working hours, public holidays, annual and sick leave, maternity protection, and fair termination of contracts.[14] Saudi Arabia's Shura Council, after years of discussion, passed an annex to the labor code on domestic workers in 2009 that greatly improved existing protections but stopped short of regulating fair working hours. According to news reports, a clause requiring employers to provide domestic workers rest between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. was dropped because it "contradicted" the needs and traditions of Saudi families.[15]
Of the countries surveyed here, only Singapore has made no movement to amend their labor laws to include domestic workers. Government officials often cite reliance on market mechanisms alone to set domestic workers' wages and recruitment fees, even though this leaves domestic workers at high risk of exploitation because of their weaker bargaining position relative to employers and recruitment agents. Singapore's ministry of manpower also argues, "it is not practical to regulate specific aspects of domestic work i.e. hours of work, work on a rest day, and on public holidays. It would also be difficult to enforce the terms of the Employment Act for domestic workers as: [they] work in a home environment; and [the] habits of households vary."[16] While minimum labor standards for domestic work may require additional enforcement strategies than those used in factory or office settings, the success of such regulations in Hong Kong, South Africa, Brazil, and other countries demonstrates its feasibility.
Immigration Policies
This is the end of the sponsorship system, which does not differ much from slavery.
—Majeed Al Allawi, minister of labor of Bahrain, May 4, 2009, upon announcing reforms to allow migrant workers to change jobs without their employers' consent. The change did not apply to migrant domestic workers.[17]
Incremental Reforms in other Labor Sectors Employing Migrants
Governments have made fewer reforms to immigration policies than to labor policies, and these have mostly applied to migrant workers in sectors such as construction and manufacturing and excluded migrant domestic workers. This is partly because oversight of domestic work falls to home ministries instead of labor ministries in some countries and partly because governments still hesitate to enact reforms that involve regulating private individuals and homes.
In the Middle East, governments have relaxed visa restrictions in specific circumstances. Several governments now allow migrant workers in sectors other than domestic work to appeal for exemptions to the requirement for sponsor consent before transferring jobs if they have validated complaints of unpaid wages or mistreatment. For example, the UAE introduced reforms that allowed workers to seek government aid in changing employers if they had not been paid for two months.[18] In August 2009, Kuwait's labor ministry issued a decree permitting workers to change employers without sponsor consent at the end of their contract term, providing they had completed three continuous years of service with the same employer. However, this decree excluded domestic workers.
In 2009, Bahrain adopted the strongest sponsorship reform in the region by permitting migrant workers to change employment without their employer's consent and in the absence of allegations of nonpayment of wages or abuse. Majeed al Alawi, the minister of labor in Bahrain, likened the kafala (sponsorship) system to slavery when justifying the reform.[19] The 2009 legal reform allows migrant workers to change employment after meeting certain notice requirements and provides a 30-day grace period to remain legally in the country while they seek new employment.[20] These positive changes do not apply to domestic workers; moreover some human rights advocates in Bahrain are concerned that the law's requirements are so burdensome that they undermine the reform's intent.[21] Further investigation is needed to determine the reform's full impact.
Governments increasingly acknowledge the risks inherent in a system where employers double as immigration sponsors, and are exploring alternatives in which either the government or recruitment agencies serve as the sponsor. However, none have implemented significant reform despite years of proposals and debates. For example, Saudi Arabia is considering a proposal to transfer sponsorship of domestic workers away from employers to three or four large recruitment agencies. The government argues that this move would dissolve all smaller recruitment agencies, and leave it in a better position to monitor the large recruitment agencies that remained. Despite numerous announcements that reform was imminent, this idea has languished for almost ten years. Kuwait is considering a proposal to shift all sponsorship to a single, private-public recruitment agency that would be monitored by a set of shareholders.
Resistance to Ending Employer-Based Visas
Government officials, employers, and recruitment agents often make arguments against reform that reveal deep racial and gender stereotypes about migrant women and men, and the insecurities of wealthy elites that may feel physically and culturally threatened by large migrant populations but are also deeply dependent on them.[22] These dynamics are particularly pronounced in the Gulf, for example in Kuwait, where there are two foreigners for every Kuwaiti, and in the UAE, where more than 90 percent of the private labor force is foreign.
These fears contribute to government officials in the Gulf often viewing "migration management" as much a national security issue as an economic one. Government officials in Asian labor-receiving countries such as Singapore and Malaysia, where migrants can more easily blend with the local population, cite fears of being flooded by undocumented migration. These two countries also generate significant revenues by imposing levies on employers who hire migrant workers.[23] Despite a growing recognition of the abuses fostered by the employer-based sponsorship system, governments have been reluctant to institute reforms that would increase migrant domestic workers' freedom of movement and freedom to protest working conditions, or that would have the consequence of reducing the funds generated from levies.
A second set of tensions around immigration reform center on sexual stereotypes and fears. Employers commonly describe their fear of migrant men or express stereotypes of migrant women as either sexually loose or as innocent and naïve in order to justify their practices of confining migrant domestic workers to the home and prohibiting them from taking a day off. Government officials often echo these attitudes. Employers cite fears of domestic workers using unsupervised free time outside of the workplace to a) engage in sex work, b) find a boyfriend and get pregnant, c) bring home foreign men while the employers are at work and then rob them, or d) get "influenced" by foreign men to run away, sometimes for better employment and sometimes to be sold into forced prostitution.[24] These greatly exaggerated fears also conveniently make the domestic worker available for around-the-clock household service.
Recruitment and immigration policies reinforce these attitudes and behaviors since employers may incur financial penalties or losses if the domestic worker over whom they have sponsorship runs away or becomes pregnant, since that is grounds for her losing her permission to be in the country and makes her subject to deportation. For example, in Singapore, employers forfeit a S$5,000 [US$3,500] security bond to the government if their domestic worker runs away and is not later located.[25] Some employers develop a sense of entitlement and ownership created by payment of high recruitment fees. The governments in Malaysia and Singapore tolerate practices in which employers pay high fees to recruitment agents but then recoup the costs by deducting them from the salaries of domestic workers for the first four to ten months of their employment. This practice contributes to employers' reluctance to allow domestic workers to terminate their jobs early or to risk having them run away.[26] Employers in the Gulf typically pay the entire recruitment fee and are loath to lose their initial financial investment should a domestic worker leave their employment after the three-month "free replacement" period offered by many employment agencies.
Criminal Justice System
Malaysia asks why Indonesia is upset. We say it's because [abuse] cases happen, and there is no response from the government. We understand individual cases [will happen], but if the police take action, there would be less of a negative reaction from Indonesia. In some recent cases, the police have taken the necessary steps.
—Tatang Razak, minister and deputy chief of mission, embassy of Indonesia, Kuala Lumpur, February 10, 2010
Governments have a mixed record in responding to criminal abuses against migrant domestic workers. Some governments, such as Singapore, have taken vigorous action to monitor for such abuse, prosecute cases, and to publicize the outcomes as a deterrent. In Saudi Arabia, high-profile cases have demonstrated the barriers to abused domestic workers receiving redress even when there is extensive evidence. Labor-sending governments' outrage over abuse and the poor response by host governments has periodically led sending countries to impose temporary bans on new migration of domestic workers until greater protections are in place.[27]
Singapore's measures include increasing the criminal penalties for abuse of a domestic worker by 150 percent, mandating orientation programs for new employers, and ensuring that prosecutions of abusive employers and recruiters receive public attention. For example, in March 2009, a district court sentenced Tong Chew Wei to 20 months imprisonment for hitting and scalding a domestic worker, and another sentenced Loke Phooi Ling and her mother Teng Chen Lian to eight months and four weeks imprisonment respectively for beating a domestic worker and banging her head against a wall.[28]
The Singaporean police reported there were 53 substantiated cases of domestic worker abuse in 2008 in comparison to 157 cases in 1997.[29] The government introduced the steeper penalties for criminal abuses in 1998 and suggests these have contributed to lower levels of abuse. Furthermore, while countries such as Lebanon and Kuwait continue to confront high numbers of domestic workers dying from suicides or in attempts to escape their workplace, the number of such deaths in Singapore has decreased even as the number of migrant domestic workers has grown. In the first 11 months of 2009, nine domestic workers died due to suicide or workplace accidents in comparison to 40 in 2004.[30]
The governments included in this report have claimed they deal rigorously with domestic worker abuse cases. Yet recent cases show multiple barriers to justice, including deportation of domestic workers before they are able to present their complaints to relevant authorities, inadequate investigations by the police, and burdensome and expensive procedures to enable workers to obtain special immigration status to stay in the country during legal proceedings. In Kuwait, there have been several incidents in which police and immigration officers admitted to raping migrant domestic workers in their custody. One officer, tasked with transporting women from investigative detention to deportation facilities, confessed that he had engaged in this practice for a period of fifteen years.[31] Although the Kuwaiti government has responded by prosecuting these officers, these cases suggest the incidence of other such abuses, and many victims of violence may fear to approach the police.
Even in successful prosecutions in host countries, many barriers impose an undue burden on domestic workers, including requirements to remain in the country during lengthy legal proceedings. In the prominent abuse case of Nirmala Bonat, a Malaysian court sentenced her employer, Yim Pek Ha, to 18 years imprisonment (later reduced to 12 years in December 2009) for severe beatings and repeatedly burning Bonat with an iron across her breasts and back.[32] Bonat, who had to defend herself from charges that her wounds were self-inflicted, was confined in the Indonesian embassy shelter during much of the time that the case was before the courts from 2004 to 2009. The Indonesian government, which was awaiting conclusion of the criminal case, will likely file a civil suit seeking damages on behalf of Bonat later in 2010.[33]
The investigation, prosecution, and appeals process often stretches over years. In the meantime, in most host countries, domestic workers involved in legal proceedings face immigration restrictions on working, moving freely outside of a shelter, or returning home. These constraints, the uncertainty of a successful conviction and of any judgments being enforced, and the desire of abused workers, often deeply traumatized, to return home result in many abused workers withdrawing their complaints rather than seeking redress. Furthermore, police and immigration authorities often fail to identify domestic workers who are victims of human trafficking and who may be entitled to special legal status and protection as such.
Domestic workers also have little protection against spurious counter-allegations, most commonly employers accusing a "runaway" domestic worker of theft. In the Gulf, domestic workers raising complaints of sexual assault open themselves to allegations of adultery or fornication. For example, Human Rights Watch interviewed Sri Lankan domestic workers sentenced to prison and whipping in Saudi Arabia after their employers had raped and impregnated them.[34] In 2007, an Indonesian domestic worker in al-Qasim province was sentenced to 10 years in prison and 2,000 lashes for witchcraft, a reduction from an original sentence of death. The Indonesian embassy did not learn about the arrest, detention, or trial of the worker until one month after the sentencing. Access to translation and legal aid remains spotty and typically depends on the presence, resources, and leadership of labor-sending countries' diplomatic missions.
Labor and Civil Society Organizing
A new campaign is calling on Lebanese employers of migrant domestic workers to provide safe working environments, starting with their legal obligation to grant a weekly day off outside the home. The "24/7 Campaign," organized by a handful of activists and non-governmental organizations, also hopes to counter the stereotypes surrounding migrant workers by showcasing their rich cultural heritage.
—Excerpt from a newspaper article about civil society organizing on migrant domestic workers' rights in Lebanon, April 22, 2010[35]
Domestic workers face formidable challenges to organizing, including restrictions on freedom of movement, fear of angering employers and risking deportation, and a lack of free time outside of working hours, and also the problems of working in countries that tightly control and restrict nearly all types of civil society organizing. Civil society groups, faith-based organizations, and trade unions have grown more active in protecting domestic workers' rights, especially through raising public awareness and providing victim services. In host countries, such organizations are growing in size, diversity, and sophistication. Many informal networks have formed themselves into nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), raised funding, and established services such as shelters for workers in crisis, helpdesks at airports and shopping malls, and training courses to help domestic workers use their time abroad to gain marketable skills. In some cases, these organizations have been able to institute working relationships with relevant government bodies such as agencies that handle labor disputes or deportation proceedings.
In Malaysia, Singapore, and Lebanon, faith-based organizations have played an early and particularly critical role in identifying abuses against migrants, providing emergency services, and organizing social and education outlets such as picnics or training programs. In these countries, activists, academics, and students have experimented with creative strategies to challenge mistreatment of domestic workers, for example through essay competitions among children about domestic workers, exhibits with photos taken by migrants about their lives, candlelight vigils, and sports and cultural events.
These organizations have also developed SMS hotlines which help overcome domestic workers' inability to seek help if locked in the workplace, hotlines staffed by volunteers in languages spoken by migrants, relationships with pro bono lawyers who can aid in criminal cases as well as accompanying them in negotiations with employers for unpaid salaries or payment of a return ticket home, and provision of emergency shelter. These organizations struggle with inadequate resources, especially to handle the high volume of complaints, to have enough interpreters, and to deal with issues like trauma counseling.
While most trade unions in the countries surveyed here do not have a history of including domestic workers in their membership, in recent years a few have begun to integrate advocacy for migrant domestic workers' rights into their broader campaigns. Most notably, the Malaysian Trades Union Congress coordinates closely with migrants' NGOs in Malaysia and has engaged actively with the media and the government to raise concerns about poor labor protections and exploitative working conditions for domestic workers. However, trade unions in Lebanon and Jordan have yet to coordinate closely with domestic workers' groups, and Saudi Arabia bans trade unions. In Kuwait, as in other labor-receiving countries, many of the members of the Kuwait Trade Union Federation are employers of domestic workers themselves, resulting in conflicts of interest that may partially explain their lack of work on this issue.
Governments in Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates have histories of discouraging public debate, harassing activists, and making it difficult for civil society to register or obtain funding. In some countries, domestic workers' employment visas prohibit them from forming or joining workers' associations.
Positive models from other countries underline the importance and influence of domestic workers' associations and unions. Hong Kong's vibrant domestic work movement, comprised of migrants' NGOs, domestic workers' trade unions, and allied with the broader labor movement have been successful in fighting proposals such as a cut to the minimum wage, improving public awareness about labor abuses faced by domestic workers, and strengthening accountability for such abuses when they occur.
Governments have been engaging more in rhetoric about protection of migrant domestic workers than in reform. While there has been progress in several areas, for example, the formalization of working conditions in standard contracts and greater cooperation with civil society groups advocating for domestic workers' rights, many underlying forms of discrimination have yet to be addressed. These include major gaps in labor protections, restrictive immigration sponsorship policies that establish incentives for abusive behavior, and prevailing social norms that justify practices such as confining domestic workers to the workplace.
Governments also have yet to ensure a strong and consistent response to abuse of migrant domestic workers by the criminal justice system. This includes consideration of expedited processes given constraints introduced by precarious immigration status, police training, and provision of language interpretation services and legal aid.
One of the most promising elements of promoting domestic workers' rights arises out of civil society and workers' groups mobilizing to identify abuses, provide services, influence social attitudes, and demand comprehensive legal protections. Governments in host countries should create greater space for civil society including by removing obstacles to the legal registration of associations and trade unions and ensuring freedom from excessive government control and interference.
Lebanon, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the UAE, Bahrain, Singapore, and Malaysia have been engaged in active debates about domestic workers' rights and the types of protections that should be guaranteed by governments. While reforms that promote respect for domestic workers' human rights in these countries have been slow and hard-fought, some—such as Singapore's response to criminal abuse of migrant domestic workers—represent significant advancements that could serve as models to be adopted in neighboring countries. Slow movement in other areas, such as changes in immigration policy, point to the challenges ahead for the consideration of comprehensive reform.
The ILO's recognition of domestic work as an undervalued sector requiring more specific and comprehensive protections, and the global discussions taking place among governments, employers, and workers in June 2010 at the annual International Labor Conference on whether to adopt a binding international convention on domestic work demonstrate the extent to which a once invisible issue has finally caught public attention. Governments not only in the Middle East and Asia, but across the world should seize the opportunity to rectify gaps and weaknesses in national laws that leave domestic workers at high risk of abuse and exploitation and adopt international standards that ensure full respect for their rights.
Nisha Varia, senior researcher in the Women's Rights division of Human Rights Watch, authored this report. Janet Walsh, deputy director of the Women's Rights division, Eric Goldstein, deputy director of the Middle East and North Africa division, Phil Robertson, deputy director of the Asia division, Nadim Houry, senior researcher, Priyanka Motaparthy, Leonard H. Sandler fellow, Mickey Spiegel, senior researcher, Christoph Wilcke, senior researcher, Clive Baldwin, senior legal advisor, and Iain Levine, program director provided additional review. We also appreciate comments provided by John Gee, Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2), Singapore and a representative from the Humanitarian Organization for Migration Economics (HOME), Singapore.
Daniela Ramirez, associate in the Women's Rights division, provided production assistance and support. Grace Choi and Fitzroy Hepkins produced the report and Anna Lopriore assisted with the cover photograph.


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Jeez, I'll need a tuto about Discord...
'Really not my type
The14th wrote:Well shit.
evilmike wrote:The14th wrote:Well shit.
What he done said.
abadidea wrote:Been here almost a decade. Not a daily poster but a daily thread-checker. Farewell, and I might join the discord
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subset: commoncrawl


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|This beautiful picture is the back to Martin F. Rosbeck's funeral card
I previously posted the obituary for Martin F. Rosbeck and Theresa Rosbeck nee Kiefer. I thought I'd complete the set by posting both of their funeral cards today in one shot.
|The center picture is the back to Theresa Rosbeck nee Kiefer's funeral card.


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In 1945, Olson's Tack Shop was founded in the heart of downtown Bellevue—More than 70-years later Olson's is one of Bellevue's oldest businesses!
From our earliest roots, Olson's has provided horseback riding apparel, equipment, and gifts to equestrian enthusiasts. The staff of Olson's Tack Shop strives to provide unparalleled customer service—we recognize that our success is due to our valued customers.


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Nis: War Capital, 1915
In January 1916, following the defeat of the Serbian Army, Bulgaria's King Ferdinand entertained the German Kaiser, Willhem ll, in occupied Nis. After the beginning of the war though, until October 1915, the Serbian government, and administration along with embassies from Belgrade had taken refuge in the city. At that time, it was visited by the American reporter John Reed who subsequently became famous for his account of the Russian revolution. According to Reed the city, which before the war had a population of 20,000, had now swelled to some 120,000. One of the first things he noticed were the Austrian prisoners of war.
Austrian prisoners in uniform wandered freely everywhere, without a guard. Some drove wagons, others dug ditches, and hundreds loitered up and down in idleness. We learned that by paying fifty denars to the government, you could have one for a servant. All the legations and consulates were manned with them. And the prisoners were glad to be servants, for there was no place for them to live, and scant food. Now and then an Austrian officer passed along, in full uniform with his sword.
"Escape?" said one government official we interrogated. "No, they do not try. The roads are metres deep in mud, the villages are depopulated and full of disease, there is no food… .It is difficult enough to travel by train in Serbia – on foot it would be impossible. And there are guards all along the frontier… "
Along the sidewalks elbowed a multitude of strangely assorted people: gypsies, poverty-stricken peasants, gendarmes with great swords, in red and blue uniforms, tax collectors dressed like generals, also with swords, smarty army officers hung with medals, soldiers in filthy tatters, their feet bound with rags – soldiers limping, staggering on crutches, without arms, without legs, discharged from the overcrowded hospitals still blue and shaking from typhus – and everywhere the Austrian prisoners. Government officials hurried by with portfolios under their arms… Women government clerks, wives and mistresses of officers, society ladies… peasant women in their humped up gay skirts and high-coloured socks.
War in Eastern Europe: Travels Through the Balkans in 1915. John Reed. 1994.
[pp. 13-15 / Phoenix]
January 2007
Tim Judah


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Signed lower right side of base: A. Rodin Foundry mark back of center of base ALEXIS RUDIER / FONDEUR PARIS.
Rodin Museum
Signed lower right side of base: A. Rodin Foundry mark back of center of base ALEXIS RUDIER / FONDEUR PARIS.Made in France, Europe
Modeled 1879; cast 1925
Auguste Rodin, French, 1840 - 1917. Cast by the foundry Alexis Rudier, Paris, 1874 - 1952.
Bronze; marble base
* Rodin Museum, North Gallery
F1929-7-71Bequest of Jules E. Mastbaum, 1929
LabelIn 1879 the young Rodin entered a competition for a public monument honoring the French Republic, which resulted in this fierce-looking bust of Bellona, the Roman goddess of war. The model was his mistress and later wife, Rose Beuret (French, 1844–1917).
More information on this object can be found in the following Themes:
* Works in the collection are moved off view for many different reasons. Although gallery locations on the website are updated regularly, there is no guarantee that this object will be on display on the day of your visit.
© 2017 Rodin Museum All rights reserved. Administered by Philadelphia Museum of Art


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CIG17 are props smiths from Singapore.
Follow us to see our passion and journeys to create prop sabers, blasters and other cool stuffs.
We are certified and chosen by Goth 3d Designs as the official builder for their 3D printed parts and components.
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Check out our list of positive customer reviews: Here
All contents, pictures and prop building and crafting showcases:
© Cosmic Inter-Galactic LP 2018 | Site maintained by Devin Tan
1716410total visits,86visits today


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Milestone Banner
Create your own tissue paper tassel garland with our hassle-free tassels! Each set includes 4 pre-made tassels measuring 12 inches in length and a 7.5 foot length of 1/4 inch white satin ribbon to string the tassels into a garland with. Our tissue paper tassels are popular for wedding decorations, birthday parties, baby showers and nurseries or anywhere you need a little fancy! Mix and match them with our matching tissue pom poms and banners too!


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481 members13 Likes
Bob G has not received any gifts yet
Posted on October 2, 2009 at 1:05pm 2 Comments 0 Likes
Hi Bob,
I am looking for someone to hit with this week. Are you available?
Thanks, Chris
I'd like to hit with you on saturdays, or weekdays mornings. I'm a somewhere between 3.5 and 4.0, and would like play to improve. If you're interested please let me know, 916-613-0116
© 2020 Created by Mark / The Mayor. Powered by


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Thorn PP3000D PopPack 4ft LED Batten 3120Lm Dimmable 4ft 96242243[96242243]
- Thorn PopPack LED Batten PP3000D 1200mm 3120Lm Dimmable Equivalent to 1x36W T8 Cool White 4000K 96242243 LED3000-L840 HFI
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PopPack LED is suitable for new and refurbishment projects with convenient point for point replacement.
As the first LED batten in the PopPack range, PopPack LED is highly efficient (>100Llm/W) and reduces energy consumption by up to 67% compared to traditional fluorescent alternatives.
With lumen packages from 3000 to 6500lm, it is suitable for indoor applications such as storage areas, staircases, cellars and garages.
For glare control and uniformity, PopPack LED features a textured prismatic diffuser. It also has a special anti-fly diffuser design to avoid black spots caused by insect ingress throughout the product lifetime.
PopPack LED has a 4000K colour temperature and a very high colour rendering index of more than 80. It is available with a fixed output or DALI dimmable ballast for further energy savings.
To View all the Thorn PopPack LED Battens Have You Got Any Other Questions?
Thorn PP3000D PopPack 4ft LED Batten 3120Lm Dimmable 4ft 96242243[96242243]
No specification details available.


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For Immediate Release:
The Sutter County Sheriff's Office School Resource Officer in conjunction with the Sheriff's Reserves and Sheriff's Cadets will be conducting Gun Safety Programs in fourteen local Sutter County Elementary Schools. This program is funded through a grant from the Friends of the NRA, and teaches Kindergarten through the third grade school children what to do if they find a gun. They are to "Stop, Don't Touch, Leave the Area, and Tell an Adult." We are expecting to teach 2,500 children this important message.
We are presenting the program at the following schools:
Grace Baptist Church private school, Oct. 17th
Marcum Illinois Elementary, Oct. 23rd
Luther Elementary, Oct. 23rd
Pleasant Grove Elementary, Oct. 24th
Browns Elementary, Oct. 25th
Lincoln Elementary, Oct. 26th
Adventist Church private school, Oct. 26th
Encinal Elementary, Oct. 30th
Andros Karperos Elementary, Oct. 31st
Robbins Elementary, Nov. 1st
Winship Elementary, Nov. 1st
Meridian Elementary, Nov. 1st
Central Gather Elementary, Nov. 8th
Brittan Elementary, Jan. 11th
Contact Persons and Telephone Number:
Deputy Wes Schmidt or
Reserve Deputy Steve Carney
(530) 822-7307


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1Feature Filter
Filtering by: Edit
Theta is a fully responsive one page wordpress theme which has a modern design with clean lines and style. Excellent prebuilt sections can easily and elegantly display all your important content on a single page. Theta will make your online business a professional and eye-catching look. You can see the demo at http://demos.coothemes.com/?theme-demo=theta or http://demos.coothemes.com/?theme-demo=theta-all
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Schedule plugin updates on my websites
You can schedule plugin updates on your websites in Pro Sites, so we can check for available updates once a week and run them automatically.
- Log in to your Pro account. (Need help logging in?)
- Click Pro Clients and select Pro Sites.
- Click Websites in the left sidebar.
- Select the websites and click Plugins in the top menu.
- Click Scheduling Settings in the upper-right corner.
- In the General section, enable automatic updates and then select the time and day for your updates.
- Select Perform Safe Update to use the Safe Update tool for scheduled updates.
- Select With Rollback to previous version to enable automatic restore if the website is not up and running after the update.
- Click Save Changes.
- In the Plugins section, select the plugins that you wish to update automatically and then click Schedule.


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Python Web Programming Online Course
Python Web Programming Online Course in South Africa
2KO Africa's online Python Web Programming course is perfect for students learning how to develop web sites and design web sites from scratch using Python. 2KO International delivers consulting services, in the IT and Business space, as well as being a training provider for IT certification and user level courses. Training can be any blend of bespoke, classroom and online learning. from the comfort of home or work.
Your definitive
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Imagine powering up your tablet and browsing a site you built. Or discovering the skills necessary to launch a career in web programming. Or imagine, after years of thinking about it, finally crossing become code literate off your bucket list. The Python Web Programming online course will ease you through the big, vast world of Python coding. Over the course of 7 hours, you'll be introduced to all the innovative concepts and foundational principles necessary to master web programming with Python. So whether you're an upstart programmer, an aspiring web developer, or someone just looking to gain a deeper understanding of python web programming, with this course you'll acquire the understanding and the confidence to conquer all things Python.
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We understand. There are other Python courses .But The Complete Guide to Python Web Programming dives deep into all aspects of web programming with Python. We pull back the curtain on coding - giving you an unparalleled understanding of the art and science behind it. But we don't stop there. Because you'll graduate with the all the tools necessary to build vibrant, sustainable web based programs. You see, this course was created as a labor of love. In fact, it's delivered with a level of quality and expertise you'd expect from an elite university - not an online course.
What are the requirements?
A computer
PC, Mac or Linux Operating Systems OK
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57 lectures and over 7 hours of content!
Acquire an in-depth understanding of Python web programming.
Get hands on experience working with Python files and building programs
What is the target audience?
Aspiring web developers and app creators
Anyone aspiring to become code literate
Class Curriculum
Introduction to the Course
Course Introduction
Python Programming Review
Object Oriented Programming Part 1
Object Oriented Programming Part 2
Modules Part 2
Section Conclusion
Basic Database (SQLite) with Python
SQLite Intro
Creating Database And Table
Inserting Data
Inserting Dynamic Data
Reading Data
Limit, Update, and Delete
Section Conclusion
Using Python with the Internet
Section Introduction
urllib module
urllib headers
xml intro
parsing xml
Section Conclusion
Working with HTML
Section Introduction
Web Page Structure
Web Page Structure 2
Nav bar
HTML's body
Comments, footers, and divs
Parsing Paragraph Data
Section Conclusion
Intro to Web Server Programming
Section Introduction
Creating a VPS
Interacting with our VPS
Section Conclusion
MySQL database with Python
Section Introduction
MySQL basics
MySQL Part2
Database Connection
Inserting into Database
Adding logic to insert
Section Conclusion
Python's Flask Web development Framework
Section Introduction
Flask setup
Flask backend setup
Basic Website
Templates and Errors
Variables and Logic
Bootstrap incorporation
More on Bootstrap
Adding more pages to our site
Extending Templates
Additional Information
Course Conclusion
Course Conclusion
Certificate Exam Access


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Displaying 1 - 5 of 26 results
This course material consisting of 7 modules was developed by the International Institute of Criminal Investigations for the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Materials from a training for high school teachers, psychologists and teachers aimed at delivering current good practices and strengthening the ability of the target group to deal with the issue of countering violent extremism (CVE), as it arises in classrooms and informal settings with students
Material for a 4-hour lesson, part of the Basic Training Program of Macedonian Police, developed by the Police Development Unit of the OSCE Spillover Monitor Mission to Skopje.
This Manual is the result of the third stage of a programme to combat trafficking in children for sexual purposes, devised by the ECPAT Europe Law Enforcement Group - a regional grouping of ECPAT Europe partners, coordinated by ECPAT Netherlands.
The training, developed at the request of the Association of Women in Kosovo Police, was delivered to women police officers


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Here are some betting tips for betting on the 2010 Super bowl future odds. Value and money management is more important than wins and losses. As the odds to win the NFL Championship opened, there were some surprises…
Betting On 2010 NFL Championship
January 7, 2010 by Cappers Picks
Filed Under: Super Bowl Tagged With: 2009/2010 nfl, 2010 nfl playoffs, 2010 Super Bowl, 2010 Super Bowl Futures, 2010 super bowl odds, 2010 superbowl lines, Future Betting Tips, gambling on nfl, Gambling On NFL lines, Gambling On NFL title\, Joseph D'Amico, Joseph D'Amico handicapping, Joseph D'Amico nfl picks, nfl expert handicapper, nfl future lines, nfl future odds, nfl futures, nfl handicapping, nfl odds, nfl picks, Super Bowl futures


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Life just feels really hard right now. So, I am extra, uber-grateful for moments like this one. On Sunday, Don, Theo and I went to a local pumpkin farm and spied this big orange beauty. It weighed in at 121 pounds — and that was WITHOUT Theo inside! 🙂
Trying to Focus on Bright Rather Than Bleak3 11 2011
Comments : 21 Comments »
Tags: alternative treatments, amy rauch neilson, biochemistry, BRCA 1 gene, brca 1 recurrence, BSI-201, chemo vacation, ct scan, diet and nutrition, dr burzynski, genetic breast cancer, Great Pumpkin, houston, large pumpkins, long-term chemo, metastatic breast cancer, MRI, PARP Inhibitor, pumpkin carving, Stage 4 cancer, texas
Categories : Uncategorized
Meltdown in the Grocery Store Parking Lot9 08 2011
Last Saturday morning began easy and laid back. All of us slept in til about 9:30 — quite unusual for Theo. We three then snuggled up on the couch and watched the World Premiere movie of Phineas and Ferb in the Second Dimension. I'd tivo'd it the night before. By the time the movie ended, the decision as to whether it was breakfast time or lunch time was a bit nebulous. We decided to move on to lunch.
I opened the fridge. Not a lot to choose from as I'd only dashed into the grocery store once that week, after returning from our trip to Indianapolis, to pick up some basics. Today was going to be the Big Grocery Shopping Day. But first, lunch.
Ewww. The contents of the fridge were not an appealing sight. Not because there was anything wrong with the food that was in there, but because of the type of food that remained. Our best option for sustenance was hot dogs. Don opened the package and threw them on the outside grille. Usually, I find them quite tasty. Today, the thought made my stomach turn. All I could think about was the nitrates they contained and how bad those nitrates are for my body.
He brought them in and fixed them in white buns. I tried to save the day (or at least, the meal) by slicing up some peaches. They were mealy and inedible. Don and Theo wolfed down their dogs. I squirted mustard on mine, took a bite, and couldn't go any further. I had an aversion to hot dogs and pretty much everything else left in our kitchen.
"Is there something wrong with your hot dog, honey?" Don asked.
"Nope. It's me, honey. Sorry."
The "something wrong" was a culmination of months of reading various opinions by holistic and traditional Western medical doctors alike, finally coming to a head that morning in our kitchen. I had nearly finished the book Anti-Cancer, the one that of all the books I've read since my diagnosis, truly makes sense. It's well balanced. It doesn't pooh-pooh Eastern Medicine or Western Medicine, but illustrates how each of us can tap into the benefits of these different approaches to healing as complements to one another.
The author of Anti-Cancer, who is both a biochemist and an MD, figured out how to heal his own brain cancer through a combination of chemotherapy, supplements, and nutrition. The book not only follows his journey back to health, but he describes how he's never been so healthy in his life.
I can't do this book justice in six blog posts, let alone one. But I will say this — the changes in our food production and the increasing incidence of a wide variety of cancers, striking people who are younger and younger, is a major problem that we need to address in our country's food supply. And if we can't at this point address it on a national level, we can certainly start at the grassroots level — our own food choices.
Some of the changes that have brought us the most harm post World War II:
1. The staggering amount of refined white sugar in our diets, which grows every year;
2. The processed, bleached foods and preservatives we eat, like the bleached white flour that we can find on the ingredient panel of so many of our foods;
3. The changes in how our chickens are fed and treated (think egg supply), as well as how our sources of meat are fed and raised.
When you read about this and the long-term studies that back up how these changes are affecting our health, it's not only staggering, it's nauseating. This is the very same message that the doctor from Indianapolis is sharing with me. If I want to get healthy, I've go to change my diet, take the supplements that my specific body needs, continue chemotherapy (the diet and supplements dovetail nicely with my chemo regimen), and walk 30 minutes a day, at least six days a week. That's for starters.
Sound like a lot to take on? It's not. As I explained it to my friend Jennifer Amprim Wolf today, it's all about the source of your motivation. For example, following the above protocol might be a passing thought if I was looking to drop 10 pounds for an upcoming wedding or high school reunion. But when it literally is a matter of life and death, well, it takes on a whole new meaning.
That brings me to what happened in the Meijer Parking Lot last Saturday morning. I drove in, parked, and began sobbing out of frustration and confusion. What am I supposed to be eating? How will I know when I get in there what to choose and what not to? Where's the hidden refined white sugar, bleached flour, nitrates, poorly fed beef and poultry, eggs from caged chickens, organic vs. non-organically grown fruits and veggies? I was overwhelmed.
So, I called my cousin Lori Parker. Sobbing uncontrollably.
"What's wrong, Aimers?" she asked.
And I'm quite sure that my response was anything but what she was expecting.
"I'm afraid of food!" I told her. And I went on to explain, as rationally as I could, that what I was about to put into my cart felt like a matter of life and death. Yet, I'm new at this and I'm not sure how to go about it.
We had a long chat there, me sitting in the Meijer Parking lot. And when we were done, I'd calmed down considerably and felt I'd gained back a little of my control. We brainstormed some ideas for good choices I could make in each department. With a new sense of confidence, I got out of the car and headed into the grocery store, where I found that I naturally gravitated toward the "good stuff" about 80 percent of the time.
I've never been a junk food eater, so it was no problem to pass up packages of Chips A Hoy, pastries, potato chips. I found myself naturally reaching out for fresh strawberries, organic peaches, blueberries, a seedless watermelon. I also craved green pepper, cucumbers, organic carrots. Mushrooms would also be of great benefit to me, but I loathe them, always have. So, we'll work on that aspect of my diet some other day.
As I made my way through the store, I realized how many good choices I could make and how easy it really was. Whole grain pasta. Grass-fed beef. Organic eggs from free-range, properly fed chickens. Whole grain bread. Organic milk. I checked out and left the store feeling a bit more confident that slowly, I will learn how to choose and eat the foods that nourish my body, build my immune system, strangle off the blood supply to my tumors. I'm on a roll.
But you just can't learn enough about this life change and how important it is to each one of us, whether we're fighting cancer, another disease, or are enjoying a healthy part of our lives. That's why I can't encourage you enough to consider, really consider, attending The Pink Fund Luncheon on Saturday, October 1. I'll be there for the full sha-bang, from the yoga class in the morning to the luncheon, the premiere showing of The Pink Fund national awareness and donor video that I was a part of last week, and the book signing by Kris Carr in the afternoon.
Author Kris Carr, a NY Times best-selling author of the Crazy, Sexy Cancer series, wellness warrior, filmmaker, and an irreverent foot soldier in the fight against cancer, will be the featured guest speaker. She has kept Stage 4 cancer at bay for many years and if you have not yet read her books, check them out. She has acquired an amazing knowledge of food, diet, nutrition, the mind-body connection — you name it — and the impact on the short-term and long-term health for each and every one of us. She is spunky and beautiful, and she's put a whole new face on what it means to have — and live an amazing life with — Stage 4 cancer.
I urge you to attend. For more information, check out The Pink Fund event info. Tickets are going fast, so don't dilly-dally.
P.S. The answer to the question posed in the photo caption is the bag of pure, refined white sugar. But you probably already guessed that.
Copyright 2011, Amy Rauch Neilson
Comments : 15 Comments »
Tags: Anti-Cancer book, cancer fighting foods, changes in our food supply, combining the best of Western and Eastern medicine, Eastern and Western medicine, healthy food choices, holding Stage 4 at bay, Kris Carr Author and Speaker, living your best life, making better food choices, nutrition, organic fruits, Stage 4 cancer, The Pink Fund, The Pink Fund Annual Luncheon, veggies and meats
Categories : Uncategorized


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MosBuild is the largest building and interiors trade show in Russia in all categories of the All-Russian Exhibition Rating 2017-2018.
With a packed programme of events and content, the event brings the Russian building and interiors sector together. 1,200 exhibitors, 70,000 visitors, inspiring speakers, fascinating sessions, the latest innovations: we have it all.
MosBuild took place this year in a brand new venue - Crocus Expo in Moscow, which is the largest, most modern trade fair venue in Russia and Eastern Europe. See you again in 2020.
More than 1,200 Russian and international companies presented a wide range of building and finishing materials at MosBuild 2019 - make sure you're part of it next year.Explore


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lose weight mp3
About the Author
Elisa Di Napoli is a Holistic Clinical Hypnotherapist, NLP Practitioner and Coach. She combines Positive Psychology, Eastern Philosophy, NLP, Hypnosis and Coaching with a holistic approach to shorten your path to better living. She aims to facilitate self change by aiding you in your personal evolution so you may empower yourself to fulfil your true potential.


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You're gonna to want to bookmark this!
Watch the Oscars Red Carpet Fashion Live Stream right here, in real time, on FocusOnStyle.com LIVE!
Mark your calendar: Red Carpet Live Stream from the 85th Annual Academy Awards taking place on Sunday, February 24th, 5:30pm – 7:30pm EST
>> MORE: Red Carpet Fashion
Oscars Red Carpet Fashion LIVE Stream Photo: AP


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|Posted on April 2, 2013 at 1:30 PM
I was recently contacted by a Fisher cousin, Richard Fisher. We began comparing notes on our Fisher lines and quickly came to the same conclusion: We both have the same Fisher brick wall! I spent large chunks of whole days pouring through information on the Fisher family over my recent Easter vacation. Unfortunately, I'm still as lost as ever.
John David Fisher [1821-1868]
My Fisher line (as well as Richard's) goes back to Henry Fisher, who married Christiana Dilling. The two are buried in St. Luke's Cemetery in Liberty Township, Bedford County, PA. They were the parents of at least ten known children. I descend through their second son, Casper Fisher (1824-1891) and Richard through their first son, John David Fisher [1821-1868].
The known children of Henry and Christiana (Dilling) Fisher include:
John David Fisher [1821-1868]
Casper Fisher (1824-1891)
William Fisher (1826-1903)
David Fisher [b. abt. 1828]
Sarah (1834-1896)
Isaac (b. abt. 1836)
Elizabeth (1836-1910)
Christiana (abt. 1839-1873)
Catharine (b. abt. 1842)
Mary Ann (b. abt. 1846)
Christiana was the daughter of Johann Casper Dilling and Christina Butterbaugh. Her tombstone indicates she died on November 30, 1877 at 77 years of age. This would place Christiana as being born about 1800. However, many researchers say she was born in 1803. I have never found a definitive research source that confirms her date of birth.
Henry Fisher's parents are unknown. His tombstone indicates he died February 3, 1876 at 84 years of age. This would have him being born about 1792. However, many researchers say he was born in 1786, and census reports indicate he was born about 1796. Again, I can find no sources that support these dates of birth other than the databases of individual researchers and census reports.
It is very frustrating not to be able to prove the parents of Henry Fisher. It is strongly believed that he was the son of another Henry Fisher from the Heidelberg area of Berks County, PA...but which one? Henry was a very popular name in the Fisher family! At this point, I am even questioning why I even think my Henry was the son of another Henry anymore; where did I come up with that idea in the first place???
There are potentially two (or more) Henry Fisher's that could be the father of my Henry Fisher, who married Christiana Dilling. They are:
1. Henry Fischer (1739-1822), who married Christina Durst. He was the son of Johann Wilhelm Fischer and Elizabeth Gertrude Hain. Henry and Christina were the parents of the following known children:
Peter (1761-1783)
Christina (b. 1763)
John (1765-1844)
Catharine (b. 1767)
Elizabeth (b. 1769)
Anna Maria (b. 1771)
Susanna (b. 1773)
Margaret (1775-1834)
Philip (1777-1816)
Catharine (1780-1849)
Frederick (1782-1836)
I know...you're probably saying to yourself, "But they didn't even have a child named Henry!" I know, but just wait; it gets more interesting!
2. Henry Fisher (1758-1823), who married Susanna Ruth. He was the son of Peter Fischer (brother of Henry #1 above) and Appolonia Heckert. Henry and Susanna were the parents of the following known children:
Mary "Polly" (1790-1830)
Samuel (1791-1824)
Sarah Ann (1793-1867)
Daniel (1795-1839)
John [1798-1828]
Henry (b. 1801)
The son Henry, b. 1801, supposedly left home and was never heard from again according to a published article from the Berks County Genealogical Society in their Journal of the Berks County Genealogical Society Volume 14, No. 4 dated Summer of 1994 entitled "Johan Wilhelm Fischer: A Brief Overview of His Ancestors, Life, Death, and Descendants" by Kenneth L. Fisher. Researchers later discovered that he had supposedly moved to Columbia County, PA.
Years ago, I was in touch with Fisher family descendants in Columbia County who confirmed there was a Henry of the right age in the area, but they claimed that he was born in Columbia County, and came from an established family in that area. However, I recently found a published bio in the Historical and Biographical Annals of Columbia and Montour Counties, Pennsylvania: Containing a Concise History of the Two Counties and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Representative Families: In Two Volumes published in 1915 that confirms the Henry born above in 1801 did indeed go to Columbia County from Berks County in 1821!
Henry Fisher, #2 above, who married Susanna Ruth, died while visiting in Huntingdon County. His daughter, Mary "Polly" was married to Henry Spang, who operated the furnace at Mt. Etna in neighboring Blair County, PA (which was still in Huntingdon County at the time of Henry's death in 1823).
I have often wondered if the birth year is wrong for the younger Henry (b. 1801) above, since he went missing and researchers only thought they had found him in Columbia County, PA. Was he actually my Henry who married Christiana Dilling? After all, wouldn't it make more sense that his father died here in Huntingdon County while visiting his daughter Mary AND his son Henry? However, I can't prove it; and, the birth date just seems to be too far off. In addition, there is a published bio now from 1915 that ties Henry (b. 1801) living in Columbia County, PA back to his Berks County roots and gives the correct names of his ancestors.
One of the above Henry's also married Sarah Hunter.
Some on-line researchers claim Henry #1 was married to Christina Durst, Susanna Ruth, and Sarah Hunter! Good grief...that certainly confuses everything. They claim Henry married Christina in 1761, Susanna in 1781 and Sarah in 1791. If this is true, then son Frederick (of Henry #1 above) would not be a child of Christina Durst, but rather a child of Susanna Ruth. If my Henry were really born in 1786 as some researchers list, then he could potentially be a child of Susanna Ruth too. However, if his tombstone is correct and he was born about 1792, he could potentially belong to the 3rd wife, Sarah Hunter. Are you confused yet????? I personally do not buy this scenario at all, but it is on the web.
How will this mess ever be straightened out? The only possible answer I can come up with after pouring over every record known to exist was to do DNA testing on my father, and hope that he matches other Fisher family members who can confirm their lineage to sort out which line my Henry Fisher belongs to. So, I splurged at income tax refund time and tested my almost 81 year old dad, who now officially thinks I'm crazy! I sent his DNA cheek swabs off to Family Tree DNA, and am now anxiously waiting on the results!
A number of Fisher names have already been tested, and I see one from the above lines in Berks County as well as one from the Columbia County line who have already posted their lineage. If my dad matches one or both of them, it will answer a lot of questions. However, I am fully prepared, as would be my luck, that he will not match any tested line. If the latter scenario comes true, then my hope is that someone in the future will be tested who will match my dad. In my mind, it was a critical investment to test my dad now rather than later. He only has one living brother left to carry the surname Fisher and one living nephew. I felt I had to test my dad now in hopes that his DNA will some day solve the Fisher Frustration mystery.
Categories: Family Names
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Top 5 Illustrator Tutorials on Vectortuts+ in July 2013
Welcome to this months showcase of our favorite Adobe Illustrator tutorials available on Vectortuts+. Vectortuts+, part of the Tuts+ network, publishes tutorials, articles and more on all things vector! We publish tutorials on techniques and effects to make awesome vector graphics in Adobe Illustrator. My name is Sharon Milne, I'm the editor of Vectortuts+, and it is my pleasure to share with the Illustrator community five of our most interesting and popular tutorials published during July 2013.


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google latitude iphone Archive
Google Latitude for the iPhone shows your current latitude / longitudePosted on December 14, 2010 | No CommentsGoogle Latitude for the iPhone has finally been released! The Google Latitude app shows your current latitude / longitude on a map along with anyone else in your address book who chooses to share their location with you. Programmers the net over are scrambling for the Google Latitude API for a chance to integrate with the newly released app for iPhone. Although Google Latitude has been out for years now, Apple has only just approved the app. You can download Google Latitude from iTunes Store here.


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Construction Truck Candy Kabobs - 6qty
Brand: Sweets Indeed
Product Code:
Availability: Out of stock
A Sweets Indeed original, our Signature Candy Kabobs are hand crafted and made fresh to order with the best tasting ingredients. Each one arrives individually wrapped and tied with coordinating ribbon.
Perfect as party favors, cake toppers or as a gift to someone special, each Candy Kabob is loaded with scrumptious sour belts, flavorful gummy rings, gummy puffs and other fun candy.
This listing is for our Construction themed Candy Kabobs. Each kabob has an edible sugar truck on top! Our Sour Lolli's and Candy Kabobs are sold in increments of 6. Please add more to your cart if you need a larger quantity.
*We do not use pointed wooden skewers. EVER! Your Candy Kabobs will arrive on a food/kid safe 8" lollipop stick.
Orders are made within 2-3 days of purchase. Due to the weight of our Candy Kabobs, we ship via USPS 2-3 day flat rate. You should receive your order within 5-7 business days after purchase.
We welcome advance orders if you'd like to plan ahead. Simply leave your event date in the message to seller upon checkout and we will ship your order accordingly. If you'd like a custom order, let us know!
Thank you for your order. Enjoy!
Sour Belts: Sugar, Glucose-Fructose Syrup, Wheat Flour, Malic Acid, Dextrose, Palm Oil, Citric Acid,
Artificial Flavors, Antioxidants (Ascorbic Acid, Tocopherols), Turmeric Extract (color),
Artificial Colors: FD&C Red 40, FD&C Blue 1
Gummy Rings: Corn Syrup, Sugar, Water, Gelatine, Citric Acid, Natural and Artificial Flavors, Lactic Acid, Pectin, Titanium Dioxide, FD&C Red 40. Blue 1
Gummy Puffs: Corn Syrup, Sugar, Gelatine, Humectant, Sorbitals, Modified Corn Starch, Invert Sugar Syrup, Acids; Citric Acid, Lactic Acid, Corn Starch, Gelling Agent: Pectins; Natural and Artificial Flavor, Color Red 40, Blue 1 Titanium Dioxide40, Blue 1 Titanium Dioxide


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Contracts cover wide range of gear including handheld computers.
The Air Force requires thousands of low-cost electronic and hardware commodity items to keep its fleet of aircraft flying and yesterday awarded eight companies contracts valued at $288 million to supply it with 3,000 separate items.
Under the Third Party Logistics Follow-on Service Acquisition, vendors will source and supply the Air Force with commodity electronic equipment valued in the $20,000 or less range. That equipment includes handheld computers, network analyzers, electronic test equipment, radio and radar antennas, intercoms, radio and TV equipment as well as hardware such as portable gantry cranes and lubrication dispensing gear.
The current Air Force Third Party Logistics contract valued at $135 million expires next month.
The Air Force awarded two contracts for the Third Party Logistics Follow-on Service Acquisition. Winners of the small business, indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity contract valued at $231 million are ATAP Inc, Eastaboga, Alabama; Advanced Technology Systems Company, McLean, Virginia; Boneal Inc., Means, Kentucky; Charleston Logistics LLC, Charleston, South Carolina; and Tec-Masters Inc., Huntsville, Alabama.
Cherokee Nation Red Wing LLC., Tulsa, Oklahoma; International Logistics Group LLC., Warner Robins, Georgia; and Precision Air Inc., Manning, South Carolina, won the $57 million small disadvantaged business Third Party Logistics Follow-on Service Acquisition contract.


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Honor the Heroes of the Game, Preserve Its History, Promote its Values & Celebrate Excellence Everywhere
Share your pictures, videos, and stories from your visit to the Pro Football Hall of Fame on our social media. We might even feature you in one of our promotions!
Celebrate all of the Buffalo Bills Legendary Hall of Fame Enshrinees with this exclusive Hall of Fame Legends T-Shirt from the Pro Football Hall of Fame! This design is NEW for 2015 - featuring Class of 2015 member Bill Polian!


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Why should only humans get to pick out clothes from our closet each day? Pick up a few of our colorful dog bandanas in different patterns and let your dog choose some different outfits every day!
These bandanas are made from select, domestically sourced fabrics and cut and sewn in our shop in Brooklyn, NY.
• 100% Lightweight Cotton (Great for all year round)
• Triangle bandana keeps the knot less bulky
• Handmade in Brooklyn, NY
• S : finish size approximately 13.5"x13.5"x19" (Recommended neck size up to 12")
• M-L : finish size approximately 21"x21"x30" (Recommended neck size up to 21")
-Machine wash cold
-Do not bleach
-Line dry or Tumble dry low
-Iron low if necessary (***DO NOT IRON ON THE WOVEN LABEL ***)


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Showing results for 1 to 1 of 1 Music Collection Barriere, Jean-Baptiste Teitelbaum, Richard Directions in Music Research (L… Colloquiums Artificial intelligence Computer music
Results 1 to 1 of 1
Search Results
Directions in Music Research Colloquium Series
- Access: Restricted to UC San Diego use only
- Collection: Center for Music Experiment Recordings Archives
- Name: Directions in Music Research (La Jolla, San Diego, Calif.).; University of California, San Diego. Center for Music Experiment.; Wessel, David L; Barriere, Jean-Baptiste; Laurer, John; Schmidt-Banse, Hans Christian; Smoliar, Stephen W.; Teitelbaum, Richard; Begault, Durand R., 1957-
- Date: January 19, 1989
- Topic: Colloquiums; Computer music; Lectures; Presentations (communicative events); Electronic music
- Format: sound recording


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Where Does the Phrase 'Paint the Town Red' Come From?
When you hit the streets and tell everyone you're gonna "paint the town red," what you really mean to say is that you and your compadres are planning a no holds barred evening (and maybe early morning) of heavy drinking, dancing and all around bacchanalian excess.
The origins of this phrase are dubious at best, and up for some debate. One of the most colorful accounts comes from the antics of the Marquis of Waterford in the late 1830s.
The Marquis was famous for his wild brand of partying. He was kicked out of Oxford University for unruly behavior, including but not limited to dueling, destroying property, theft, treating women with despicable contempt, and scaring travelers by bursting out of the bushes.
In 1837, or so the story goes, the Marquis of Waterford, along with some of his unruly cohorts, painted red streaks across many of the buildings in the center of the English town of Melton Mowbray (also famous for its pork pies). The men ran rampant that night, apparently, in celebration of a successful fox hunt.
The phrase didn't actually come out in print until a few years later, and in an American newspaper at that, which is why some people are unsure as to the exact origins of this imaginative expression. There are those who believe that it stems from the practice of Roman soldiers painting the blood of the conquered on city walls. Fun, huh?