text:
Morocco gained independence in 1956 after more than 40 years as a French protectorate (though Spain had controlled the northern third of the country as well as the Western Sahara). King Mohamed V reigned until his death in 1961, at which point his son, Hassan II, began three decades of authoritarian rule, followed by a significant political liberalization during the 1990s. From the 1960s through the 1980s, King Hassan's reign featured large-scale human rights abuses, including unlawful incarceration of regime critics, torture, and the enforced disappearance of many political opponents. In essence, while King Hassan preferred to rely on divide-and-rule, cooptation and intimidation tactics, he did not hesitate to harshly repress those who refused to play by his rules and remain within the "red lines" he set.
In October 1975, Morocco annexed the Western Sahara, a territory south of the kingdom. During an initial war between Morocco and Sahrawi nationalists, led by the Polisario Front, many Sahrawis moved to refugee camps in Algeria. Those who remained behind in the annexed territory have been demanding independence ever since and several have been jailed for that reason.
Hassan II's son, Mohamed VI, inherited the throne upon his father's death in July 1999. Initially, he expanded the process of political liberalization he had inherited. He dismissed some of the stalwarts of his father's oppressive regime, allowed the return of exiled political dissidents, established an organization to investigate official human rights abuses from 1956 to 1999, and reached out to constituencies (such as former political prisoners) and regions (such as northern Morocco) that had suffered or been neglected during his father's reign. In the past decade, however, political development has been slow and Morocco today remains a monarchy in which power is still concentrated in the palace. From 2006 through 2010, the country's progress toward democratic governance was partial and uneven. Limited advances took place in some areas, including electoral professionalism and transparency, but significant setbacks (predominantly in the area of media freedom) and stagnation (particularly with regard to judicial independence and the fight against corruption) characterized others. The slow pace of political change stood in stark contrast to rapid social and economic transformations, remarkable improvements in the country's infrastructure, and advances in the fight against poverty and social exclusion.
Thus, for all the talk about Morocco being engaged in a "democratization process," few meaningful steps have taken place in recent years to support such claims. The king has prioritized socioeconomic development over political reform, likely on the basis of a series of considerations that include: the reluctance of the monarchy to divest itself of key prerogatives in core decision-making areas; the need to accommodate powerful constituencies opposed to genuine democratization; skepticism toward the capacity of political parties and representative institutions to manage greater levels of competition; fear that illiberal forces would benefit disproportionately from political opening; and a belief that the public will judge the monarchy primarily on its ability to spur growth, create jobs, and reduce poverty. Evidence from this report's period of coverage, January 2006 to December 2010, suggests that the monarchy remains ambivalent, at best, toward reform that would reduce its expansive powers.
Morocco's largely stalled reform process was thrust back into the spotlight, however, with the wave of prodemocracy protests that swept the Arab world after the overthrow of Tunisian President Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. On February 20, 2011, thousands of Moroccans across the country took part in antigovernment protests called by a youth group, the February 20th Movement for Change, that organized itself on Facebook. The demonstrations brought together a wide range of actors from liberal youth and independents to leftists and members of the banned Islamist Justice and Charity movement. Unlike their counterparts in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and Syria, the Moroccan protesters did not target the king or demand a change of regime. Instead, they called for a genuine constitutional monarchy, the disbanding of parliament, as well as the dismissal of Prime Minister Abbas El-Fassi, his many relatives in senior government positions, and the entire cabinet. In response, on March 9 King Mohamed announced his decision to form a constitutional reform committee, the members of which he handpicked. Though the king promised that the new constitution would enhance the prerogatives of the prime minister and parliament, strengthen political parties, increase the independence of the judiciary, and devolve more power to the local level, the proposed changes were vague and fell far short of the protesters' demands. Critics charged that the new constitution was not designed as part of a truly participatory process and that under it the essence of power remains firmly in the king's hands. Still, the text, put up for a vote on July 1, passed with nearly 98 percent approval, as activists continued to press for deeper, more substantive political reforms that would truly empower representative institutions and decisively move Morocco toward a constitutional monarchy in which the king reigns but does not rule.
Morocco's parliament, which consists of the directly elected 325-seat lower house, the Chamber of Representatives, and the indirectly elected 270-seat Chamber of Counselors, is subordinate to the executive's will. According to the constitution, the king can dissolve parliament, call for or postpone elections, and rule by decree. The popular credibility of parliament has declined markedly in recent years because of the widespread and accurate perception that that institution is ineffective in the face the monarchy's dominance of the policymaking process. The Chamber of Counselors, which enjoys very significant constitutional prerogatives, including the ability to dismiss the cabinet, is frequently criticized as an inefficient and ineffectual institution that perpetuates clientelism and blocks anticorruption efforts.
There are several key weaknesses in the electoral process, most of which relate to the overwhelming power of the executive. Decisions are made behind closed doors, among the monarchy's technocrats and advisers, not through representative institutions or political parties, which have little policy influence and are beholden to the country's dominant political and economic interests. The constitution designates the monarchy as the embodiment of the nation and this supremacy pervades the electoral system.
Elections to the Chamber of Representatives were held in September 2002 and again in September 2007. Morocco also conducted voting for local and regional councils in June 2009. Elections are generally administered professionally and international observers and foreign journalists have deemed them relatively free and fair.[1] While there have been recurrent complaints of vote buying and individuals voting multiple times, there is generally no official interference in the electoral process and few reports of intimidation at the polls or irregularities during the vote count. Vote buying is rampant in local and Chamber of Counselors elections.[2] The small size of the electoral colleges that elect members of the upper chamber compounds the problem, as candidates can secure a seat by buying the votes of relatively few college members.
The September 2007 lower house elections produced a highly fragmented chamber, with 26 parties winning seats. The right-of-center Istiqlal party secured 52 seats, slightly ahead of the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (PJD) with 46, the Berber-dominated Popular Movement (41 seats) and the liberal, right-of-center National Rally of Independents (39 seats). The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP), which had been dominant in parliament since 1997, came in fifth with 38 seats.
The electoral system contributes to the balkanization of political life. For example, in a country of approximately 30 million people, 33 parties participated in the September 2007 Chamber of Representatives elections, and 26 won representation. This fragmentation helps the palace play segments of the body politic against one another.
There is widespread cynicism toward parties and parliamentary politics. Turnout for the lower house elections decreased from 52 percent in 2002 to a record low of 37 percent in September 2007. Even more significantly,19 percent of voters in 2007 cast blank or spoiled ballots, seemingly a manifestation of the deep alienation from, and anger toward, a political system that is widely regarded as disconnected from the day-to-day preoccupations of most Moroccans.[3]
Parties often lack clear platforms, are deficient in internal democracy, and are unable to build substantive relationships with the public, particularly the youth. The public generally regards political parties as vehicles of personal ambition and wealth accumulation rather than policy change. Parties also are discredited by the tendency of individuals to switch parties after elections for opportunistic reasons.[4]
There has been no recent progress toward greater separation of power and until his March 2011 speech the king ignored mounting calls for constitutional reforms to empower representative institutions. In July 2007, he argued that Morocco's "model" of an active monarchy is inconsistent with the separation of executive, legislative, and judicial powers. The king is both head of state and de facto head of government and, according to the constitution, "Commander of the Faithful." He appoints and can dismiss the prime minister, other ministers, ambassadors, governors, and heads of public agencies. He presides over the Council of Ministers, which gathers when his schedule can accommodate such a meeting, and can also decide at will to reshuffle his cabinet, as he did in January 2010.[5]
The prime minister has no independent authority and his ability to shape policy is less than that of key royal advisers.[6] The two prime ministers since 2006, Driss Jettou and Abbas El-Fassi, repeatedly were simply informed of important government decisions reached without their knowledge by the royal cabinet. In important ministries, including the Ministry of Interior, royal advisers serving as deputy ministers exercise more influence than the ministers to whom they nominally report. Meanwhile, at the local and regional levels, governors, not local councils and mayors, make all key decisions.[7]
The 2005 political party law, promulgated by royal decree in February 2006, prohibits parties that do not accept Islam or the monarchical regime, or that do not recognize Morocco's territorial integrity. Thus, parties that embrace separation of religion and state, or that contest Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, can be declared illegal. Article 50 of the law empowers the minister of interior and the president of the Administrative Tribunal of Rabat to suspend parties they think interfere with public order. Article 4 prohibits parties founded on religion or narrow linguistic, ethnic, or regional bases, and is generally understood as intended to prevent the legalization of Islamist groups such as the Justice and Charity movement or parties with a militant Berber agenda.
Civil society is vibrant and relatively free, particularly by comparison with other Arab countries. Advocacy groups are more assertive and effective than political parties in pressing for change and raising sensitive questions, though they operate within well-known restrictions and their policy influence is very limited. Engagement between the government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) has declined in the past several years. NGOs are highly dependent on funding from the state or palace-affiliated foundations, which makes them vulnerable to direct or indirect pressure. That is increasingly true since the 2005 launch of the National Initiative for Human Development (INDH), which disproportionately benefits NGOs close to the regime.
The discriminatory application of NGO regulations impedes civil society activity. According to the law on associations, modified in 2002, in order to be allowed to operate an association only needs a receipt proving it has submitted the necessary registration documents. In practice, however, the authorities may not issue that receipt, in which case the association is illegal and can be shut down at any time. Associations that do not adhere to well-known limits concerning the monarchy, Islam, or the controversial disputed territory in Western Sahara are denied the legal right to exist. Other impediments to free associational activity include the many documents needed to register an association and the ability of the authorities to grant or deny the coveted status of "public utility association," which confers many advantages in areas ranging from fundraising to tax exemptions and the right to receive donations. The authorities recently have become more liberal toward foreign funding—many sources of external assistance are available, and it is relatively easy to access to them without governmental interference.
Moroccan media now routinely address topics that were still considered taboo less than a decade ago. Media criticism of the government is frank, in sharp contrast with most other Arab states, and the state plays a decreasing role in shaping public opinion through its domination of broadcast news and ownership of approximately 30 percent of print media.There has been a sharp deterioration in Morocco's media environment over the last few years, however, and attacks on the online and traditional press have become increasingly common. In their efforts to restrict media freedom, the authorities have invoked restrictive press code clauses and used exorbitant fines, libel cases, and advertising boycotts (especially by companies that fall under the ONA Group, in which the royal family holds a dominant share).
According to the press code, journalistic freedom is contingent upon it being exercised according to "the deontology of the profession," a clause subject to arbitrary interpretation. The codes provides for prison terms for the "malicious" dissemination of "false information" deemed "harmful to public order." Statements considered "offensive" to the royal family, the monarchy, Islam, or state security can result in heavy fines or prison terms. The law is intentionally vague, allowing courts significant flexibility to rule in favor of official interests.
Officials frequently suspend publications critical of the authorities, and self-censorship is rampant under the threat of government closure, excessive fines, and advertising boycotts. Libel complaints initiated by the government or private citizens increased steadily from 2006 onward, resulting in heavy fines that created enormous pressure on publishers to respect the government's limits.
A few examples illustrate the pattern of media suppression. Since its creation in the late 1990s, the weekly Le Journal Hebdomadaire had been relentless in its criticism of the monarchy, its exposure of corruption in the military, and its defiance of Morocco's political and economic establishment. In April 2006, however, the Rabat Court of Appeals upheld record damages against the magazine in a defamation suit initiated by the head of a Belgian think tank, whose recently-published report on the Western Sahara Le Journal had condemned as lacking independence from the Moroccan government. Many believed that the authorities were complicit in the suit, and that the scope of the approximately $380,000 fine (the largest ever for a press defamation suit) was politically motivated. In January 2007, Aboubakr Jamaï, the weekly's founder and managing editor, stepped down as publisher and later left the country to avoid governmental seizure of his assets and closure of Le Journal. When he returned in 2009, the suit was upheld and the magazine was forced to shut down due to bankruptcy.
In 2007, the leading Arabic-language weekly, Nichane, was suspended for three months (and its director and one of its journalists sentenced to three-year suspended jail terms) for reporting on Moroccans' sense of humor about religion, politics, and sex. That same year, for an article in which he had questioned the utility of free elections in a country in which the king is all-powerful, Ahmed Benchemsi, editor of Nichane and the weekly Tel Quel, was detained for two days. Tel Quel and Nichane were seized and a trial was initiated against Benchemsi for "failure to show due respect" to the king.[8] On August 1, 2009, the authorities seized and destroyed 100,000 copies of Tel Quel and Nichane after they published an opinion poll regarding the performance of King Mohamed VI. Although the results indicated approval ratings of 91 percent, government spokesman Khalid Naciri justified the ban by stating that "the monarchy cannot be the object of debate, even through a poll." Benchemsi again was charged with failing to demonstrate due respect to the king and was promptly interrogated by the security forces. In October 2010, Nichane was forced to file for bankruptcy and shut down, largely as a result of a sustained ONA advertising boycott.
In May 2008, the Moroccan government suspended Al-Jazeera's broadcasting license, forcing it to suspend its nightly Maghreb news bulletin. The authorities cited technical and legal reasons but the closure came right after Al-Jazeera aired criticism of the late King Hassan II. In July 2008, a Rabat court fined Al-Jazeera's Morocco bureau chief Hassan Rachidi and suspended his press accreditation for "malicious dissemination of false news" after Rachidi reported that protesters had died during clashes with security forces in Sidi Ifni and that the police and security forces were responsible.
There is no official policy or legislation regulating the internet, but occasionally the government does block sites that it considers overly critical and it monitor blogs and personal web pages to minimize dissent. In February 2008, a Casablanca court sentenced Fouad Mourtada to three years in prison for creating an unauthorized Facebook profile of King Mohamed VI's brother.[9] On September 8, 2008, a court in Agadir fined and sentenced a blogger, Muhammad Erraji, to two years in jail for criticizing the king's habit of doling out gifts while visiting regions of Morocco, pointing out that such practices encourage dependency.[10] In September 2008, Yassine Bellasal received a suspended sentence of a year in jail and a fine for spraying spoof graffiti of the national motto ("God, the Nation, and the King"). His crime was replacing "the king" with his favorite soccer club, FC Barcelona, thus allegedly offending the monarch.[11]
There have been no reports in recent years of extrajudicial killings by the government or its agents, but there were a few reports of politically-motivated temporary disappearances, the overwhelming majority of which affected radical Islamists and Sahrawis. There are frequent reports of abuse and torture by members of the security agencies, with Sahrawi human rights and independence activists and radical Islamists comprising the vast majority of victims.[12] Interviews the author conducted with Moroccan human-rights activists, media coverage between 2006 and 2010, and international human rights organizations' reports suggest that the security forces and police do not always respect the rights of those in custody, particularly during pretrial detention,[13] though some evidence points to a decrease in the number and severity of such abuse.[14]
Pretrial detention is a widespread practice that affects up to 40 percent of all those in jail.[15] It is common for individuals to spend months, and sometimes up to three years, in pretrial detention. This is particularly problematic for youths under the age of 20, who represent up to half of pretrial detainees.
Prison conditions in Morocco are very poor. Facilities are overcrowded and in a state of disrepair. Malnutrition, lack of access to basic health services, sexual assault, and violence in them are common.[16] In 2009, the government-subsidized NGO Moroccan Observatory for Prisons (OMP) reported that prison capacity was sufficient for only about half the incarcerated population, with average occupancy standing at 133 percent and reaching nearly 200 percent in some cases. Programs to reintegrate former inmates into society are inadequate, though the government has increased attention and devoted more resources to this problem in recent years.
The ability to obtain redress when state institutions violate citizens' rights is undermined by the lack of both appropriate mechanisms and judicial independence. Sahrawi human rights and pro-independence activists are particularly vulnerable.[17] Law enforcement officials guilty of excessive use of force commonly enjoy impunity.
Nonetheless, the state has continued to try to make amends for human rights violations that occurred before the ascent of King Mohamed VI to the throne in 1999. The Equity and Reconciliation Commission (IER), which King Mohamed VI established in 2004, reviewed cases of enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, and torture during the 1970s and 1980.[18] It shed light on state responsibility in these abuses and recommended important legal and institutional reforms to prevent the recurrence of similar violations in the future, but did not identify or prosecute offenders. After the IER's mandate ended in November 2005, King Mohamed VI tasked the official Consultative Council on Human Rights (CCDH) to follow up on the commission's recommendations, particularly with regard to paying reparations to thousands of victims.
In January 2010, Amnesty International assessed the work of the IER and follow-up efforts by the CCDH.[19] By the end of 2009, the CCDH had reportedly compensated 17,000 victims or their living relatives. A smaller number of victims were provided medical and employment services. Amnesty International nonetheless expressed concern at the slow implementation of the IER's recommendations and voiced disappointment that perpetrators of human rights violations were not identified publicly or held accountable. The vast majority of recommendations had not been implemented and many victims had not received adequate compensation. Amnesty also criticized the absence of appeals mechanisms for victims, delays in assistance, and the lack of transparency in the entire process. It noted that the IER had paid insufficient attention to the violations against Sahrawis, who by and large were excluded from the reparations program.
The state is generally effective in protecting citizens from crime and terrorism. Terrorism has been an issue since the May 2003 Casablanca bombings, and the threat of future attacks created a security environment conducive to abuse of civil liberties and political rights. An antiterror law (Law No. 03-03) passed two weeks after the bombings created room for excesses, including through its broad definition of terrorism and its increase of the period of pretrial detention in terrorism cases. Under that law, plainclothes officers are able to conduct arrests without identifying themselves, and there have been reports that detainees have been taken to secret jails, harshly interrogated, and forced to sign false confessions.[20]
Recent editions of the U.S. Department of State's Trafficking in Persons report identify Morocco as a "source, destination, and transit country for men, women, and children who are subjected to trafficking in persons, specifically forced labor and forced prostitution."[21] In the past few years, the government has increased efforts to prevent and prosecute human trafficking, including with awareness-raising campaigns among magistrates and police. However, the legislative framework to deter trafficking and punish offenders is lacking, particularly with regard to children who are sexually exploited or forced to work as maids or laborers.[22]
Morocco has been hailed as one of the most progressive Middle Eastern states in the area of women's rights and recent legal reforms indeed have enhanced women's status in the country. A new family code passed in February 2004 raised the minimum age for marriage from 15 to 18, granted women the right to initiate divorce, made husbands and wives fully equal under the law, increased custodial rights for women following divorce, and enabled women to pass citizenship to their children regardless of the father's nationality. However, implementation of these far-reaching changes has been slow and inconsistent. The law provides broad interpretative latitude to judges, many of whom consider the reforms inconsistent with Islam and tradition. Family court facilities have yet to be upgraded and the number of judges assigned to family court cases is grossly insufficient. Women's access to justice is limited, particularly in rural and suburban areas with high poverty and illiteracy, where women lack full awareness of the code and the rights it establishes. Domestic violence and abuse of women tend to be worst in those areas, and authorities often ignore women's complaints or even punish victims for reporting violence. It was not until 2008 that the government amended the penal code to criminalize violence against women and developed an action plan to set up new shelters for battered women.
The overwhelming majority of Morocco's population is Arab, Berber, or (most often) mixed Arab-Berber. There is a small Jewish community of between 3,000 and 5,000 people, and about 100,000 foreign nationals (mostly French and Spanish) reside in the kingdom. The country's official language is Arabic, but many Moroccans speak Berber. The Berbers' North African presence reaches back four millennia. Many Berbers were Arabized linguistically and culturally in the seventh century, and the community mixed with the Arabs through intermarriage. Of the entire Maghreb region, Morocco has the largest number of people (estimates vary between 55 percent and 65 percent of the population) of Berber descent and who speak one of three main Berber dialects. Smaller groups, found mainly in the deep south, include the Haratin, the Zenaga, and the Tuareg.
After independence, the government promoted the country's Arab identity to the exclusion of its Berber component. However, in the past three decades, under pressure from Berber militants and international human rights organizations, authorities have been more willing to acknowledge the country's multidimensional cultural identity. They have recognized Berber as a national language and allowed Berber-language radio and TV broadcasts, teaching of Berber in schools, and the promotion of Berber culture. Berber cultural associations and political parties (especially the People's Movement and the National Popular Movement) regularly and peacefully represent the Berber community's demands and grievances, though the 2005 political party law was invoked in 2007, when the government declared illegal the Amazigh Democratic Party. Although some Berbers think the law constrains their ability to advance their own cultural, economic, and political agendas, Berber parties play a significant role in parliament and coalition building and the palace cannot easily disregard the broad constituencies they represent.
An estimated 97 percent of the population is Sunni Muslim of the Maliki rite, and Islam is the state religion. The king, who holds the title of Commander of the Faithful, claims ultimate authority in matters related to religious interpretation.[23] The state has a long tradition of tolerance toward Morocco's well-established Jewish and Christian minorities, which historically have not faced restrictions on their freedom of religion as long as it is conducted within traditional channels and in accordance with local norms and expectations. However, converting Muslims is illegal, and both the person who seeks to convert and the Muslim who renounces Islam may face arrest and harassment. The state does not look kindly on overt proselytizing by foreign missionaries, who are likely to be deported for such endeavors, as occurred in early 2010. The Ministry of Religious Endowments and Islamic Affairs controls the appointment of imams in the country's mosques and monitors sermon content. Since 2004, it has redoubled its efforts to counter the spread of violent extremist ideas, and unregulated mosques have been closed down.
The law regulating public assembly was expanded in 2002 but remains ambiguous. It states that public gatherings do not need prior authorization, but it also requires that local authorities are notified and issue a receipt. At least 24 hours must elapse between receipt issuance and the gathering. Thus, authorities can prevent public gatherings they disapprove of by withholding or delaying receipts. Public demonstrations are subject to a similar process, with the added caveat that only political parties, unions, professional syndicates, and other legally-registered associations can demonstrate. Authorities generally respect citizens' right to peaceful protest, and protests are common. Occasionally, however, security forces forcibly disperse demonstrators, even when they are nonviolent and nonthreatening. Excessive use of force by the security forces is particularly common in Western Sahara. Sahrawi human rights and pro-independence activists have been imprisoned merely for participating in demonstrations calling for self-determination.[24]
Less than 6 percent of the labor force is unionized.[25] The constitution and the 2003 Labor Code grant workers and civil servants the right to join (or withdraw from) trade unions and the right to bargain collectively[26], but in practice the right of workers to organize and negotiate with employers is often restricted. Forming a trade union remains difficult and workers tend to refrain from doing so, fearing job loss. Provisions in the labor code prohibit public servants, members of the judiciary, and domestic and agricultural workers from forming trade unions. Workers generally are able to advocate for improved working conditions or policy changes, but the government grants the right to strike only to certain unions, and employers can seek criminal prosecution of strikers who hold a sit-in or damage property. Trade unions complain that the government has used Article 288 (which enables criminal punishment for those who resort to fraud or violence to set off a strike) in order to suppress strikes and prosecute workers who engage in them.[27]
In August 2009, King Mohammed VI announced plans for a series of reforms to strengthen the judiciary and improve the public's confidence in the legal system. The proposed reforms included enhancing the independence and efficiency of the judiciary, modernizing the legal system's regulatory framework, and establishing anticorruption mechanisms. Despite these promises, there has been no significant headway toward improving the judiciary and public confidence in the institution remains very low.
The constitution does not recognize the judiciary as an independent branch of government. Article 82 of the constitution refers to it as an "authority" (autorité), not as a "power" (pouvoir). Underscoring the king's authority over the judiciary, Article 83 states that "sentences shall be passed and executed in the king's name." General jurisdiction courts include district-level courts, first instance courts, appeals courts and, at the top of the judicial pyramid (but below the king), the Supreme Court. Specialized jurisdiction courts include administrative courts and commercial courts.
The king heads the Supreme Judicial Council (CSM), which shares administrative authority over the judiciary with the Ministry of Justice (MOJ). All magistrates are appointed by royal decree, upon recommendations by the CSM. Under Article 84 of the constitution, the CSM is responsible for the appointment, discipline, promotion, and transfer of judges. However, excessive MOJ influence over the CSM's composition and proceedings facilitates executive branch interference in judicial matters. Moreover, Article 10 of Law No. 1-74-338, adopted in 1974, nominally regulates the organization of the judiciary, which is inconsistent with the powers that Article 84 of the constitution vests in the CSM and with the actual influence of the MOJ over judicial affairs.
The judiciary is subject to political pressure from the monarchy, the military, and political and economic elites, and is deeply penetrated by individuals engaged in illicit practices. Laws are often implemented selectively, in ways that reflect the relative clout of the parties involved or the size of the bribes they can afford to pay.[28] Meanwhile, judicial capacity is undermined by inadequate facilities and a lack of proper training for judges, who sometimes base their rulings on laws that are no longer in place.[29]
Despite disjointed and ad hoc efforts by senior MOJ officials to discipline judicial fraud, and the dozens of cases of demotion, reassignment, and forced early retirement since 2006, judicial corruption remains pervasive.[30] The problem is fueled, in part, by low salaries for clerks, lawyers, and judges, all of whom are known to trade preferential treatment for bribes. Telephone justice, in which politically-connected individuals can call judges for favors or to affect verdicts, is another common citizen complaint. Judicial corruption is particularly severe in northern Morocco, where drug lords smuggling cannabis to Europe rely on the complicity of prosecutors and members of the judiciary. Two scandals illustrated this problem. The "Rkiya affair," in early 2007, involved judges acknowledging on tape receiving money in exchange for rendering certain verdicts. Six months earlier, during the August 2006 "Tetouan scandal," seven lawyers had sent to a weekly paper a "Letter to History" denouncing the corruption that prevails in Tetouan's judicial circles. They had identified numerous instances of wrongdoing by city magistrates during judicial cases involving drug lords, and had highlighted evidence of systematic complicity between those accused and those supposed to prosecute them. Most importantly, the Tetouan scandal demonstrated that, instead of being protected, judges or lawyers who come forward to denounce corruption in their ranks are likely to be targeted for retaliation. Barely a week after the Letter to History was published, magistrates in Tetouan went on the offensive and initiated judicial proceedings against its authors, conveniently placing themselves in the position of being both judge and litigant. Ultimately, all seven lawyers were dismissed and disbarred following a process marred by serious irregularities.
Defendants generally enjoy the presumption of innocence in law and practice, and have the right to counsel, but violations of those rights continue to occur, particularly with regard to pro-independence Sahrawi activists, supporters of self-determination for the Western Sahara, and those suspected of extremist activity. Amnesty International and other human rights groups allege that defendants in cases related to security issues or the Western Sahara question frequently do not receive fair trials.[31]
Civilian authorities control the security forces and the military, intelligence, and internal security services do not intervene in any meaningful way in the political process. Nonetheless, senior members of the armed forces can invoke provisions in the law to deter charges of corruption against them or to force punitive damages on those who make such accusations. Security forces are not held sufficiently accountable for human rights abuses, particularly with regard to cases involving the Western Sahara and Islamic extremists.
The military is rife with corruption, and allegations of illegal practices in its ranks are systematically suppressed. The military budget is opaque and not subject to parliamentary debate or approval. Senior military officers have taken advantage of their positions to amass huge fortunes.[32]
Citizens have the right to own property. Laws related to property ownership are specific enough, but enforcement relies in large part on the judiciary, which is not independent and generally rules in favor of those close to the palace. The legal framework for intellectual property is inadequate, and relevant laws are not enforced. There are some state protections from land seizure, though expropriation is possible. The previously discussed lack of independence, integrity, and capacity of the judicial system significantly constrains the extent to which property rights are enforced consistently and in a timely manner.[33]
For all the government's rhetorical emphasis on fighting corruption, and despite the flurry of legal and institutional reforms that have been initiated in this area in the past several years, corruption remains endemic, systemic, and institutionalized. It is ubiquitous in all its manifestations: petty and grand; in business transactions and political life; in the private sector and government; and at the national and local levels. Moroccan entrepreneurs and foreign investors describe corruption as the primary deterrent to investment in the kingdom. Corruption's toll on economic growth and job creation cannot be overstated, nor can the extent to which it has eroded public confidence in state institutions, the political elite, and the political system in general.
Morocco's economy is driven primarily by clientelism and patronage. Most state-owned enterprises were privatized in the 1990s, but palace-connected economic actors have tended to benefit disproportionately from that process. The monarchy's increased involvement in the country's private sector, and the deepened influence of prominent businessmen close to the palace, have exacerbated longstanding transparency problems over the past few years. Moroccan society is a web of patronage networks in which, at each level, a patron seeks to maintain his position of influence through the distribution of favors to clients below him; the latter, in return, support their patron, who for his part endeavors to retain the backing of a patron above him. Atop this system sits the king, who acts as Morocco's "patron-in-chief."[34] Prosecution for corrupt practices is relatively uncommon, particularly for those close to the palace, and information on prosecutions, convictions, and sentences is difficult to obtain.
According to Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index, the extent of corruption in the kingdom has not changed significantly since 2007. In 2010, despite marginal improvements in its overall score due to the passing of promising legislation that has yet to be enforced, Morocco ranked 85 out of 178 countries, which is far below where it was in 2000.[35]
Senior members of the armed forces and security agencies and prominent entrepreneurs close to the monarchy frequently benefit from unfair advantage in business transactions and from official tolerance for illicit enrichment. Many use political connections to deny others the opportunity to compete with them on a level playing field, and they are rarely held accountable for engaging in corruption which, as noted above, is particularly prevalent in the military.
Regulations for transparent and competitive procurement processes are in place, and there has been some progress in this area in the past decade. However, there remains considerable room for improvement. Military contracts are not subject to standard procurement procedures in practice, a major problem in light of the size of these contracts and the opportunities they present for corruption.[36] Another concern is "delegated management," the delivery of a specific public service (e.g., the provision of water or electricity, or garbage collection) by a private firm, contracted by a public entity. The contracts involved usually represent very lucrative markets and, consequently, longstanding sources of corruption. Proper bidding procedures are frequently disregarded, as happens, for instance, when the governor or president of the municipal council decides to award a concession without granting all interested economic operators an opportunity to bid.[37]
Economic transactions involving the palace are not subject to the same scrutiny as others, and people are hesitant to expose irregularities or questionable dealings that involve the monarchy or individuals closely tied to it. Opportunities for appeal in the case of unlawful practices are dramatically reduced if the monarchy is involved and royal interests will likely prevail, particularly if the stakes are high. The mere involvement of the palace in a given contract or market may be sufficient to keep would-be competitors at bay because of the hesitation to appear to be challenging the king, in addition to the knowledge that those who have dared to do so in the past have sometimes paid a heavy price for their audacity.[38]
Morocco's sizable informal economy is another source of corruption. The production and export of cannabis in the north is estimated to generate revenue well above $10 billion, a significant portion of which is laundered.[39] Drug-trafficking and drug-smuggling networks often bribe or intimidate judges, police, customs officers, and public prosecutors to obtain a favorable outcome or evade prosecution.
Morocco upgraded its legal and regulatory framework over the past few years to a point that the latter is now sufficient to fight corruption. For instance, most corruption-related offenses are covered satisfactorily by Morocco's penal code, which sanctions embezzlement of public funds, the collusion between private and public interests, conflicts of interest, the solicitation and acceptance of bribes, the use of public office for private gain, and influence peddling. In May 2007, the country ratified the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC).
In March 2007, the kingdom passed comprehensive anti-money laundering legislation that specified penalties including jail sentences, and required Moroccan banks to upgrade their internal control systems. Moroccan authorities increased efforts to sensitize financial institutions to money-laundering issues, though these entities have a long way to go before they fully comply with the new legislation.
In the summer of 2007, the Moroccan parliament adopted legislation requiring decision makers, including judges, senior civil servants, MPs, and local officials, to disclose their assets and net worth, along with those of their spouses and minor children, at the beginning of their tenure, at regular intervals thereafter, and upon leaving office. Reports indicate that most officials have yet to comply with these new requirements, but they represent a step forward in the struggle to deter illegal official behavior.
In January 2007, the cabinet, presided over by the king, adopted a decree to create a Central Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (ICPC). The ICPC was formally established in May 2007, though the king did not appoint its members until December 2008. The organization was charged with developing a corruption-prevention policy, monitoring government practices, increasing awareness of corruption, and receiving complaints. Civil society had long advocated for—and the newly-ratified UNCAC required—a specialized anticorruption organization, but the ICPC is handicapped by a number of core weaknesses. The prime minister must approve its activities, including the publication of its annual report, it has no investigative and prosecutorial powers, and it is underfunded. In early 2011, the ICPC was still developing an action plan and an anticorruption strategy, but had not achieved substantive progress.
The Court of Accounts (COA), Morocco's primary audit body, supervises the implementation of the budget. It reviews the expenditures of all ministries, public or semi-public agencies, and any other institution that uses public funds in order to ensure that these expenditures are consistent with budget authorizations. The constitution grants the COA sufficient autonomy and authority to carry out that mandate: the court operates independently of all three branches of government and sets its own annual program, and its members enjoy the same protections as magistrates. Public entity administrators are required to provide the COA with all the information it requests in the course of investigating their financial operations. However, while the constitution states that the COA "shall take action, when necessary, against violations of the rules governing … the agencies placed under its control," in practice the COA cannot perform that function. Nine regional audit courts were created in 2003 but are not yet operational. The constitution tasks them with monitoring local governments, but they lack the resources, authority, and experience to conduct that work.
The COA'S 2006 and 2008 reports detailed the COA's audits and included evidence of illicit practices across various branches of government.[40] The Ministry of Health, the National Investment and Development Fund, and several mayors were singled out for particular criticism. The reports also highlighted flawed procurement processes and evidence of irregularities and mismanagement at the public agency that manages Morocco's airports. Many commentators celebrated the 2008 report as a significant step toward greater transparency, as previous COA reports had not been publicly accessible, but the judicial authorities did not follow up on the report's findings.
Significant gaps remain in Morocco's anticorruption framework. Whistleblowers lack adequate protection from reprisals, there is no freedom of information law, and the framework for preventing conflict of interests is inadequate. Still, as noted earlier, the main problem confronting Morocco's main anticorruption problem is not an ineffective legal framework, but the absence of enforcement mechanisms and insufficient political will among senior power-holders. Evidence of malfeasance and irregularities reported to the ICPC or unearthed by the COA are rarely followed up on by institutions, including the judiciary, charged with doing so.
The greatest source of hope in the anticorruption struggle is the readiness of civil society and the press to expose graft, step up pressure on the authorities to address the problem, and participate in the design and implementation of measures to combat it. Transparency Maroc (Transparency International's local chapter) has a solid track record in all those areas and the independent press has made substantive contributions through its analyses and commentary. The press has paid a heavy price for its coverage of corruption, but its members have not been subdued and have become better able to unravel complex financial scams, especially in such sectors as banking, real estate, tourism, and housing. Despite Morocco's crackdown on press freedoms, the outcry against corruption has never been greater.
- Implement the recommendations that the IER made in its final January 2006 report with regard to enhancing judicial independence and strengthening judicial capacity. As called for by the IER, the CSM should be made more independent from the MOJ; its exclusive authority over the appointment of judges should be consolidated; penalties for outside interference in judicial affairs should be made harsher; court infrastructure should be improved; judges, other justice sector professionals, and security sector officials should be properly trained.
- Address the constitutional and legal restrictions regarding freedom of expression. Provisions in the press code that punish statements deemed harmful to the monarchy, Islam, or territorial integrity should be eliminated or reduced in their scope. Provisions intended to punish declarations deemed to have been an "offense" to Moroccan or foreign officials should be removed.
- Adopt a proactive policy to prevent mistreatment of detainees, particularly in the Western Sahara. Priority steps include more effective oversight mechanisms, the systematic investigation of reports of abuses, the prosecution of offenders, and relevant training for law enforcement officials.
- Amend anti-terrorism legislation to strengthen safeguards for human rights and civil liberties in the application of the law.
- Amend the penal code to criminalize the use of funds generated by corruption and adopt whistleblower protection legislation.
[1] See for instance National Democratic Institute (NDI), Final Report on the Moroccan Legislative Elections, September 7, 2007 (Washington, DC: NDI, May 15, 2008).
[2] See for instance the coverage of those elections in the independent newsweekly Tel Quel (Casablanca).
[3] See for instance Michael McFaul and Tamara Cofman Wittes, "The Limits of Limited Reforms," Journal of Democracy, Vol. 19, No. 1 (January 2008).
[4] Moroccans refer to this practice as "electoral nomadism" or "political transhumance."
[5] As a result, the cabinet did not meet a single time during the first half of 2008.
[6] Revealingly, when shortly after his nomination in September 2007 the then Prime Minister-designate Abbas El-Fassi was asked about his program of government, he simply replied that he intended to implement "the king's program." In October 2007, when negotiations over the allocation of cabinet portfolios reached an impasse, the late royal adviser Abdelaziz Meziane Belfqih took over the negotiations and determined the final make-up of the cabinet.
[7] Article 102 of the Moroccan constitution underscores the preeminence of governors: "In the provinces, prefectures and regions, governors shall represent the State and see to it that the law is enforced. They shall be responsible for the implementation of Government decisions and, to this end, for the management of [the] local departments [field offices] of Government agencies."
[8] Benchemsi's case was part of a series of trials initiated under Article 41 of the press law, which criminalizes "disrespect" for the king and other members of the royal family.
[9] The king pardoned Mourtada on March 18 after an international outcry over the earlier decision.
[10] An appeals court overturned the verdict.
[11] An appeals court overturned the conviction on September 18.
[12] See Amnesty International, Rights Trampled: Protests, Violence and Repression in Western Sahara (London: Amnesty International Publications, 2010).
[13] Amnesty International, Rights Trampled; Amnesty International, Broken Promises: The Equity and Reconciliation Commission and Its Follow Up (London: Amnesty International Publications, 2010); Human Rights Watch, World Report 2011 (Human Rights Watch, 2011), http://www.hrw.org/en/world-report-2011, accessed July 7, 2011.
[14] See for instance "Rapport Annuel de l'Association Marocaine des Droits Humains [AMDH] sur les Violations des Droits Humains au Maroc en 2009," AMDH.
[15] Observatoire Marocain des Prisons, Rapport Annuel: 2007–2008 (Rabat: 2009).
[16] Ibid.
[17] Amnesty International, Rights Trampled; Human Rights Watch, World Report 2011.
[18] For a listing of useful sources on the IER and its conclusions, see "Truth Commission: Morocco," United States Institute of Peace, http://www.usip.org/publications/truth-commission-morocco, accessed June 16, 2011.
[19] Amnesty International, Broken Promises.
[20] See for instance "Morocco/Western Sahara: Dissidents in Prison, Unfair Trials," Human Rights Watch, January 24, 2011, http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/01/24/moroccowestern-sahara-dissidents-p....
[21] U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report 2010 (U.S. Department of State, 2010), p. 241, http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2010/.
[22] Ibid., 241.
[23] For daring to challenge King Hassan II's authority as the country's religious leader, Sheikh Abdesslam Yassine, the leader of the Justice and Charity Movement, spent eleven years under house arrest between 1989 and 2000.
[24] Amnesty International, Rights Trampled.
[25] "Morocco," La Poste Export Solutions, http://www.laposte-export-solutions.co.uk/uk/markets/country-profiles/morocco/labour-market, accessed June 17, 2011.
[26] "Morocco: Labor Rights Report," U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs, July 2004, http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:N6xGzNDecCwJ:www.dol.gov/ilab/....
[27] "Annual Survey of violations of Trade Union Rights: Morocco – 2011," ITUC, http://survey.ituc-csi.org/Morocco.html?lang=en, accessed July 7, 2011; "2010 Human Rights Practices: Morocco," U.S. Department of State, April 8, 2011, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/nea/154468.htm.
[28] "Morocco Rule of Law Assessment," Moroccan American Community Center, September 16, 2010, http://www.moroccoboard.com/news/34/1202; Transparency International, Etude du Systeme National D'Integrite: Maroc 2009 (Transparency International, 2009).
[29] "2010 Human Rights Practices: Morocco," U.S. Department of State, April 8, 2011, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/nea/154468.htm.
[30] United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Morocco Rule of Law Assessment (USAID, September 2010), http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNADT305.pdf.
[31] See for instance the press releases by Amnesty International regarding the Western Sahara in 2008 and 2009.
[32] The military is charged with policing Morocco's territorial waters. Senior officers have used that mandate to acquire controlling interests in companies involved in the export of fish to Spain.
[33] See for instance Morocco's ratings on the Heritage Foundation's Index of Economic Freedom: "Morocco," 2011 Index of Economic Freedom, http://www.heritage.org/Index/country/Morocco, accessed June 17, 2011.
[34] Ever since independence, the monarchy has been the country's main entrepreneur and its largest landowner. The royal family is the primary shareholder in Morocco's largest private conglomerate, ONA-SNI, which controls the distribution of a broad array of goods and equipment in the kingdom, and dominates agribusiness, financial services, and mining. Through ONA-SNI, its networks of subsidiaries, and other interconnected companies and financial holdings, the monarchy is heavily implicated in all key sectors of the economy.
[35] "Corruption Perceptions Index 2010 Results," Transparency International, http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2010/results, accessed July 7, 2011.
[36] Dr. Ahmed El Midaoui, "Public-Private Partnerships and the new challenges for SAIs" (PowerPoint presentation given by Kingdom of Morocco, Cour des Comptes, at XIV PWG Meeting, October 16–19, 2007); Mr. Abdelaziz Talbi, "Corporate Governance of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) in Morocco" (PowerPoint presentation given by Morocco's Ministry of Economy and Finance to OECD in Paris, March 2–3, 2010), http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/31/27/44771161.pdf.
[37] Dr. Ahmed El Midaoui, "Public-Private Partnerships and the new challenges for SAIs"; Mr. Abdelaziz Talbi, "Corporate Governance of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) in Morocco"; OECD, Enhancing Integrity in Public Procurement (OECD, July 2009), http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/28/23/44288257.pdf.
[38] "MOROCCO: Challenge to the King," Time, January 26, 1959, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,892086,00.html.
[39] "2008 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report for Morocco," U.S. Diplomatic Mission to Morocco, February 27, 2009, http://morocco.usembassy.gov/policy/key-reports/2008-international-narcotics-control-strategy-report-for-morocco.html.
[40] See Royaume du Maroc, Rapport Annuel de la Cour des Comptes (Cour des Comptes, 2006 and 2008).


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Steve Mensor, VP of Marketing at Achronix previews the coming announcement of the next-generation Speedcore architecture.
Released: 10/26/2018 - Tags: [speedcore] [Arm TechCon]
Steve Mensor presents at ArmTechCon 2018. Topic: "Accelerate your Arm-based SoC with Speedcore eFPGA IP"
Released: 10/24/2018 - Tags: [speedcore] [eFPGA] [Arm TechCon]
Brandon Lewis, Editor-in-Chief of Embedded Computing Design sits down with Achronix VP of Marketing, Steve Mensor, to discuss how to deal the growing volume of data that will require to be processed to drive the next wave of AI applications.
Released: 10/19/2018 - Tags: [interview] [Arm TechCon]
Namit Varma, senior director of Achronix's India Technology Center, discusses the differences between discrete and embedded FPGAs.
Released: 10/05/2018 - Tags: [tech talk] [speedcore] [Semiconductor Engineering]
Design and Reuse interview with Steve Mensor, VP of Marketing, at DAC 2018, San Francisco, CA; June 24-28th.
Released: 6/28/2018 - Tags: [interview] [speedchip] [FPGA chiplets] [DAC]
Achronix Speedcore eFPGA IP opens new opportunities for companies looking to integrate embedded FPGA technology into their ASIC or SOC. Speedcore IP is a high-performance, customizable programmable fabric, allowing customers to define the amount of logic, memory, DSP plus their own custom blocks to fit their application requirements. This video demonstrates a validation platform for …
Interview with Steve Mensor, VP of Marketing at Achronix at DAC 2017 with EDACafé.
Released: 6/27/2017 - Tags: [interview]

subset: commoncrawl


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Analysis: A look at every top 25 team in the college hoops coaches poll
- John Calipari%27s standout freshman class has Kentucky at No. 1 to start the season
- Defending national champion Louisville begins the year at No. 3 behind Kentucky and Michigan State
- Andrew Wiggins and Kansas come in at No. 8 in the season%27s first poll
Want to get to know college basketball's top teams — from the star-studded freshmen to the grizzled vets?
COACHES POLL:Full top 25 rankings
NCAA TOURNAMENT:Projecting field of 68
College basketball reporters Nicole Auerbach and Eric Prisbell break down each of the top 25 teams in the preseason USA TODAY Sports men's basketball coaches poll:
1. Kentucky (21-12)
Points: 767 (16 first-place votes). Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: Even by John Calipari standards, this is a heck of a freshman class, one that rivals, and perhaps surpasses, Michigan's Fab Five. F Julius Randle leads a crop of six McDonald's All-Americans into Lexington, where they're joined by returning sophomores and de facto veterans Alex Poythress and Willie Cauley-Stein. The plethora of pro-ready players will help Kentucky bounce back from a disappointing 2012-13, which ended with a first-round NIT loss. Calipari's biggest challenge? Finding enough minutes for everyone. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. UNC-Asheville.
SEASON PREVIEW:USA TODAY Sports' special edition package
2. Michigan State (27-9)
Points: 749 (3). Previous ranking: 13. Outlook: College basketball is at the point where most of the bluebloods must rebuild annually and the best teams from outside power conferences are the most experienced. This team is an exception. Give coach Tom Izzo four returning starters, one of the nation's best backcourts (Gary Harris, Keith Appling) as well as Branden Dawson and Adreian Payne and you have the formula for yet another Final Four. One word of caution: The Spartans must improve on their turnover rate. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. McNeese State.
MICHIGAN STATE:Best 1-2 punches in 2013-14
3. Louisville (35-5)
Points: 741 (10). Previous ranking: 1. Outlook: With all the talk about Kentucky's fantastic freshmen, the defending national champion has somehow been overshadowed. But These Cardinals will give Rick Pitino a real chance at back-to-back titles. Louisville loses PG Peyton Siva and C Gorgui Dieng, but everyone else returns, including leading scorer Russ Smith. Montrezl Harrell and Luke Hancock — the Final Four's most outstanding player — appear primed for breakout seasons. Opens: Nov. 9 vs. College of Charleston.
CARDINALS:One more year looking good for Russ Smith
4. Duke (30-6)
Points: 710 (3). Previous ranking: 5. Outlook: Always formidable, the Blue Devils are poised to field their most athletic team in more than a decade. With an abundance of versatile players, they possess one of the nation's more intriguing rosters. Mississippi State transfer Rodney Hood and heralded freshman Jabari Parker should thrive in an up-tempo, pressing style that will illustrate coach Mike Krzyzewski's deft ability to adapt to his personnel. If they can compensate for the dearth of traditional big men, Krzyzewski could claim his fifth national title in April. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Davidson (ESPNU, 7).
STARTING FIVE:Top story lines for 2013-14
5. Arizona (27-8)
Points: 637. Previous ranking: 14. Outlook: The Wildcats lost three of their top four scorers, and it shouldn't matter. This team will expertly blend talent and experience. Aaron Gordon could be the best freshman in the nation, and he'll be mixed in with Brandon Ashley and Kaleb Tarczewski, bigs who played significant minutes as freshmen last season. Add Duquesne transfer T.J. McConnell and junior Nick Johnson in the backcourt, and if all goes according to plan, Sean Miller's squad should be the best in the Pac-12 and likely playing deep into March. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Cal Poly (Pac-12, 10).
6. Kansas (31-6)
Points: 623. Previous ranking: 8. Outlook: Freshman Andrew Wiggins is getting most of the headlines — understandably, considering his athleticism and presumed top spot in the 2014 NBA draft — but there are other elite freshmen to keep an eye on, such as Wayne Selden and Joel Embiid. These Jayhawks will be young and might have growing pains, but by the end of the season should be in the hunt for a 10th consecutive Big 12 title. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Louisiana-Monroe.
7. Syracuse (30-10)
Points: 551. Previous ranking: 3. Outlook: Jim Boeheim's Orange will have a new look — most notably freshman PG Tyler Ennis instead of Michael Carter-Williams — and a new conference, the ACC. C.J. Fair, who averaged 14.4 points and 7.1 rebounds last season before spurning the pros, should be in the ACC player of the year race. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Cornell.
8. Florida (29-8)
Points: 550. Previous ranking: 9. Outlook: At full strength, the Gators will be well positioned to advance to their fourth consecutive Elite Eight (or beyond), but their autumn has been shrouded in uncertainty. Scottie Wilbekin was suspended indefinitely because of unspecified team violations, and Rutgers transfer Eli Carter and Will Yeguete continue to recover from injuries. Florida last season was one of only two teams — Louisville the other — to finish in the top 10 in offensive and defensive efficiency. Gone are the top three scorers, but Billy Donovan has enough depth and experience for another deep tournament run. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. North Florida.
GATORS:Florida faces uncertainty
9. Michigan (31-8)
Points: 548. Previous ranking: 2. Outlook: The Wolverines lost two NBA first-round picks in Trey Burke and Tim Hardaway Jr. but should remain in the Big Ten title hunt because of the return of Mitch McGary and Glenn Robinson III. McGary, the breakout star of the NCAA tournament, could be a first-team All-American. The Wolverines might struggle to repeat as the nation's most efficient offense without Burke. But one wise move is never to count out the offensive mind of coach John Beilein. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Massachusetts-Lowell.
10. Ohio State (29-8)
Points: 533. Previous ranking: 6. Outlook: PG Aaron Craft will continue to wreak havoc defensively and get under the skin of opposing fans. Lenzelle Smith Jr. will continue to be solid beside Craft in the backcourt. But can the Buckeyes overcome the loss of Deshaun Thomas and his 19.8 points a game? If LaQuinton Ross can provide more scoring, coach Thad Matta's name finally might be removed from the list of best coaches yet to win a national title. Opens: Nov. 9 vs. Morgan State.
11. North Carolina (25-11)
Points: 494. Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: Few college players had a more turbulent offseason than P.J. Hairston, and much of it was self-inflicted. But once he is finished sitting for what remains an undisclosed number of games, he should shine on the court. Another All-America candidate, James Michael McAdoo, is primed for a standout season. Coach Roy Williams has size and enough star power to challenge the upper echelon of the ACC. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Oakland (Mich.)
12. Oklahoma State (24-9)
Points: 462. Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: Marcus Smart would have been a sure-fire lottery pick had he declared for the NBA draft. But he didn't, and it is college basketball's gain. His return makes Oklahoma State a real threat to end Kansas' nine-year streak of Big 12 titles. Smart won't (and won't have to) do it alone. F Le'Bryan Nash and wing Markel Brown returned, too; they and Smart combined to score 45 points a game last season. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Mississippi Valley State.
13. Memphis (31-5)
Points: 334. Previous ranking: 18. Outlook: Having departed Conference USA, the Tigers' path to a league title will be much more treacherous in the American Athletic. But this is the deepest team in Josh Pastner's tenure, which enters its fifth season. A masterful recruiter, Pastner hauled in a banner class that includes frontcourt gem Austin Nichols. Add returning guards in seniors Joe Jackson and Chris Crawford, and it's time for Memphis to advance deep in the NCAAs. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Christian Brothers.
14. Gonzaga (32-3)
Points: 270. Previous ranking: 12. Outlook: Now in his 15th season, Coach Mark Few has turned the Bulldogs into a perennial national contender. But the Final Four remains elusive. Few should continue to win big in the regular season, but there are more question marks after losing 7-footer Kelly Olynyk and Elias Harris. Kevin Pangos, who led the team in minutes, should be the WCC's best player. But who steps up in the frontcourt to fill the void left by Olynyk? Opens: Nov. 9 vs. Bryant.
BULLDOGS:Can Gonzaga reload?
15. Virginia Commonwealth (27-9)
Points: 258. Previous ranking: 23. Outlook: Shaka Smart won't come out and say it exactly, but this is likely the best and deepest team he's had at VCU. He lost his backcourt (floor general Darius Theus and sharpshooter Troy Daniels), but he returns six of his top eight. Juvonte Reddic, Treveon Graham, Briante Weber and Rob Brandenberg ensure that the team is in good hands. VCU's trademark HAVOC defense isn't going anywhere, either. So let the nightmares continue for opposing coaches. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Illinois State.
16. Wichita State (30-9)
Points: 233. Previous ranking: 4. Outlook: After a Final Four appearance, the Shockers are, well, not going to shock anyone anymore. Leading scorer Cleanthony Early returns along with Ron Baker, who missed most of last season with a foot injury. With Creighton now in the Big East, Wichita State will be the Valley team with the target on its back. Opens: Nov. 9 vs. Emporia (Kan.) State.
SHOCKERS:Can Wichita State make another run?
17. Marquette (26-9)
Points: 230. Previous ranking: 11. Outlook: Buzz Williams' teams have a reputation of being tough —and good. Rightfully so. Even after losing three starters, the Golden Eagles shouldn't miss a beat, coming off of an Elite Eight appearance. Davante Gardner and Jamil Wilson anchor a strong frontcourt, and freshman Gs JaJuan Johnson and Duane Wilson could play significant minutes early. Marquette has had at least 22 wins in each of coach Buzz Williams' first five seasons; expect that trend to continue. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Southern (FSN, 8).
18. Oregon (28-9)
Points: 175. Previous ranking: 15. Outlook: Dana Altman's Ducks surprised quite a few by winning the Pac-12 tournament and reaching the Sweet 16 last spring. Altman lost some key veterans, but he's reloaded his roster with transfers, UNLV's Mike Moser and Houston's Joseph Young (if eligible) being the headliners. The Ducks will once again be among the Pac-12's top contenders, thanks in large part to Gs Damyean Dotson and Dominic Artis, both sophomores. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Georgetown in Seoul, South Korea (ESPN, 7).
DUCKS:Oregon eyes another tournament run
19. Connecticut (20-10)
Points: 167. Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: You need strong guard play to win in college basketball, and the Huskies should thrive because they boast one of the nation's best backcourts. Now eligible for postseason play, coach Kevin Ollie has a trio of capable guards in senior Shabazz Napier, junior Ryan Boatright and sophomore Omar Calhoun. Unless DeAndre Daniels or another big man can make a significant contribution on the boards, rebounding will be an issue. Nevertheless, expect the Huskies to challenge Louisville and Memphis for the AAC crown and remain in the national conversation. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Maryland in Brooklyn, N.Y. (ESPN2, 6:30).
20. New Mexico (29-6)
Points: 153. Previous ranking: 19. Outlook: New coach Craig Neal got a pretty good parting gift from longtime friend and former head coach Steve Alford, who left for UCLA. The Lobos return four starters (including Kendall Williams, the Mountain West player of the year last season) from a team that was a No. 3 seed in the NCAA tournament. Add new coach Craig Neal's son, Cullen, New Mexico's 2012 Gatorade high school player of the year, and junior college transfer Deshawn Delaney to the mix, and you have a team that can be as good or better than last season. Opens: Nov. 9 vs. Alabama A&M.
21. Wisconsin (23-12)
Points: 148. Previous ranking: 22. Outlook: Much of the faith in the Badgers this year reflects faith in coach Bo Ryan, and for good reason. Under Ryan, they have never finished worse than fourth in the Big Ten. There's uncertainty in the frontcourt, but Sam Dekker finished his freshman season strong. G Ben Brust, the team's most experienced player, is invaluable. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. St. John's in Sioux Falls, S.D.
BADGERS:Bo Ryan likes to 'Jump Around'
22. Notre Dame (25-10)
Points: 128. Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: The Fighting Irish enter the ACC with four starters returning, including Gs Jerian Grant and Eric Watkins. Add freshman G Demetrius Jackson, and it's clear the strength will be the backcourt. Notre Dame must replace last year's leading rebounder Jack Cooley and figure out its frontcourt, but no matter what, Mike Brey should be feeling pretty good about the group he has. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Miami (Ohio).
Points: 121. Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: It remains to be seen whether new coach Steve Alford can meet UCLA's often over-the-top expectations. Having Jordan Adams, frankly the team's best player last season, healthy will be a major plus. But questionable depth and point guard play probably will hinder the Bruins from posing a legitimate threat to Arizona atop the Pac-12. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Drexel (Pac-12, midnight).
BRUINS:USC coach needles UCLA
24. Indiana (29-7)
Points: 118. Previous ranking: 7. Outlook: The Hoosiers lost four starters from a Sweet 16 team, including top-five picks in Victor Oladipo and Cody Zeller. But Indiana's cupboard isn't bare. Tom Crean can rely on two returning stars — sophomore Yogi Ferrell and senior Will Sheehey — and Arizona State transfer Evan Gordon. Mix in some talented freshmen, and this looks like a team that should finish in the top half of the Big Ten. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. Chicago State.
25. Virginia (23-12)
Points: 103. Previous ranking: not ranked. Outlook: The ACC is stronger, but so are the Cavaliers. Senior Joe Harris, the team's leading scorer, is the only returning first-team all-ACC honoree. Akil Mitchell, Mike Tobey and Anthony Gill, a transfer from South Carolina, comprise one of the nation's better frontcourts. The Cavaliers have depth and experience, so if they get sound point guard play, this should be coach Tony Bennett's best team in his five seasons in Charlottesville. Opens: Nov. 8 vs. James Madison.
CAVALIERS:Breaking down Virginia
Others receiving votes: Baylor (23-14) 102; Colorado (21-12) 93; Creighton (28-8) 87; Iowa (25-13) 86; Tennessee (20-13) 73; Georgetown (25-7) 38; Harvard (20-10) 28; Pittsburgh (24-9) 23; California (21-12) 16; Boise State (21-11) 11; Saint Louis (28-7) 8; La Salle (24-10) 7; Missouri (23-11) 4; Temple (24-10) 4; Villanova (20-14) 4; Kansas State (27-8) 3; Arizona State (22-13) 2; Illinois (23-13) 2; Iowa State (23-12) 2; LSU (19-12) 2; Georgia (15-17) 1; UNLV (25-10) 1.
The USA TODAY Sports Board of Coaches is made up of 32 head coaches at Division I institutions. All are members of the National Association of Basketball Coaches. The board for the 2013-14 season: Tommy Amaker, Harvard; Randy Bennett, Saint Mary's; Jim Boeheim, Syracuse; Rick Byrd, Belmont; Scott Cherry, High Point; Tim CluessCQ, Iona; Keith DambrotCQ, Akron; James Dickey, Houston; Scott Drew, Baylor; Matt Driscoll, North Florida; Steve Fisher, San Diego State; BruiserCQ Flint, Drexel; Tim Floyd, Texas-El Paso; Mark Fox, Georgia; John Gallagher, Hartford; George Ivory, Arkansas-Pine Bluff; Ben Jacobson, Northern Iowa; Rob Jeter, Wisconsin-Milwaukee; Danny KasparCQ, Texas State; Mike McConathy, Northwestern State; Greg McDermott, Creighton; Bob McKillop, Davidson; FangCQ Mitchell, Coppin State; Matt Painter, Purdue; Dave Paulsen, Bucknell; Saul Phillips, North Dakota State; Randy RaheCQ, Weber State; Herb Sendek, Arizona State; Shaka Smart, Virginia Commonwealth; Andrew Toole, Robert Morris; Don Verlin, Idaho; Bob Williams, UC-Santa Barbara.


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Nats making plans for Spring Training home
Bill Ladson is a reporter for MLB.com and writes an MLBlog, All Nats All the time. He also can be found on Twitter @WashingNats.
WASHINGTON -- Principal owner Mark Lerner said the Nationals will make Space Coast Stadium their Spring Training home for at least two years as they look for a new Spring Training facility. The team has talked to the people in Palm Beach County and Viera, Fla.
If the Nationals make Palm Beach County their home, it would take at least two years to build a Spring Training facility. Washington's lease at Space Coast Stadium expires at the end of 2017.
"It has been a long process. Sometime in the next few months, we'll probably be able to cut a deal with somebody and get that behind us," Lerner said.
Read More: Washington Nationals


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Detroit 48202: Conversations Along a Postal Route | Trailer
Preview: Season 7 Episode 3 | 1m 15s
DETROIT 48202: CONVERSATIONS ALONG A POSTAL ROUTE explores the rise, demise and contested resurgence of the "motor city" through a multi-generational choir of voices who reside in mail carrier Wendell Watkins's work route. Blamed for the devastation - disinvestment to bankruptcy - but determined to survive, the community offers creative solutions to re-imagine a more inclusive and equitable city.
Aired: 01/29/19Video has closed captioning.
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Major funding provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. Additional funding provided by the Wyncote Foundation, the National Endowment for the Arts, The Reva & David Logan Foundation and the Park Foundation.


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Sparkling clean water, with a minimum of effort and the widest choice of user-customizable options.
Helping to Maintain a Safe, Sanitary Spa Experience
Active skim dual filtration, microfiber filters, ultra-effective micron filters and more – Arctic Spas knows how important it is to keep your hot tub water safe and clean, and our hot tub filters combine industry-leading performance with long-lasting quality.
Arctic Spas filter systems are made to keep your spa water as clean as possible with as little maintenance effort as possible. With our team of experts and years of industry experience, we're able to provide totally customizable hot tub spa filters and associated filtration systems.
Our extensive selection of hot tub filter systems and spa filters feature plenty of customized spa filters to choose from. Arctic Spas microfiber filters and compact pleated filters capture and combat water contaminants at a very low operational cost, and remain some of our most popular hot tub and spa filters on the market. The compact pleated filter is very effective in holding a high volume of foreign particles without the need for frequent replacements.
See Our Hot Tub Filter Systems and Spa Filter Systems Today!
For more advanced hot tub filtration, our Active Skim Filtration and Silver Sentinel 1 Micron Filters help keep your hot tub water sanitary and safe for use, thanks to some of the most innovative technology available in the hot tub filter marketplace today.
The Dual Chamber Active Skim Filter system automatically adjusts to your hot tub's water level, while conventional systems remain at a fixed depth. Any surface contaminants are drawn into our Skim Filter System and forced downward into the filter. This innovative mechanism ensures optimal water quality with a dual filter process:
Smaller surface particles are captured with Active Skim Filtration and forced into the filter below. Larger contaminants are caught in the integrated basket, which are securely isolated to prevent re-entry into your hot tub or spa. Plus, this system is compatible with a wide range of filter media, allowing you to control and clean your hot tub water to your exact specifications.
When looking for the highest level of hot tub filter performance, the Silver Sentinel filters are hard to beat. With nano silver internal coating and a convenient disposable and recyclable design, the Silver Sentinel filter proves that superior hot tub filtration doesn't have to break the bank.
To discuss our spa filters and filter systems that best fit your hot tub, please visit your nearest Arctic Spas authorized dealer today. We provide personalized service, knowledgeable staff and helpful assistance for all of your questions about portable spa filters, hot tub filter systems and other water filtration methods.
As part of our ever-growing assortment of dependable and value-added hot tub accessories, our hot tub spa filters meet and exceed the most stringent industry performance specifications. For any questions about our hot tub filter systems, please visit an Arctic Spas store!


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(Phoenix, Ariz. – Feb. 27, 2009) Responding to a request from the Arizona Department of Public Safety (DPS), Attorney General Terry Goddard today provided a legal analysis that drivers caught by photo radar at speeds more than 20 miles per hour over the limit can be prosecuted criminally.
In the Attorney General's analysis released today, Goddard said failure to prosecute does not appear to be supportable as a matter of law. Goddard said neither the photo radar statute nor any state or federal constitutional provisions forbid criminal prosecution of motorists exceeding the speed limit by more than 20 mph.
"People who ignore speed limits and in some cases reach speeds of 100 miles an hour are among the most dangerous drivers on our highways," Goddard said. "There is no basis in the law for not prosecuting them criminally. Failing to do so invites people to regard our highways as racetracks and creates a lethal threat to public safety."
DPS said it has issued 1,823 criminal speeding citations statewide based on photo radar over the past five months. Of that total, 341 citations accuse drivers of exceeding 100 mph.
Goddard emphasized that his opinion does not address the overall merits of photo radar for enforcing speed limits. The analysis was prepared in response to the specific question from DPS about criminal prosecutions. While the analysis is provided as advice to a client agency, DPS Director Roger Vanderpool agreed to provide the memo to the public. The analysis is also being provided to county attorneys throughout Arizona.
Goddard's analysis refutes the view that the photo radar law was intended for civil traffic fines only. The language of the statute "does not preclude the state from using photo radar evidence as part of the evidence necessary to establish an excessive speeding violation," according to the Attorney General's analysis.
The provisions of the Arizona and U.S. Constitutions that give defendants the right to confront their accuser do not apply to recorded information. Goddard's analysis notes that "Arizona courts have routinely permitted evidence derived from radar devices in criminal cases" and have "similarly authorized evidence derived from other types of devices, such as video-tape recorders or cameras."
Goddard explained, "To prosecute a criminal speeding case based on photo radar, the State would typically produce one or more witnesses to authenticate the image of the camera, and, presumably, to testify regarding the camera's reliability, maintenance and calibration. A defendant would be able to confront and cross-examine such witnesses, and his state and federal constitutional rights to confrontation would thus be satisfied."
The Attorney General added, "Public safety and common sense require that reckless speeders be held accountable before a criminal judge and not be allowed to turn our highways into 'pay to race' mayhem scenes."
A copy of the Attorney General's analysis is attached. For more information, contact Anne Hilby at (602) 542-8019.


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Liebherr Performance
Unique opportunities through microgeometry
- Equal torque with smaller tooth width
- Noise minimisation
Most cost effective solutions for hob grinding of flank line modifications
- TF – Twist-Free
- DFT – Deviation Free Topological
- NEO – Noise Excitation Optimized modification
- GER – Generated End Relief
- SSG – Silent Shift Grinding
- DIP – Dresser Independent Profile modifications
New Gear Skiving Machine LK 300/500
The principle of gear skiving was invented back over a century ago. Yet in practice the highly dynamic kinematics involved in this method frequently caused major problems: to date this method offered more disadvantages than benefits, as tool wear and tear had a negative impact on machining quality. Liebherr-Verzahntechnik GmbH has now mastered both the mechanics and the technology involved, meaning it is now in a position to create the ideal process for conical and cylindrical tools.
Machine, tool and process from a single source.
- Automation
- Deburring & tool changer
- Stiffness
- Design
- Production
- Reconditioning
- Technology design
- Implementation
- Optimization
Economical production solution for chamfer/deburring
It is easier said than done – if it takes too much time for two processes to run consecutively on a single machine or single clamping operation, then the design must simply allow both processes to take place simultaneously. As easy as the principle sounds, technical implementation is very complex. We have integrated an entire second processing unit for ChamferCut tools – two machines in one, so to speak. This newly developed solution has eliminated the main disadvantage of previous ChamferCut applications, namely that they prolong machining time.
- High chamfer quality and precise chamfer geometry
- No bulging or material deformation
- Very long service life (including with dry machining)
- No needle swarf
- ChamferCut is easy to sharpen
- Easy tooth-root chamfering
- Small diameters possible
- Lowest tool costs
Industry 4.0 is a trend that has been prevalent for some time. This transformation via the "smart product" to the "smart factory" is a continuous process. Our customers have very different priorities and requirements, which we need to meet to their complete satisfaction. This is a challenge that we are keen to take on.
Nowadays operators should be able to perform highly complex procedures as simply as possible. To make this happen, they need the appropriate technical support. This support is to be found in modern user interfaces, which also reduce the incidence of problems due to input errors. Thus, for example, our new HMI, [email protected], enables hob data to be loaded directly from the manufacturer into the machine. The tools and tool data are then displayed and can immediately be visually checked for completeness and accuracy. The new HMI's multi-touch function caters for modern forms of machine operation. This graphic input support is also available for operator-created part programs.
The Goal – Customer Benefits
- Less physical exertion for staff (lifting of heavy parts - ergonomics)
- Avoidance of occupational accidents (risk of crushing, falling workpieces)
- Increased productivity / higher output thanks to fast cycle times and extended service life (unmanned shifts)
- Elimination of existing maintenance-intensive automation units – direct loading of machines and assembly units
- Fast retooling to other workpieces
- Additional integration of special tasks (measuring, feature recognition, orientation,...)
3D vision system – modular system for different applications
- 3D parts and bin recognition
- Identification of features and shapes
- Orientation in space
- Practicable for high bins
- Fast recognition < 5sec.
- Simple teach-in for new parts
- Overlay with 3D drawing
- Direct measurement of distance
3D vision system – laser time of flight
- Resolution from 3 to 5mm in Z (vertical resolution)
- Red light laser (laser class 1)
- Very rugged solution independent of surrounding light, degree of soiling
- Ideal for cubic and rotationally symmetrical workpieces greater than 150mm x 150mm
3D vision system – two-stage laser triangulation method
- Highest resolution from 0.5 to 1mm in Z (vertical resolution)
- Blue light laser (laser class 3) suitable for metal workpieces, organic and semi-transparent as well as reflective materials
- Increased protection against extraneous light
- Avoidance of collisions
- Removal of small and thin-wall components possible
- Ideal for cubic and rotationally symmetrical workpieces greater than 50mm x 50mm with feature recognitions
Distortion-free topological grinding for twist-corrections
We have not re-invented generating grinding, but we have reached a higher level of understanding about it. With the new procedure, Liebherr makes absolutely deviation-free generating grinding with topological modifications possible. The procedure has been registered with the patent office and is of great interest in relation to gearboxes for reasons of load rating and noise minimisation. Until now, there has not been a cost effective grinding method to do this.
The advantages of microgeometry corrections for gears:
Unique opportunities through microgeometry
- Same load carting-capacity with smaller face widths
- Noise minimisation
Most cost effective solutions for generating grinding of topological modifications
- TF – Twist-free
- DFT – Deviation Free Topological
- NEO – Noise Excitation Optimization
- GER – Generated End Relief
- Dresser independent profile modifications
Detailed information about microgeometry is available here (PDF, 1.1 MB)
LCD 300 chamfering and deburring machine: Chamfering to measure
The trend is moving towards more efficient and quieter gearboxes, particularly in the automotive industry. This means that the demands on individual components are higher: Special gears need to be machined with clean edges. Chamfering helps to avoid damage during workpiece transportation, hardness cracks and gearbox wear from sharp edges. Moreover, chamfering simplifies the assembly process and improves the service life of the tool during finishing and honing, in particular.Click here for detailed information on the topic of chamfering
Effective automation for small batch sizes – even in heavy duty applications with the PHS 10,000 pallet handling system from Liebherr
Manufacturers of small batch sizes are familiar with the dilemma: If there is no harmony in tooling and operating times, the downtimes of the machines rise. In addition, trips need to be made for retooling that take up a lot of time and are quite complex in terms of logistics. But this problem can be resolved by separating the tooling area and the machine. This tooling area is embedded in the trusted PHS pallet handling system from Liebherr where the workpieces and equipment are located. Stefan Jehle, Head of Automation System Sales, describes the principle as follows: "Man has to be taken away from the machine. At the moment, the machine is often the conductor that determines the rhythm. With clever automation, the process can set the degree to which the machine's capacity is utilised. The conductor stand is in the tooling area that a person co-ordinates."


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Abbott wins title with mesmerizing grace
SAN JOSE, Calif. (AP) - Good thing Jeremy Abbott was the final skater.
There was no way anyone could have topped this performance.
Needing only to stay on his feet to win his third title at the U.S. Figure Skating Championships on Sunday, Abbott performed with a quiet elegance and superior skill that was simply bewitching. The audience was so spellbound you could hear his blades carving the ice, and it wasn't until the final notes of his music faded that fans erupted in applause.
"I skate to give a performance like that and so I felt really good," Abbott said. "I was really nervous when I started, I was shaking a little bit. But from the second I set for the quad I was like, 'I'm going to do this.' I just really took it into my hands and made sure that I did what I needed to do."
His final score of 273.58 was the highest ever at the U.S. championships, and puts him within striking distance of world champion Patrick Chan. It was about 12 points better than 2006 Olympic champion Evgeni Plushenko scored in winning his seventh European title Saturday.
Adam Rippon, a two-time junior world champion, was second. Ross Miner finished third for a second straight year.
Earlier Sunday, Caydee Denney and John Coughlin won their first pairs title together after winning the previous two years with other partners.
Abbott is one of the most technically sound skaters in the world, with beautiful edges that carve the ice like a master craftsman and perfect body control. He's also one of the few skaters who has managed to maintain the balance between the performance quality that makes figure skating so entertaining and the tough physical tricks the system now demands.
But he's had a tendency to fall apart on the big stage, flopping at the 2009 world championships and again at the Vancouver Olympics. When it happened again last year when a third U.S. title was his for the taking, Abbott decided he'd had enough. He no longer cares what anyone thinks about him, much less any nasty things that are said. He's skating for himself and his own enjoyment, concerned only with achieving the goals he's set.
Abbott believes he can contend with the best in the world and, after this performance, there is little doubt he can. He landed the only quadruple jump of the day, and his spins were so tight and perfectly centered that coaches will no doubt be asking for a DVD of them.
But it was his presence that was truly spectacular.
He picked the music for his free skate, a Muse song that he found on his iPod. He played a part in the choreography, too, resulting in perfect harmony between skater and song. It was as if he let the music wash over him and tell his skates what to do.
He was so caught up in his own moment that he stood at center ice for a good 10 seconds when he finished, not moving a muscle.
"When I finished I could feel the energy of the arena and it kind of overwhelmed me. I was getting a little emotional but I kept it in, kept it together but I felt it," Abbott said. "It was real nice."
If Abbott comes remotely close to this performance at the world championships in March, it will go a long way toward regaining that third spot the U.S. men lost last year. Abbott and Rippon will need to finish with a combined placement of 13 or better, and Abbott has never finished better than fifth in his three appearances at worlds.
But he's never been skating like this, either.
Rippon will need a bit more energy at worlds than he had Sunday, when he skated tentative and flat, as if he was trying to hold onto his spot on the podium rather than move up.
He's lucky he didn't get a ticket for loitering as he geared up for a triple axel-step-double toe combination, holding his edge on the entry for what seemed like forever and leaving no doubts about what was coming. Not only did he not do his planned quadruple salchow, he only did a double. A well-done double but a double nonetheless, with nowhere near the point value of a quad or even a triple.
What saved Rippon was his artistry. He has the extension of a ballet dancer, and he used every part of his body, from the tips of his toes to the top of his head, to express his music.
"It wasn't completely perfect, but I'm very proud of what I did," Rippon said.
Armin Mahbanoozadeh, a distant third after the short program, needed a strong effort to have any chance of overtaking Rippon and making the world team. He went the opposite direction, instead, dropping off the podium after taking a big splat on his quadruple toe attempt and turning out on the landings of two other jumps.
Miner took advantage, moving up a spot with a strong program that had only one error, a fall on a triple axel.
Denney and Coughlin had won the last two U.S. titles, each with a different partner. They teamed up in May and, even in a sport where couples have all the stability of Jell-O, their matchup came just three weeks after Coughlin and Caitlin Yankowskas finished sixth at the world championships.
Clearly, though, Denney and Coughlin knew what they were doing. As good as each other was with someone else, they're that much better together. Their performance Sunday was one of the best of the entire week in any discipline, any event. The highlight was their carry lift. Coughlin carried Denney three-quarters of the way around the rink, and did it with such speed and strength she looked as light as a feather pillow. Midway through, she switched positions, turning in the opposite direction of the way he was skating.
You know how tough it is to pat your head and rub your stomach at the same time? Try that, times 10.
"I've been dreaming all week about doing that carry after skating clean and that feeling from the audience," Coughlin said. "Oh, I had so much fun."
Follow Nancy Armour at http://www.twitter.com/nrarmour


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Twitter as an audience research tool?
We're using it for business, we've found it useful in the classroom, we've followed Twitter streams at conferences. Can we use Twitter as an audience research tool?
To celebrate the International Year of Biodiversity the Museum has ALIVE, a space that features both specimens from our vast and priceless collection as well as a dynamic and changing program of events. ALIVE is an experimental program for the Museum, and we've been given the imprimatur to play in the space. Therefore the challenge I set myself was to see how I could use Twitter as an evaluation tool.
Within the space is a large TV screen which is updated with all tweets (sometimes called a "twitterfall") that contain the hash tag #aliveaustmus and/or #iyob2010. Hashtags are used in Twitter to enable you to search or follow a specific topic and are really useful if you only want to use Twitter for a specific purpose as too many tweets can get a tad overwhelming.
So, what am I doing? Well, for starters I'm tweeting my impressions and observations using pictures to enhance the story. I started tweeting as myself (@lyndakelly61) but soon realised that as I am tweeting for work purposes that I should be using the Museum's Twitter name (@austmus) – lesson number 1!
Then, I was inspired by staff here (thanks Logan and Steve!) to think about how we could expand what we were tweeting beyond posting web links. I developed a form asking our visitors:
In 25 words or less please give us your thoughts about biodiversity and/or ALIVE. We will upload your responses to our Twitter page (@austmus). Thanks!
So far the feedback has been a bit mixed, although some students I was interviewing quizzed me about whether I would really tweet what they said. I replied of course and, expecting something rude, was pleased to find that these students' responses were very considered – lesson number 2: trust visitors! Something else I learned was that it may be better to ask for specific feedback on a particular element (as I did with the specimen display component) rather than being too general, but I'm still trying that out: lesson number 3.
Another question we're now asking (after a challenge set by our Director yesterday) is:
In 25 words or less please tell us one thing you think should be done to help protect our biodiversity. We will upload your responses to our Twitter page (@austmus). Thanks!
We've just started this today and will see how it goes.
So, is Twitter a useful audience research tool? Can we elicit meaningful visitor feedback in 140 characters? I'm thinking that with some clever questioning and gently prodding visitors to complete forms the answer may well be yes.
I'll let you know what we've learned once we've been going for a few weeks. If you'd like to follow the Australian Museum we are @austmus and the hashtag to use/sort tweets by is #aliveaustmus.