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(2013; 56 pages)
The Asia Pacific Conference on National Medicines Policies, held in Sydney, Australia on 26–29 May 2012, was a follow-up conference to the very successful International Conference on National Medicinal Drug Policies held in Manly, Australia in 1995.
The 1995 conference brought together 300 people from almost 50 countries and focused on four key themes of national medicines policies, namely equity of access to medicines, rational use, the quality of medicines, and the role of the pharmaceutical industry.
The Manly conference produced a number of general recommendations along with specific recommendations relating to the four themes of the conference. The proceedings of the conference were reported in a supplement to Australian Prescriber (Aust Prescr 1997;20 Suppl 1).
The conference provided the impetus for policy work in the region, seeded a seminar on national medicines policies for 14 Pacific nations in 1996, promoted educational interventions in rational drug use and ethical promotion, and underpinned discussions on rational drug use that continued at the International Conference on Improving Use of Medicines held in Thailand in 1997.
Some 17 years after the Manly conference, 233 delegates from 46 countries participated in the Asia Pacific Conference on National Medicines Policies. The impetus for this conference was the recognition that while many countries in the Asia Pacific region reported having a national medicines policy, progress on the implementation of these policies had been inconsistent. In addition, it was recognised that robust and effective national medicines policies are an important tool in achieving the objectives of universal access to needed medicines and their rational use.
The conference provided the opportunity for countries in the Asia Pacific region to come together and share their knowledge, skills and experiences as they have moved to implement the various elements of their national medicines policies.
This report provides a record of selected presentations and discussions that occurred at the conference. However, it only provides a relatively small window on the work of the conference, the richness of the discussions, and the generous sharing of experiences in the successes, difficulties and ongoing challenges in implementing national medicines policies in the region.
In keeping with the conference theme of promoting and supporting further implementation of national medicines policies, there is particular emphasis in this report on identifying the key barriers and key enablers to policy implementation, steps to address these barriers and enablers, and how to monitor progress. Important outcomes of this conference are the continued commitment to further implementation of national medicines policies within the Asia Pacific region. There is enthusiasm for ongoing discussion between countries and the development of regional collaborations, groups and networks to support this important policy work.


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Baseball Book Review: "The 50 Greatest Players in New York Yankees History" – By Robert W. Cohen
Sunday November 11th, 2012
The Scarecrow Press, Inc.: 2012
Jonathan Hacohen: I'm going to start off this review with a little disclaimer. Despite the similarities of our last names, there is no relation between myself and author Robert W. Cohen. He is a Cohen, I am Ha-Cohen. Fortunately, our surnames is not the only thing that links myself to Robert. After reading his prized book "The 50 Greatest Players in New York Yankees History" (or as I shall call the "50 Greatest Yankees" for the rest of this review), we have a common admiration for the team in pinstripes. Truth be known, for a person loves baseball- they can't help but respect and follow the Yankees. The history, traditions and of course, the superstars that have played in the Bronx over the years. Love 'em or hate 'em, you can't stop talking about the Yankees when a baseball history conversation is in play.
With the final pitch of the 2012 World Series having recently been thrown (and watched for a called third strike to end the game…and season), I found myself with the opportunity to complete the 50 Greatest Yankees. We were fortunate to have Robert W. Cohen appear on MLB reports back in July with a Guest MLB Blog to discuss the book. Now it was time for me to complete the book and discuss it with you, the readers. The timing couldn't be better, considering that the Christmas holiday shopping season is around the corner. If you want to really impress the baseball fan in your life with a great gift, the 50 Greatest Yankees will certainly be a home run for you. A detailed history of the 50 greatest players to ever put on a Yankees uniform? This is a subject that every baseball fan will want to cover in great detail.
There were several items that deeply impressed me about this book. Firstly, Cohen approached the subject matter very fairly. This was not a book about the 50 greatest players who happened to wear a Yankees uniform. This was a recount of the 50 greatest players who PERFORMED in a Yankees uniform. A big warning before someone blows up at Reggie Jackson (25) or Mike Mussina (49). The nature of the game is that players tend to change addresses more than once in their careers. Some many times (Jackson) and some not as frequently (Jeter). Cohen further used very strong scales in evaluating players. I won't give away all the secrets of his book, but the evaluation was not based on traditional statistics alone. Considering different eras and the nature of contributions that a player could have on his team, Cohen used a balanced scale to prepare his list. Let's be fair- this was not a simple undertaking by the author. The merits of Yankee players throughout the years is one of the most debated baseball topics going. No matter what forms of evaluations are used to rank the players, it will be impossible to find a room full of baseball fans (let alone baseball fans that will disagree). When I heard about this book, I only had one comment: "Babe Ruth better be first". Guess what? He was.
With Babe Ruth listed as the top player in New York Yankees history, Cohen already had my respect. I know…I know…there have been countless of great Yankees players over the years. Joe DiMaggio, Mickey, Mantle, Yogi Berra, Derek Jeter, Lou Gehrig– we can list off the names all day. But Babe Ruth was special, a true one of a kind talent. Baseball had never seen before a larger than life personality like Ruth's that changed the game so drastically. After his retirement, another Ruth has never appeared in the game since. I may not agree with Derek Jeter (6) or Bernie Williams (11). But that doesn't bother me, as I can see a case can be making for/against those types of selections. It is Ruth that must be crowned the king, as he was properly endorsed by Cohen. A great quote was inserted by Cohen on the subject, "Sportswriter Tommy Holmes said on the day of Ruth's funeral, "Some 20 years ago I stopped talking about the Babe for the simple reason that I realized that those who had never seen him didn't believe me."" Books such as the 50 Greatest Yankees keep baseball memories, like those of Babe Ruth, alive in the minds of baseball fans. They introduce great players of all generations to new fans. To love baseball is to appreciate its history, as much as it is about watching it in the present and projecting its future. Cohen clearly captured that idea in laying out this book. He started it off with a bang and continued strong from there.
A Stephen King novel this is not. The 50 Greatest Yankees does not have twist and turns out of nowhere. This is not a horror novel. It is a baseball book with many components. The way each player's analysis is laid out is the foundation of the body of work. A summary on the career of the player, a summary of their career highlights- including best season and memorable moments/greatest performances, with a summary of notable career achievements. A small snippet on each player, learning who they are and what they accomplished. Keeping each chapter short with the ranked players listed in orders was Cohen's best bet in getting- and keeping each reader's attention. In this modern-day of iPads and technology gone wild, there is something timeless about sitting down with a book that just flows naturally.
You miss baseball. We all do. Until players start reporting to spring training, it is important to keep occupied and get your much-needed baseball-fix. Baseball books is an excellent place to begin this offseason. You can't go wrong with the 50 Greatest Yankees. You will enjoy the stories and statistics. The book will make you think and love baseball. I guarantee that you will learn countless baseball facts that you never knew before. Given the tradition of the New York Yankees, it would be impossible to include their entire history in under 300 pages. 50+ great stories though, now that is feasible. A great job by Robert Cohen in adding another great volume to legacy of the New York Yankees. From Ruth to Righetti, and everyone in-between, The 50 Greatest Players in New York Yankees History is simply a must read. It's not complicated. It's just a great old fashioned baseball read. And that works for me just fine.
(*The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of mlbreports.com*)
Jonathan Hacohen is the Founder & Lead Baseball Columnist for MLB reports: You can follow Jonathan on Twitter (@JHacohen)
Please e-mail us at: email@example.com with any questions and feedback. You can follow us on Twitter and become a fan on Facebook. To subscribe to our website and have the daily Reports sent directly to your inbox, click here and follow the link at the top of our homepage.
Posted on November 11, 2012, in The Rest: Everything Baseball and tagged alex rodriguez, amazon, andy pettitte, babe ruth, baseball, baseball book, bob cohen, book review, bronx, bronx zoo, derek jeter, joe dimaggio, joe dimmagio, lou gehrig, mickey mantle, mlb, pinstripes, reggie jackson, robert cohen, the 50 greatest players in new york yankees history, yankee stadium, yogi berra. Bookmark the permalink. Comments Off on Baseball Book Review: "The 50 Greatest Players in New York Yankees History" – By Robert W. Cohen.


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Elliott Abrams//The Weekly Standard//April 3, 2011
With the Great Revolt of 2011 shaking Arab capitals, Israel briefly seemed a Middle Eastern Switzerland when March began. There were no demonstrations, there was no dictator to protest, and there had been three years without terror. Gone were the once omnipresent security guards at restaurants, challenging you before you entered with a careful look and the question "Do you have a weapon?" Then on March 11, terrorists savagely murdered five members of a family in the settlement of Itamar, and on March 24, a Palestinian bomber brought back the old days: one dead, dozens wounded at a bus stop in Jerusalem. Israel's short vacation from history had ended.
That vacation had been partial, to be sure. Hamas and other terrorist groups had periodically lobbed rockets and mortars from Gaza into Israel, though here too the pace and range of the shots was suddenly climbing. And no doubt many terrorist attacks were foiled by steady police work. But the confrontation with the Palestinians was stalled, frozen, during the two Obama years.
The leader of the PLO, Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas, has spent these years touring the world, avoiding any serious engagement with Israel. He has been a happy man: Travel is less stressful than the difficult work of state-building, which is left to Prime Minister Salam Fayyad; the lack of negotiations means Abbas avoids the controversial compromises a genuine negotiation would entail; and his refusal to negotiate has been arranged and defended by the Obama Doctrine that "settlement activity" is the true obstacle to Middle East peace. For it has been American policy since January 20, 2009, that Palestinians need not come to the table unless there is a 100 percent Israeli construction freeze in Jerusalem and the settlements.
The Obama administration abandoned that doctrine last November, and its champion, George Mitchell, ever since has been an invisible man. No policy has been proposed by the White House to replace its calamitous belief in the construction freeze delusion, at least not yet. But Israelis are sure something is around the corner and are debating whether to wait—or to act.
They fear two developments. The first is a Quartet Plan: a statement by the United States, the United Nations, Russia, and the European Union via the Middle East Quartet that proposes the outline of a final status arrangement. The Israeli nightmare has the leading nations of the world demanding terms about borders, security, and Jerusalem with which Israel cannot live—and then finding Israel further isolated and demonized. The EU is leading this Quartet effort, but every Israeli official with whom I spoke said the United States is waving the Europeans on and hiding behind them.
The second potential disaster is a Palestinian effort at the U.N. General Assembly in September, where the "State of Palestine" would be recognized on "1967 borders" and Israel's presence in the West Bank would become the basis for a further expansion of boycotts, demonstrations, and delegitimization campaigns. These campaigns are well underway and especially in Western Europe would gain great strength from such U.N. action, it is argued.
Now, these fears may not pan out. What if the Quartet proposes new Israeli-Palestinian negotiations based on its outline, but the Palestinians—true to the Obama Doctrine of 2009-2010—yet again refuse to come to the table unless there is a total construction freeze? Palestinian intransigence would deliver Israel from its dilemma. European diplomats claim that Abbas has sworn he will negotiate if the Quartet Plan is sufficiently generous, a clever position that maximizes European incentives to buy his cooperation with language that leans further and further toward Palestinian demands. But unless and until the Quartet acts, no one can know for sure.
Israel may also be saved by moves toward "Palestinian unity," meaning the replacement of the Fayyad cabinet with one consisting of technocrats who represent both Fatah and Hamas. Under the terms that have been discussed, security in the West Bank would remain exclusively in the hands of the PA security forces, while Gaza would remain under Hamas. Such an arrangement could benefit the PA because it would regain a presence in all the nonsecurity ministries in Gaza and begin to reestablish itself there.
But the American relationship with the PA relies on the absence of Hamas from the government and the presence of an honest and effective prime minister in Fayyad. A Hamas role will raise immediate legal issues under our antiterrorism laws as well as political problems: Will the White House really demand that Israel negotiate with a coalition that includes terrorist groups? Will Congress, and even European and Arab aid donors, fork over cash if Fayyad is not there to guarantee that it will not be stolen?
Here again the outcome is uncertain. Under the Palestinian Basic Law, Fayyad's time to form a new cabinet has already run out, been extended, and run out again, and Abbas must now ask someone else to attempt to form a government. But the Basic Law has been ignored a thousand times and may be again, and Abbas has good reason to worry about any kind of unity government—for if there is unity and cooperation, what is the excuse for delaying parliamentary and presidential elections, both of which appear to inspire no enthusiasm among Abbas and his old cronies in the Fatah party?
So on the international scene and within Palestinian politics, Israel cannot be entirely sure what it will soon face. Much more important, no one can say with assurance where things are heading in Cairo, Amman, Beirut—or now even Damascus. Many Israeli officials therefore counsel waiting, or "watchful waiting," or "letting the dust settle," or a dozen other terms that all mean "Israel should do nothing." This is hardly a moment for bold steps, they argue.
For Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the problem of predicting in whose hands the key Arab states (and their armies) will be tomorrow morning is compounded by politics in Jerusalem and Washington. In Jerusalem, any bold move could destroy his coalition, leading Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman and his Yisrael Beiteinu party to bolt. Lieberman may want to do so soon anyway, wishing to act before his expected indictment this year on a variety of financial charges. Numerically, those Knesset votes could be replaced by the greater number of seats (28 versus 15 for Lieberman) held by the Kadima party, a natural partner for Likud should Netanyahu decide on some initiative, but most Israeli observers think this a doubtful outcome.
Netanyahu and Kadima leader Tzipi Livni have been attacking each other regularly in the past year, so personal relations are shot. And with Netanyahu now two years into his term, Livni may wonder why she should rescue him and be his foreign minister when in another year she might be his successor as prime minister instead. Some analysts argue that if Netanyahu undertook a big initiative Livni would have to support it, perhaps from outside the government: She could say she would not use votes of confidence to bring him down as long as some agreed plan was under way.
But it doesn't take a genius to see why Netanyahu fears being in that position, his political fate dependent on a party and a person—even if she is serving as his foreign minister—itching for his collapse. So Netanyahu is thinking. In early March his spokesmen talked of a major speech soon, perhaps delivered in Washington, but then backed away from the plan. A big, bold step is attractive to Netanyahu, but not one that turns out to be politically suicidal.
"Bibi is torn," one adviser to the Israeli government told me. "He understands the camp saying the momentum is strongly against Israel now, saying U.N. action to recognize a Palestinian state against Israel's wishes could be dangerous. He understands pressure will grow, isolation may grow, boycotts in Europe may grow. He knows we could be a lot worse off in a year than we are now. But he knows what he wants to prevent, not what to do to prevent it. He has no real policy. He's just like Obama."
And Obama is a critical factor here. Entirely missing is a relationship of confidence between the United States and Israel that might foster boldness or risk-taking. In a situation in late 2003 where negotiations were dead in the water and diplomatic initiatives he viewed as dangerous were surfacing, Ariel Sharon acted: He decided to get out of Gaza. But in reaching and implementing that decision he had the full support of George W. Bush, with whom he carefully negotiated a series of supportive statements and pledges.
Sharon decided to act without an agreement with the Palestinians: "I will take these new steps as unilateral steps; I don't want to be in their hands," he told me at the time. The theory was simple: If there is no real negotiating partner, try to shape Israel's future yourself. Don't wait, and don't limit yourself to what the Palestinians will agree to right now. But Sharon asked Bush for what he called "ideological compensation" to make up for the lack of actual compensation from the Palestinians for his moves.
There would be no peace treaty, no Palestinian concessions, no abandonment of claims by the PLO; instead there was Bush's endorsement of several critical Israeli positions in his April 14, 2004, letter to Sharon. There Bush addressed both the refugee and settlement issues. He stated that Palestinian refugees had no "right of return" to Israel and would have to find a future and a solution in the eventual state of Palestine, and he argued that a return to the 1949 armistice lines—a term he used in preference to "1967 borders"—was unrealistic given the existence of the major settlement blocks. To Sharon these statements by the president of the United States were critical gains for Israel, and they were soon endorsed by resolutions in both houses of Congress.
But those statements have been forgotten and abandoned by the United States, treated by the Obama administration as if they were some kind of private gesture by Bush in a personal note to Sharon. This devaluation of solemn pledges among allies has been a huge Obama mistake, for it undermines the value not only of past American pledges but of his own future words as well and makes Israel far less likely to take risks for peace.
So Netanyahu faces a series of difficult choices with few safety nets in view. Old partners like Mubarak are gone; domestic politics presents the usual Israeli field of battle (President Bush once described the Knesset as a "shark tank"); and the Obama administration is universally viewed in Israel as unsympathetic and unhelpful. Netanyahu can be forgiven for hesitating, hoping that some Palestinian error will save him or that he will find a magic solution that will meet all his needs, avoid risks, preserve his coalition, and escape international censure.
But Israel has not survived into 2011 by such a posture, and it should act—not wait for the EU, the U.N., the Palestinians, or the Americans. If there is a Quartet plan, Israel should accept it unless it is hopelessly and irredeemably biased and should demand immediate negotiations with the Palestinians—not because they will succeed but as a means of shifting pressure away from Israel.
Several Israeli officials told me they feared the Quartet would endorse "1967 borders," or "1967 borders with agreed swaps," at least as a basis for negotiations. It is impossible that the Quartet would endorse "1967 borders," for Americans and even the Europeans understand this would put the Western Wall inside Palestine, an absurd result. The swaps formula is manageable: Israel should reply to it by saying, "Okay, then we all agree, just as President Bush said in 2004 there will be no return to the 1949 Armistice lines. We are glad to see the Quartet acknowledging this basic truth."
But Israel should not be frozen in fear of a Palestinian declaration of independence or recognition at the U.N. and should in fact head it off. Perhaps the next country to recognize an independent Palestine should be Israel.
This is, after all, a declared Israeli policy goal. As early as June 2003, Sharon said it at the Aqaba Summit: "Israel, like others, has lent its strong support for President Bush's vision . . . of two states—Israel and a Palestinian state—living side by side in peace and security. . . . It is in Israel's interest not to govern the Palestinians but for the Palestinians to govern themselves in their own state."
His successors Olmert and Netanyahu have also endorsed this outcome. It is obvious that Israeli recognition would immediately devalue that Palestinian diplomatic campaign aimed at racking up additional endorsements each week, and could allow Israel to help define what "recognition" means anyway. For example, does Israel "recognize" Syria, a regime with which it has been in a state of war since the day it came into existence? "Recognizing" that Syria exists as a state eliminates none of the disputes between Israel and Syria. Many of the countries that have "recognized" Palestine have used different verbal formulas in doing so and mean different things by them, and Israel's own formula would make that fact even clearer and therefore more confusing.
Israel should say that with this new state of Palestine it has a million practical issues to discuss, beginning with grave border disputes but continuing from customs issues to the management of the Allenby Bridge to possible use of Mediterranean ports. Personal status issues are dangerous and complex: What is the situation of Israelis in areas the state of Palestine views as its own? Is it the Palestinian position that the new state must be Judenrein, a position President Abbas has repeatedly taken? Israel should immediately challenge that position in every possible forum, for it is an indefensible racist view that the EU for one will have to denounce.
Israel should demand immediate negotiations on all these complex matters, and remind the world that the dozens of statements "recognizing a Palestinian state" actually do nothing to advance the parties toward the resolution of the issues they face. In fact, commencement of practical negotiations on some of these issues between Israel and "Palestine" might lessen their appeal as great causes and turn them from emotional claims into tedious and detailed bargaining positions.
But this is diplomatic gamesmanship to combat diplomatic gamesmanship. Protecting Israel's interests may start with clever diplomacy but cannot end there. If Israelis are convinced they must separate from Palestinians, who should "govern themselves in their own state," they should begin to change the pattern of their presence in the West Bank. There is a wide consensus in Israel that separation from the Palestinians is right, and safer, and in Israel's long-run interest: Since the second intifada the dream of living together in peace has been dead, but the goal of living apart in peace is not. Yet current Israeli policy treats separation as a prize the Palestinians must win through concessions at the negotiating table, as if it were in the Palestinians' interest but not Israel's.
That is a self-defeating stance, incurring growing penalties in international isolation and condemnation while moving Israel no closer to its desired goal. Israel should start to disentangle itself from governing the West Bank and the Arabs who live in it, and if this cannot be achieved through negotiations with the Palestinians it should be achieved through Israeli-designed unilateral steps that maximize Israeli security interests.
One example: passage in the Knesset of a compensation law buying the home of any settler who wishes voluntarily to move back behind the security fence, whether to Green Line Israel or a major settlement. Another: turning additional areas within the West Bank over to the PA for normal daily governance. Such moves, which signal an intention to change the ultimate pattern of Israeli settlement in the West Bank, do not require abandoning the IDF's security role there. Nor do they require or accept a total settlement freeze, which would be counterproductive: Whatever the wisdom of a freeze in outlying settlements that will eventually become part of Palestine, to freeze construction in the major blocs that will remain parts of Israel is to send exactly the wrong message.
Israeli officials should explain the policy to the Obama administration and the Europeans (among whom some consequential leaders, like German chancellor Angela Merkel, are still friendly to Israel): It looks like final status negotiations are not on, and anyway they may take forever or may fail. So Israel will act, trying to shape a better future for itself without harming the Palestinians. We won't wait for them, but nothing we are doing closes off possibilities for future agreements. In fact, reaching those agreements will become easier over time, not harder, if Israel begins to act now.
Israel should use as its set of principles the Bush letter of April 14, 2004, in essence demanding that the United States adhere to pledges made about the key issues. No "right of return" for Palestinian "refugees" except to the new state of Palestine; secure and defensible borders for Israel; no full return to the 1949 lines, given the new realities on the ground; final borders to be mutually agreed; Israel as a Jewish democratic state.
But Netanyahu will have to act as well as speak, telling both Israelis and foreigners what he will do to begin to shape an outcome where there are no Israelis in over 90 percent of the West Bank. He can maximize the ability of Israel's friends and supporters, not least in this country, to support Israel if he acts with boldness and principle to guarantee the future safety of the Jewish state.
Netanyahu will also need to explain that when acts of terror emerge from the West Bank they will evoke the air and land responses needed to keep Israel safe and keep those territories from terrorist control. In the long run, it is difficult to see a secure Palestine without some link to Jordan, though it may take years to emerge. Whether that is in the end a "dual monarchy" arrangement—one king, two parliaments, two prime ministers, with the formal creation of a Jordanian-Palestinian entity—or a security deal allowing for a significant Jordanian role in trilateral security arrangements among Palestine, Israel, and the Hashemite Kingdom, remains to be seen, but no such options should be discarded.
Netanyahu, who quit his position of finance minister under Ariel Sharon when Sharon began the disengagement from Gaza, now finds himself in a remarkably similar spot. In addition to the coalition troubles he faces, he has a very tough political problem within Likud. Moreover, he must face the settler lobby and decide whether to challenge it now. He should, for at bottom he has a message that the vast majority of Israelis and indeed the vast majority of settlers accept: that the security of the State of Israel is paramount. Zionism aims at a Jewish democratic state, which in turn requires a territory where Jews are the majority.
That was the logic of partition in 1948, and it remains the logic behind separation from the West Bank and the 2.5 million Palestinians who live there. Zionism also taught self-reliance, acting to create facts rather than relying on luck or fate or someone else's benevolence to do the job.
The Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity, Abba Eban famously said, and their political division and terrorist leaders may save Israel yet again from extremely difficult decisions. But most Israelis understand that relying on Palestinian errors to protect themselves is dangerous: Israel cannot win itself a secure future by watching and waiting and avoiding action. Israel's future requires separation from the Palestinians, and neither the upheavals in Arab capitals nor the presence in Washington of the least friendly president in decades changes that.
Elliott Abrams, senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, was a deputy national security adviser in the George W. Bush administration.


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The Story of Purim
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Dr. Michael Likey is an International Author, Clinical Hypnotherapist, Doctor of Theocentric Psychology, Producer/Host of his BlogTalk Radio show, Live-Streamed Video-Broadcasts, and creator of his Transcendence System. He has an H.Dip. (Diploma of Clinical Hypnotherapy) from The Robert Shields College of Hypnotherapy, England. Michael is also certified through Robert Shields as a Fear Elimination Therapist, (2004) and is also a triple-Doctoral graduate: a D.D., Doctor of Divinity Specializing in Spiritual Healing, from the University of Metaphysics, a Ph.D. Specializing in Mystical Research from the University of Sedona, and a PsyTh.D., Doctor of Theocentric Psychology, from the University of Sedona, Dr. Masters, CEO.
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Strange News Of The Day: Western Colorado Census Office Raided By Feds
Very interesting story here from the Grand Junction Sentinel:
Feds checking for violations of safety laws at census office
By Gary Harmon
Sunday, June 27, 2010
The U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration has opened an investigation into the U.S. Census Bureau office in Grand Junction, which earlier this year was inundated by fumes from a marijuana-growing operation in the same building.
A person who worked in the building at 573 W. Crete Circle, meanwhile, said as many as a dozen claims might be filed by census employees affected by pesticide fumes from the nearby operation, which shared a ventilation system with the census office.
The inspection is intended to determine if there were violations of federal workplace-safety laws as a result of the fumes flowing into the offices, Herb Gibson, area director for the U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration, said Friday.
The agency's inspection "is open, and I would say it will stay open for a few more weeks," Gibson said.
Inspectors have visited the census office, where Gibson said officials are in the process of making modifications to the ventilation system.
A Mesa County grand jury last week declined to indict the three people who owned the marijuana operation.
Still, a former office employee, who asked not to be identified, said some people who worked there, including the employee, have suffered ill effects from the fumes, which were those of pesticides used to protect the marijuana plants, census officials said.
Even though officials point to the pesticides, other odors were unmistakable, the employee said.
"You walk in the front door, and you feel like you're at a Bob Marley concert," the employee said.
Even after leaving the office, the employee said pain and coughing developed to the point that the employee had to be hospitalized for several days.
"I was screaming in pain" and forced to double over by the coughing, the employee said. "It felt like it was burning me from the inside."
The employee has been in contact with other people from the office who have been hospitalized. Some are preparing or have prepared workers' compensation claims as a result of their exposures in the office, the employee said.
Officials with the census and federal Office of Workers Compensation said they couldn't discuss claims from the Grand Junction office.
There is "a legitimate concern with invading the privacy of our workers — given the fact it is such a small office, there is a particular concern that providing any such information could lead to an improper disclosure that would lead to an invasion of the individual's privacy," Mark Hellfritz, assistant regional census manager in Denver, wrote in an e-mail.
The employee said the Census Bureau was contemplating a civil suit against the marijuana-growing operation, but Hellfritz said the bureau "is not considering any actions" against the marijuana-operation owners.
OSHA would look at any workers' compensation claims as part of its inspection, Gibson said.
In addition to coughing and respiratory problems, the employee said other symptoms included migraine headaches, extreme pain in swallowing and even breathing, and delirium.
Although the symptoms have eased since leaving the hospital, "I still have a whole bottle of morphine," the employee said. "I'm saving it in case it happens again."
Tags: Colorado, Grand Junction, marijuana, Office of Workers Compensation, OSHA


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A time-lapse video of the construction of the National September 11 Memorial & Museum at ground zero documents the decade-long completion of the project in two and a half minutes.
EarthCam released the video as the museum was dedicated this week. The HD video captures the construction of the museum and the memorial's two reflective pools from groundbreaking to completion.
"It's been a monumental effort to have these cameras running for over 13 years," said Lisa Kelly, public outreach director at EarthCam. "We're just glad we could be part of showcasing the recovery and the construction work."
U.S. & World
The day's top national and international news.
The project started just days after 9/11 when EarthCam's CEO Brian Cury trained a camera on ground zero to capture the recovery effort, Kelly said.
More cameras were later installed at different angles on the roof of the Millennium Hilton hotel to document the construction of the museum, which is built below ground in what was once the World Trade Center basement.
"The location gave us perfect view of the full 16 acres of the job site," Kelly said.
For 4,617 days, from October 2004 to May 2014, cameras took still shots of the site every five minutes.
It took weeks for several editors and two archivists to sift through more than a million images to assemble the commemorative two-minute, 39-second video.
"This project was important for our company because we're a local company and some of our employees were affected by 9/11," Kelly said. "We wanted to contribute to the recovery and we thought it was important to provide documentation of all the effort that was put into rebuilding lower Manhattan."


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Five glorious years - FQR Issue 19
Five Glorious Years!


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Adidas Originals NMD R1 Trainers in Black Camo. Adidas?? most responsive cushioning to date offers energy-returning boost? technology combined with a sock-like knit upper for a close snug fit.
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Greetings everybody. I am attempting to create my very own complicated window program with a status bar, a complicated menu, and more. So far I have the window and a simple version of the menu complete. However, with my limited knowledge of C++, I have a few questions on how to do some more complicated things (at least they're complicated to me).
1. How do I make it so when somebody clicks on a menu item it loads a certain URL in their default browser?
2. I am trying to make a status bar, but everything I've tried hasn't worked. I've used the search on this forum and google, but I haven't found any code that works for me... All I am asking for is a simple status bar (it doesn't have to have anything on it for all I care), but I need to know what site/book I can look at to know how to add features to it (such as a progress bar for loading things, a method of displaying the current x,y position of the cursor within certain sections of the program and more). But as long as it works, I'm happy.
I've tried codes from a multitude of web sites such as:
...but none of them work...
3. How do I create a popup window type thing (such as if you open Dev C++ and select Help --> About Dev C++...) where I can type in information about my program?
4. Last question...how do I add links to my messages displayed in popup windows? (See #3)
If any of these questions are obvious or easily found, I apologize. Thanks for any help I recieve and I'll probably have more questions in the future.


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Things with the adoption are rolling! I just got an email and we have been assigned a case worker. Woohoo! Our home study agency is on the ball! It feels like this is all moving insanely fast and I couldn't be more thrilled about it! Also, we crossed another thing off the adoption checklist today by getting my physical exam. Since it was minimally invasive and I didn't feel like driving the kids all the way to my mom's, I decided to just let the kids come with me to the doctor. I'll start off by saying that they really were good, but something just came over them when we got there that made me start to wonder if I was on Candid Camera. We only had to wait in the waiting room for maybe 10 minutes. When we got back to the exam room is when the children lost their minds. Our door was left cracked just enough that anyone in the rest of the office could hear everything we were doing. It all started off when Sadie decided to bust out "Boom Boom Pow" complete with dance moves and Fergie imitation. I could hear snickers from the nurses station. The snickers turned into full on laughter when Noah, not to be outdone by his sister, starts in on Prince's "You Don't Have To Be Rich", in the very best falsetto a 2 year old can muster. It was quite entertaining. In walks the doctor, and the real fun begins. As soon as she sits down, Noah stares right at her and proclaims in a very anxious voice- "I gotta get outta here!" With nowhere to go, he freaks out and begins licking (yes, licking) the bio hazard trash can. When I pick him up to move him away from said trashcan, he starts tooting. Not little ones, mind you, HUGE ones. And laughing about it...hysterically. I could just see the gears turning in the doctor's mind. I am sure she was thinking, "This nut actually thinks she can handle a third child?" At this point I am looking for hidden cameras and wondering who on earth put my kids up to this! Ahhh... such is life!
We also had a giant slumber party at our house on Saturday night. Our good friends Rob and Stacey live in Cincinnati and we don't get to see them nearly often enough. Stacey had a PTA conference and Rob wanted to go watch Kamron's band play, so I offered to let their 3 gorgeous kids come and spend the night with me. That made 5 kids all under 7. I'll be honest, I stressed a little about how I'd handle all those kids by myself. But they were all SO good. Just like 5 little angels! (then just 2 short days later they pulled the above antics!) I even managed to get all five kids fed and dressed and got them to church on time! The kids all had such a great time together having a water balloon fight, eating pizza and playing "college". Evidently kids don't play school anymore- they play college. They also played doctor, which is what they were doing when I overheard this conversation between my Sadie, who was the patient, and her friend Addison, who was the doctor.
Sadie: I've just been feeling so sick lately. Oh yeah, my stomach hurts too.
Addison: I can give you a shot for that. Let me check you out.
(Silence while shot is administered and blood pressure is taken.)
Addison: Oh no... this is really bad... I'm sorry to say that you have...CHOLESTEROL!
I love these kids! Here they all are posing after their water balloon fight.
Here are the sweet, sweet girls having popcorn and watching movies.
We'll be busy, busy, busy the rest of the week with Bible school every night. I LOVED Bible school as a kid! I'll let you know how it goes...
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Who doesn't find the idea of an event named Large, Dangerous Rocket Ships (LDRS) intoxicating? The moment I heard it, I was sold. I wouldn't have cared if the next thing I heard was that LDRS were held on a barren wasteland in the middle of nowhere. Which is a good thing, because that's the next thing I heard.
Dogtown Ink
Large, Dangerous Rocket Ships! (and other exceptionally named confabs) on 3712 2008
Rocketeers—the definition of a blast! on 3711 2008
Amateur rocketeers are n-n-n-nut-jobs. At least that was my impression of the handful of Rocketry Organization of California (ROC) members with whom I stood shivering in the 3° F-F-F-Fahrenheit February dawn on a vast, windswept expanse of scorched earth in the Mojave Desert, known as Lucerne Dry Lake.
Shredding the envelope (w/goblins, rubber chickens & teriyaki rice bowls) on 3710 2008
Didrik and I showed up at the Mojave Desert's Lucerne Dry Lake bright and early for this February morning, Rocketry Organization of California launch. At 3ºF, it was about 50º colder on the lake bed than it had been in Venice when we left. The cold proved merely a short-lived distraction. The rocketeers' high spirited, high-flying hijinks soon had our complete attention…
Rocket Boy Goes Big (with a little help from his dad) on 379 2008
Aidan Sojourner and his dad, Cliff, are serious rocketeers. In this vid, they send a 12-foot Nike Smoke screaming into the wild blue over California's Central Valley. Aidan wants to someday send a rocket to Neptune to retrieve diamonds. I've already invested…
Rocketry Love on 378 2008
Covering rocketeers and amateur model rocketry was the good idea of my publisher Cyrus Krohn. Though I understood people like Burt Rutan were building breathtaking private sector spaceships, I still thought of model rocketry as something done by kids with modest kit rockets. Silly me…


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Submit an Event
Viva Florida 500 events are programs, activities, festivals and special events all aimed at promoting Florida's cultural, historical and natural heritage. Activities posted here must support the guiding principles of Viva Florida 500 [View here]. For ideas and inspiration, please review the Ten Ways to Get Involved.


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Gay Marriage Hurts My Breasts – Yasmin Nair
I. Making it through
I am at the first checkpoint. I can't help feeling that I really shouldn't be there. At any moment the smoothly coiffed blonde woman with the discreet earrings and the beautifully manicured hands will look at me with a frown and say, "You're not supposed to be here. How did they let you in?"
I hold my breath, waiting. I quietly exhale with relief when she looks back up at me, ticks something off on the sheet in front of her, smiles and tells me to go through the door on my right.
Now, the second checkpoint. This is much more exposed. I am now in front of everyone else, everyone else who looks like they actually belong. We are all waiting for stage two, as personnel step up and call out our names one by one, directing us each to any one of the kiosks staffed by people in blue uniforms. I scan their faces, wondering which ones seem more or less sympathetic to me, which one is more likely to scrutinise my credentials with more or less care. I keep waiting for the ball to drop: "Ah, yes, I see, yes, well, I'm afraid you really shouldn't be here after all."
But it all goes well. I'm home free, and I can have my breasts examined.
I'm here for a mammogram. I am practically a charity case at my local health care provider, a private organization with some kind of a grant to guarantee all their female patients free yearly mammograms. It's a nice gesture, especially in a climate where unmarried, non-child-bearing women are considered expendable and useless and even procreative women are deemed useful only as bearers of children. In Arizona, lawmakers have declared that the rights of the "unborn" extend far beyond any limits of, well, science, claiming that life begins even before conception. The phrase, "before you were a twinkle in your parents' eyes" has never seemed so strange before.
The Near North Health Service Corporation is staffed by lovely people and even some decent doctors, but it habitually messes up its paperwork. This has meant that, on the one hand, it allowed me a free appointment for a lingering ear infection with an ENT specialist at Northwestern. On the other hand, it failed to file my "charity" papers on time – testifying that I would not have to pay because of my income bracket – and, as a result, the hospital sent my bill, for a service that was to be paid by NNHC, to a collection agency.
So, understandably, even though I had called NNHC ahead of time to confirm that my appointment was indeed free, I arrived that morning at the gleaming doors of The Lynn Sage Comprehensive Breast Center at Prentice Women's Hospital in Chicago with some trepidation, anxious about being turned away, marked with a scarlet P for "too fucking Poor to qualify."
Being a charity patient also meant that my appointment was scheduled for a year after I had asked for one. Apparently, charity cases need to be extra careful in watching their health. My appointment sheet came with strict instructions: I was to wear no perfume, make-up, or deodorant. Somewhere, written in invisible ink, was an additional injunction: You must guarantee that you will not actually develop any mammary irregularities for an entire year from this date.
I make it past the second checkpoint – my non-existent papers are in order. I imagine that, as they enter my name into the system, it springs up with a large pink-for-breast-cancer flag: let this poor shit pass. I am led through another door, and a nurse hands me a hospital gown with instructions to disrobe in one of the changing cubicles and to "cinch it nice and tight." She is a slender white woman, and I wonder if she's terrified of large brown breasts, in the familiar racism of Chicago, or is simply echoing the American hospital industry's fear of naked bodies in general. Perhaps both. I'm reminded of how, every single time I've had my vagina examined, the doctor in question has always decorously done so with a large cloth between the two of us, screening us both from the horrific possibility that we might see my pussy at the same time and, who knows, be overtaken by a lusty yearning for it and each other.
So here I am, waiting for a mammogram among people who are terrified of seeing my breasts out of context.
My mind wanders on Whitmanesque lines: In my breasts, I hold multitudes.
I find myself in a waiting room with eight other women, similarly attired in ill-fitting smocks. I try to make sure that my nipples are not erect, affirming whatever suspicions the nurse may have had about them. I pick up a copy of Architectural Digest, hoping that the sight of a modern glass chandelier or a mahogany credenza, circa 1950, will not be too arousing. I wonder if I should reveal that I am sexually attracted to women, if I should perhaps turn to the others and simply state it as a matter of fact. Would that make them all less or more comfortable? Was that what the nurse really saw after all, my lesbian desire threatening to erupt and engulf every single one of us?
I'm finally escorted into the exam room, and the female technician who runs the machine is incredibly friendly and profusely apologetic about the fact that we are running fifteen minutes late. I can tell she's used to dealing with wealthier, paying clients. At NNHC, I always bring my knitting to an appointment, expecting to finish my entire scarf, knowing that I might be there for more than an hour beyond my scheduled time.
The actual mammogram is painful and surprising. At one point, she has to struggle to squish my breasts under the part that presses down upon my breasts. It surprises me how pliant my breasts are, and that she is actually able to mould, prod and stretch them the way she can. My breasts, I muse, are floopy, a combination of floppy and loopy, pulled like linguine through a pasta machine. Where, I wonder, are the firm young melons of yesteryear?
I wonder what the rules are. Am I required to disclose the sad truth of my breasts to all my lovers past and future? To those who might return, I regret to inform you that my firm melons are no longer as sumptuous. They are, alas, much floopier than you might remember them.
I come home exhausted. I write to R that I have just had my breasts poked, but not in a fun way.
II. The absurdity of it all
At the checkpoint, I was asked if I wanted to make an appointment for next year. I said yes, feeling a kind of we-are-women-we-must-be-responsible-for-our-breasts kind of peer pressure. But the truth is that I had woken up that morning struck by the absurdity of it all and had even considered cancelling my appointment.
I knew that there was one of three diagnoses I could receive after the mammogram: nothing, benign, or malignant. None of them would make a difference to me.
I mulled over the words "benign" and "malignant," such an affective rendering of what might happen to my body, the kind of pesonalisation that has resulted in narratives about breast cancer that render it in terms of a human drama, a battle between good and evil. The word "benign" seems so, well, benign, evoking a picture of a slightly self-satisfied tumour, sitting smugly and benignly behind a desk, neither angry nor happy, just absurdly benign. "Malignant," on the other hand, marks an evil force I will be compelled to combat, battle with. I will be admonished that I can "lick this thing," and not let it "conquer me." In the elevator up to the Breast place, I shared my ride with a man and a woman. As they stepped off and began to head in the direction opposite to mine, he gave her a hug and rubbed her back; she heaved a great sigh and steadied herself. I could sense immediately what they were heading towards, I could tell the contours of their narrative.
I don't know what I dread the most: The diagnosis or the narrative into which a diagnosis would push me. For nearly all my life, it seems, I've put up with the relentless pink war against breast cancer. Barbara Ehrenreich and others have written about the pinkifying and commodification of breast cancer, and the relentless corporatisaion of the condition. All of this burst into flames when the Susan Komen Breast Cancer Foundation considered defunding Planned Parenthood, the abortion provider and advocacy organisation. I wondered, as I got my appointment slip: If I am ever diagnosed with any form of breast cancer, will I be compelled to turn into one of those smiling and brave women, her bald head swathed in a pink scarf, beaming from the sides of buses shuttling through the city? Will I be compelled to mark myself as a survivor and to fight the good fight and all the rest?
All of this strikes me as exquisitely absurd for a number of reasons.
The first is that, lacking healthcare, a diagnosis of breast cancer would mean little to me other than my impending death. Without the proper resources – such as a health corporation that would even bother to file my poverty papers on time, or money to pay for medications – I would be at the mercy of the state. I know too much about what unpaid/free health care looks like in the United States and at Chicago's notorious Cook County hospital, where the poorest and most indigent get their "health care." I know that I would die of bureaucratic ineptitude before I died of the cancer.
Upon receiving a diagnosis, I would simply roll over and choose to die a long lingering death without treatment of any sort. I would first call my friends R and K, who would need to be told so that they could sort through my utterly disorganized effects and my burgeoning Hello Kitty collection, and take care of my cat. I would then proceed to fundraise for six months of rent so that I could finish my book. I would find a way to painlessly kill myself before the stench of my putrefying breasts became unbearable.
If the Centers for Disease Control were to include "sexual orientation" in its breast cancer surveys, I would have to be counted as a lesbian. "Queer" is still a word that causes discomfort among well-meaning straight people who don't want to be accused of being homophobic. At home, I Google "lesbian breast cancer" and find that the entire movement for lesbian women's health care has already been co-opted by the gay marriage movement.
On the website of the National LGBT Cancer Network, I find a piece on breast cancer by Liz Margolies. Her words pretend to offer comfort to women suffering from the adverse effects of being lesbian in a homophobic society and seeking culturally competent health care; yet she also echoes the pervasive medicalized logic that the blame either rests with lesbians who get sick or with the sad, unfortunate fact that the poor dears cannot be married:
So far, the information we have on breast cancer in lesbians has been both limited and contradictory. The large national cancer registries and surveys do not collect data about sexual orientation, leaving lesbians embedded and invisible among this vast wealth of information. Other ethnic, geographic and racial groups have been able to use the data gleaned from these statistics to develop programs to erode the health disparities they face. They know precisely how prevalent cancer is in their communities.
Some research has been conducted that specifically addresses lesbian cancer risks and experiences, but the results have been inconsistent. In almost every case, the sample sizes have been too small for us to draw reliable conclusions.
In other words, most of the conclusions aren't worth a damn.
But then Margolies goes on to propound precisely the most problematic of these unsound statements and hypotheses, placing the onus upon mysterious third-party research:
While we still await definitive state-of-the-art research, some people currently believe that lesbians have an increased risk of developing breast cancer, based on a "cluster of risk factors" theory [italics mine]. The increased risks are a result of behaviors that are a result of the stress and stigma of living with homophobia and discrimination. Each of these behaviors carries with it an increased risk of cancer. Taken together, as a cluster, they could more than double a lesbian's chance of getting cancer. Again, the data on these behaviors is mixed in its results and it's important to remember that many people with known risk factors never develop cancer.
She goes on to cite the risk factors, like cigarette smoking, alcohol abuse, and obesity. While these individually or together might in fact have an effect on an individual's health, the links between, say, obesity and actual breast cancer are tenuous at best.
It's the pregnancy link that jumps out at me. Writing about, "The four most-cited cancer risk factors in the research on lesbians and breast cancer risk," she writes that "lesbians are less likely to have biological children before age 30, which would offer some protection against cancer."
Pregnancy. Of course. I knew I had missed something. And, alas, my cat, no matter how hard I try, will never substitute for a child.
When this "fact" was first disclosed to straight women, the result was instant outrage in feminist circles, and while it still pops up in conservative arenas, it has mostly been debunked in legitimate medical circles and rightly dismissed as yet another way to regulate women's bodies and confine them to their child-bearing roles. And, yet, here it is, boldly offered on a site that lesbian women might peruse to find comfort and affirmation about their bodies. Here, directed at precisely the women who are least likely to conform to society's gendered demands upon them, is the nasty, biting, and utterly unprovable supposition flung in their faces: If you didn't want breast cancer, you should have had children, you fucking freak.
Margolies gets worse, as she develops a rationale for why lesbians are more likely to develop breast cancer :
To begin with, lesbians are less likely to have adequate health insurance coverage than heterosexual women, as most employers do not offer coverage for unmarried domestic partners [italics mine].
I live in New York City and do not have cancer. Sometimes, I imagine a lesbian who has just been diagnosed with cancer and is living in a small town in Utah or Iowa, not in one of the few cities with lesbian cancer programs… Her partner can't go to a caregiver group for lesbians. And do we really think she'll be comfortable talking about the effects that chemo has on her sex life in a roomful of men? I picture the two of them using the internet to learn more about their cancer and survivorship issues. Whenever I visit a website, I pretend I am this couple and type the word "lesbian" in the search box. More often than not, the search produces no results. Invisible still.
So there you have it. GAY MARRIAGE WOULD SAVE MY BREASTS. Having children would make breast cancer less possible. Silly, silly, me.
Such narratives about breast cancer abound everywhere, and they are echoed by various "institutes" and foundations, which purport to do studies on queer poverty but always manage, through their mysteriously frequent studies, to place the blame for all our woes on… you guessed it, marriage. It is much more rare to find centers or foundations willing to place lesbian breast cancer in its proper context: the lousy, non-existent health care in the United States that is killing more people than we care to count.
Such studies place the onus for lesbian health upon individuals and the choices they make: Stop smoking! Have children! Get married! At best, they make weak demands for inclusion: please be nicer to the lesbians who walk through your clinic's doors.
I don't deny that inclusion and expansion of categories to include lesbians/queer women are important (although I suspect that the medical industry will freeze alongside hell before it begins to think that poly/slutty/non-familial queers actually deserve care of any sort). I do think that if we are to consider people's health care needs in the larger contexts of how they live and fuck, then considering lesbian sex lives and the effects of cancer upon them is as important.
But, if any of these foundations or people like Margolies were to grow a pair of, well, firm melon-like tits and actually speak to the truth of the situation, they would admit that lesbians don't get breast cancer because they are lesbians who demonstrate characteristic lesbian behavior (i.e. they don't have children or smoke or are larger than straight women), but because they, like transgender people, poor and indigent people, and a lot of non-conforming queers who can't get jobs, let alone have the capacity to sue their employers for non-discrimination in the first place, are fucked over by a larger cultural rationale that they simply don't deserve health care – after denying them employment precisely because they are seen as people who will never fit in the workplace.
Perhaps Margolies resides in a universe where every lesbian looks and talks like Rachel Maddow, but the truth is that lesbians, and particularly gender-non-conforming lesbians – you know, the odd, butch ones we try to pretend we don't see, and I don't mean Maddow-style butch, but truck-driver butch, without the fancy glasses or the multi-million dollar salary, who can't help walking "like a dude" even in a skirt kind of butch – are discriminated against from the minute they walk through the door for an interview. Think of the lesbian you know whose hair is cut like a man's and not in a cute and sassy bob, or a lesbian who won't suck her boss's cock – not because she might not want to, but because she is incapable of even envisioning the possibility – or a lesbian who doesn't have the proper accoutrements to prove her lesbianism and acceptable family values, like a wife and child. Now ask yourself: how many of these women do you see in any positions of power, even in the hippy-dippy world of social justice organising or the non-profit industrial complex?
When Margolies imagines that couple in Utah, she is only imagining what she wants them to look like: safe, normal, cute, with perhaps a few quirks, like the couple in The Kids Are All Right. But I wonder what she has to say about the truly invisible, the single lesbians, the lesbians who won't try to look "normal," who don't fit her vision of normalcy, the ones who actually don't and, horrors, may not even want to have a partner, the lesbians who have spent decades nurturing and growing in networks of friendships and care-giving that Margolies will never recognise as legitimate, or the lesbians who prefer to live distinctly separate lives that others might consider strange and hostile (cat ladies of the world, unite!)? She and her ilk have quietly absorbed the message from the gay marriage movement in the U.S., which states, as baldly and boldly as possible, that the primary reason for gay marriage is that it would provide health care for gays and lesbians. This leaves out millions of queers who don't want to marry or simply don't marry, for any number of reasons. In states like Massachusetts where gay marriage is now legal, you will not be allowed to share in your partner's healthcare if you don't get married. The logic is simple: Because you can get married, you must. This means that straight and queer couples who might prefer the relative flexibility of civil unions or domestic partnerships are left out in the cold. Even in Illinois, which only grants civil unions at this point and which proclaims how progressive it is for granting healthcare to couples in such arrangements, the state mandates that you must enter one in order to gain healthcare.
You want health care but not marriage or commitment? Tough titties. Get married or die.
Case in point: I refer you, once again, to my breasts. I have no partner and have been against all kinds of marriage, gay or straight, since the age of 8. If I were to die or even begin to do so, most of my friends would not be able to come and take care of me, simply because their ultra-progressive workplaces have policies in place for "partner/family leave" but none for friends, no matter how close. I can see my friend R, flying into the U.S. from Montreal, confronted by a U.S. customs officer who smirks with one eyebrow raised, "You're here to take care of… a sick friend?" Or K going to her department for leave and being told, "But you already live with a partner and S isn't sick. Whom do you need to take care of, again?"
R tells me that his solution to this proposed scenario is that he will designate me as his godmother, making me a relation of sorts. My initial response, and proof that I am climbing out of the depression into which I sometimes find myself plunging when I consider the possibility of my death is, "But wait, that will just age me!"
Gay marriage is supposed to help my breasts. The gay marriage movement, in its relentless search for rationales for what is inherently a conservative movement around "normalcy" and acceptance, often makes the case that healthcare is a primary reason to make it legal. In the process, it has created a climate where the most progressive/lefty people, gay and straight, fail to see that healthcare is an economic matter and something that should go to everyone, regardless of their marital status. At a debate on gay marriage, where I am, yes, the party speaking against it, a woman tries to dismantle my argument with an emotional statement about her best gay friend (she is careful to identify as straight), who lived with his partner in a relationship that was better and more long-lasting than that of straight couples, but "who died because he could not get healthcare through marriage, he died because he could not marry."
I pause briefly and try to address her point as gently as I can.
What I really want to say to her is, "You're a fucking moron. I need to tell you that you're a fucking moron if you can't figure out that your friend didn't die of a lack of gay marriage but a lack of health care." I want to scream at her: "If you really watched him die, as you claim, you would see that he died from negligence and the aggravated stress of having to be treated at Cook County, where MY queer friend C once stood waiting for an appointment for 16 hours straight, on a foot so broken that his bones were sticking through the skin, but too afraid to try to find a seat or to leave for fear of losing his place in line."
The truth is that she probably understands that the health care system is broken, but that she also cannot see the profound disconnect in her own words. The truth may well be that she accompanied her friend to those endless and humiliating visits to the hospital, but that it never occurred to her that it was not her friend's gayness and his inability to marry that killed him, but the dank, stinking, hellhole of a "healthcare system" in the world's most industrialised nation, the only such nation not to provide universal health care.
When even such people cannot make said connections, is it any wonder that lesbians are now told that gay marriage will save their breasts?
III. Titty Terrorism: My Plans for the Future
My breasts may be more pliant but they are no less political.
In the event of a breast cancer diagnosis, I will let my breasts rot and putrefy into a state that few of these pink narratives, with their tidy, nervous pinkitude, ever care to discuss (what happens to a breast in the late stages of cancer is not pretty). I have already decided to send little bits of my cancer to all the gay marriage proponents. Although I'm not good with pain or even with discomfort, I will hack away at and chop off bits and pieces of my rotting breasts and engage in a form of titty terrorism. Instead of anthrax, I will send bits of my stinking boobs to gay marriage proponents like Evan Wolfson and the heads of the Human Rights Campaign and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force and to, yes, Liz Margolies and Dr. Susan Love.
In my breasts, I hold multitudes.
This is war, baby. And my tits are the mighty soldiers.
I will take no prisoners. I will squish my floopy breasts against the windows of Lambda Legal's Freedom to Marry galas. I will use my dripping, pus-laden blood from the open sores to create a poster that says Gay Marriage Hurts My Breasts and march alongside those walking for "gay rights" (read: marriage or else). I will stalk and flash gay marriage activists (Dan Savage, you've been warned) on the subway and on the streets, exposing their rot and stench, allowing them to smell the potential success of their campaign. Look, I will say, This is what gay marriage does for me.
My non-diagnosis brought me as close to death as I will ever want to be. I will not go quietly into that good night. I am angry, my breasts are rotting.
In my breasts, I hold multitudes.
Yasmin Nair lives and works in Chicago, Illinois. Her website is http://www.yasminnair.net. This article is the first in her new blog, "Gay Marriage Hurts My Breasts," about the hidden and obvious costs of the gay marriage movement.


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Core utilities
zh-CN:Core Utilities zh-TW:Core Utilities
This article deals with so-called core utilities on a GNU/Linux system, such as less, ls, and grep. The scope of this article includes, but is not limited to, those utilities included with the GNU coreutils package. What follows are various tips and tricks and other helpful information related to these utilities.
cat (catenate) is a standard Unix utility that concatenates and lists files.
- As cat is not a shell built-in, on many occasions you may find more convenient to use a redirection, for example in scripts, or if you care a lot about performance. In fact
< filedoes the same of
cat file.
- cat is able to work with multiple lines, although this is sometimes regarded as bad practice:
$ cat << EOF >> path/file first line ... last line EOF
- A better alternative is the echo command:
$ echo "\ first line ... last line" \ >> path/file
- If you need to list file lines in reverse order, there is a utility called tac (cat reversed).
cron is a time-based job scheduler in Unix-like computer operating systems.
See the main article.
grep (from ed's g/re/p, global/regular expression/print) is a command line text search utility originally written for Unix. The grep command searches files or standard input globally for lines matching a given regular expression, and prints them to the program's standard output.
- Remember that grep handles files, so a construct like
cat file | grep patternis replaceable with
grep pattern file
- Optimized for VCS source code grep alternatives exist, such as the_silver_searcher and ack.
Colored output
Beyond aesthetics, grep's color output is immensely useful for learning regexp and grep's functionality.
To use the default colors for grep, write the following entry to your shell configuration file, e.g. if using Bash:
alias grep='grep --color=auto'
Alternatively, you can set the
GREP_OPTIONS environment variable bearing in mind this may break some scripts that use grep [1]:
export GREP_OPTIONS='--color=auto'
To include file line numbers in the output, add
alias grep='grep -n --color=auto'
The environment variable
GREP_COLORS may be used to specify different colors than the defaults.
iconv converts the encoding of characters from one codeset to another.
The following command will convert the file
foo from ISO-8859-15 to UTF-8 saving it to
$ iconv -f ISO-8859-15 -t UTF-8 foo >foo.utf
man iconv for more details.
ip allows you to show information about network devices, IP addresses, routing tables and other objects in the Linux IP software stack. By appending various commands, you can also manipulate or configure most of these objects.
|ip addr
|protocol address management
|ip addrlabel
|protocol address label management
|ip l2tp
|tunnel ethernet over IP (L2TPv3)
|ip link
|network device configuration
|ip maddr
|multicast addresses management
|ip monitor
|watch for netlink messages
|ip mroute
|multicast routing cache management
|ip mrule
|rule in multicast routing policy db
|ip neigh
|neighbour/arp tables management
|ip netns
|process network namespace management
|ip ntable
|neighbour table configuration
|ip route
|routing table management
|ip rule
|routing policy database management
|ip tcp_metrics
|management for TCP Metrics
|ip tunnel
|tunnel configuration
|ip tuntap
|manage TUN/TAP devices
|ip xfrm
|manage IPSec policies
The help command is available for all objects. For example, typing
ip addr help will show you the command syntax available for the address object.
The Network configuration article shows how the ip command is used in practice for various common tasks.
less is a terminal pager program used to view the contents of a text file one screen at a time. Whilst similar to other pages such as more and pg, less offers a more advanced interface and complete feature-set.
Colored output through environment variables
Add the following lines to your shell configuration file:
export LESS=-R export LESS_TERMCAP_me=$(printf '\e[0m') export LESS_TERMCAP_se=$(printf '\e[0m') export LESS_TERMCAP_ue=$(printf '\e[0m') export LESS_TERMCAP_mb=$(printf '\e[1;32m') export LESS_TERMCAP_md=$(printf '\e[1;34m') export LESS_TERMCAP_us=$(printf '\e[1;32m') export LESS_TERMCAP_so=$(printf '\e[1;44;1m')
Change values as you like. References: ANSI escape code.
Colored output through wrappers
You can enable code syntax coloring in less. First, install source-highlight, then add these lines to your shell configuration file:
export LESSOPEN="| /usr/bin/source-highlight-esc.sh %s" export LESS='-R '
Frequent users of the command line interface might want to install lesspipe.
Users may now list the compressed files inside of an archive using their pager:
$ less compressed_file.tar.gz
==> use tar_file:contained_file to view a file in the archive -rw------- username/group 695 2008-01-04 19:24 compressed_file/content1 -rw------- username/group 43 2007-11-07 11:17 compressed_file/content2 compressed_file.tar.gz (END)
lesspipe also grants less the ability of interfacing with files other than archives, serving as an alternative for the specific command associated for that file-type (such as viewing HTML via html2text).
Re-login after installing lesspipe in order to activate it, or source
Vim as alternative pager
Vim (visual editor improved) has a script to view the content of text files, compressed files, binaries, directories. Add the following line to your shell configuration file to use it as a pager:
alias less='/usr/share/vim/vim74/macros/less.sh'
There is also an alternative to less.sh macro, which may work as the
PAGER environment variable. Install vimpager-gitAUR and add the following to your shell configuration file:
export PAGER='vimpager' alias less=$PAGER
Now programs that use the
PAGER environment variable, like git, will use vim as pager.
locate serves to find files on filesystems. It searches through a prebuilt database of files generated by updatedb or by a daemon and compressed using incremental encoding. It operates significantly faster than find, but requires regular updating of the database.
See the main article.
ls (list) is a command to list files in Unix and Unix-like operating systems.
- ls can list file permissions.
- Colored output can be enabled with a simple alias. File
~/.bashrcshould already have the following entry copied from
alias ls='ls --color=auto'
- The next step will further enhance the colored ls output; for example, broken (orphan) symlinks will start showing in a red hue. Add the following to your shell configuration file:
eval $(dircolors -b)
man (manual page) is a form of online software documentation usually found on a Unix or Unix-like operating system. Topics covered include computer programs (including library and system calls), formal standards and conventions, and even abstract concepts. See Man Pages.
mkdir (make directory) is a command to create directories.
- To create a directory and its whole hierarchy,
-pswitch is used, if not a error is printed. As users are supposed to know what they want,
-pswitch may be used as a default.
alias mkdir='mkdir -p -v'
- The
-vswitch make it verbose.
- Changing mode of a just created directory using chmod is not necessary as the
-moption lets you define the access permissions.
mktemp -p.
mv (move) is a command to move and rename files and directories. It can be very dangerous so it is prudent to limit its scope:
alias mv=' timeout 8 mv -iv'
This alias suspends mv after eight seconds, asks confirmation to delete three or more files, lists the operations in progress and does not store itself in the shell history file if the shell is configured to ignore space starting commands.
rm (remove) is a command to delete files and directories.
- It can be very dangerous so it is prudent to limit its scope:
alias rm=' timeout 3 rm -Iv --one-file-system'
- This alias suspends rm after three seconds, asks confirmation to delete three or more files, lists the operations in progress, does not involve more than one file systems and does not store itself in the shell history file if the shell is configured to ignore space starting commands. Substitute
-iif you prefer to confirm even for one file.
- Zsh users may want to put
timeoutto avoid implicit expansions.
- To remove directories known to be empty, use rmdir as it fails in case of files inside the target.
sed (stream editor) is a Unix utility that parses and transforms text.
Here is a handy list of sed one-liners examples.
seq (sequence) is a utility for generating a sequence of numbers. Shell built-in alternatives are available, so it is good practice to use them as explained on Wikipedia.
shred is a command to securely delete files and directories. It can be very dangerous so it is prudent to limit its scope:
alias shred=' timeout 3 shred -v'
This alias suspends shred after three seconds, lists the operations in progress, and does not store itself in the shell history file if the shell is configured to ignore space starting commands.
Zsh users may want to put
noglob before
timeout to avoid implicit expansions.
Sudo (as superuser do) is a program for Unix-like computer operating systems that allows users to run programs with the security privileges of another user (normally the superuser, or root). See Sudo.
- chmod (change mode) is the name of a Unix shell command and a system call, which both change the access permissions to file system objects (including files and directories), as well as specifying special flags.
- chown (change owner) is used on Unix-like systems to change the owner of a file.
- chattr (change attributes) is a command in the Linux operating system that allows a user to set certain attributes on a file residing on many Linux filesystems.
- lsattr (list attributes) is a command-line program for listing the attributes on a Linux extended file system.
ls -llists files attributes.
These utilities are explained in the File Permissions and Attributes article. More advanced permission use cases are satisfied by capabilities and ACL.
See also
- A sampling of coreutils , part 2 , part 3 - Overview of commands in coreutils


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Ask a Sommelier: How to Choose Wine for Father's Day
Ask a Sommelier
We ask top somms across the country for their wine-related advice.
Choosing wine for someone else is tricky, but if your dad's really an oenophile, he'll probably appreciate the effort...and maybe even open the bottle to share with you. To make your selection of a great Father's Day wine gift a little bit easier, we polled a few of our favorite sommeliers for their advice. Here's what they had to say.
Are you buying wine—or something wine-related—for Dad this year?
Looking for summer drinking inspiration? Follow Serious Eats: Drinks on Pinterest.


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USA (July 21, 2014): Moving is considered to be a stress inducing task by most people who keep postponing it in order to avoid taking on all the fuss that comes along with the procedure. The biggest hassle people face in the whole moving process is the zeroing in on an efficient, reliable and reputed moving company. Helping such people ease their burden is Top Moving Company 4 U, a virtual platform that connects moving companies or movers with their customers and enables the latter to reach out to the former in the easiest and quickest manner possible. The online marketplace recently launched its brand new service of generating leads to moving companies in California.
Top Moving Company 4 U has been an internet marketplace since seven years now and was established with the goal of providing customers with qualified, licensed and ready-to-move moving leads and other moving needs. The company adds more value to the credibility of movers and moving companies by getting customers closer to them than ever before and thus significantly increasing the chances of profit.
Their moving lead service extends its operations to all fifty states of the USA and gives moving companies the extra edge over others companies of its kind. The movers and moving companies listed in this online marketplace have closed 50% more sales. The online system of the company has been programmed to send each lead randomly to six different companies so that each moving company has no more than 5 competitors to vie for the customers' attention with. Moreover, Top Moving Company 4 U offers local moving leads, leads within the same State as well as long-distance moving leads i.e. leads from one state to another.
Top Moving Company 4 U is a fast growing online leads marketplace where Moving Companies and Movers can fulfill requests sent via the web by consumers looking for moving companies to help them with their moves. The company has more than seven years' worth of experience and specializes in providing its clients with Real Time Moving leads.
Media Contact:
Name: Top Moving Company 4 U
Phone: (866) 664-2773
Email: email@example.com
Website: http://www.qualitymovingleads.com/


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Filter results
Atopic dermatitis (atopy) in dogs
Atopic dermatitis (atopy) is an allergy to something in the environment (such as pollen, moulds, grass or dust mites).
Blood in your dog's stools
Blood in your dog's poo is always something to get checked by your vet but don't panic - there are lots of possible causes ranging from very minor to more serious.
Dandruff in cats
Cats spend a lot of time grooming to keep themselves clean. If you notice your cat has dandruff (dry, flaky skin) it could be a sign of a problem.
Dandruff in dogs
Dogs like to keep themselves clean, so if you notice your dog has dandruff (dry, flaky skin) it could be a sign of a problem.
Demodex mites in dogs
Demodex causes red, crusty skin, hair loss and a scaly coat, worst around the eyes and feet. Demodex is normally quite simple to diagnose but treatment can be challenging.


text:
Add text
A basic to building a website is adding text. This video and the instructions below it explain how easy it is to add text to your Website Builder website. You can add text to any page on your website, using a text box to create new text or copy text from other documents.
Note: Under the European Union's General Data Protection Regulation, websites are required to give visitors from all EU countries the option of accepting the placement of data files (cookies) in their browsers or leaving your site. You can use a text box for that purpose (like the one in Step 5), though you should seek legal advice about the exact text used.
- Log in to your GoDaddy account and open your product. (Need help opening your product?)
- Click Edit Site and use the page menu to select a page to which you want to add a text box.
- In the left-hand toolbar, click the Text tool and a text box is added to the page.
- You can begin entering text in the box immediately. Or click and drag any of the six border boxes to resize the text boundary before you begin.
Note: You also can copy and paste text from other documents into the text box. While you can copy and paste a Microsoft Word document into the text box, the font styling (font size, color, and bold, italic, etc.) will be lost.
- Click Preview to see how your text book looks, and if you're ready, click Publish.
Next steps
- To change your text's color, font, or styling, and other details, see Change text .
- To change a text box's background color, size, border, and other details, see Change text box.


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I've never been deer hunting. The words alone don't even evoke images of wearing orange vests and shooting animals, but rather, images of Christopher Walkin playing Russian roulette. Oh yes, there is deer hunting in that movie, but I don't really remember it. Does anyone?
So going into Deer Hunter Reloaded, I was subconsciously expecting Bob De Niro and extra bullets, but instead, I got "the most REALISTIC and AUTHENTIC hunting sim." Those aren't my words—they aren't my caps, either. That's according to the folks who made Deer Hunter Reloaded.
I haven't played many hunting sims, so I'm not one to judge. But I was actually surprised at how nice this game looks. It even plays well with various modes; there's a stampede mode, a straight-up hunting mode with slow motion bullet effects, and there's even an x-ray mode that enables you "to target specific organs".
If you are not one to shudder about going into the forest and shooting Bambi with x-ray vision, this is worth checking out. There's a free version, too.
Deer Hunter Reloaded [Free, iTunes]


text:
The Budweiser Hall of Fame Lounge is located adjacent to the Audi Yankees Club on the SAP Suite Level and is available on an individual game basis for private parties. This intimate patio area includes a private bar and access to the all-inclusive gourmet food available in the Audi Yankees Club. The Budweiser Hall of Fame Lounge provides sweeping views of the Stadium from left field and can accommodate up to 68 Guests (a minimum number of Guests is required for rental).
Marquee: $155 | Premium: $145 | Regular: $135 | Value: $125
For more information on Group Packages call (212) YANKEES or email email@example.com.


text:
This resource is no longer available
Rethinking Backup and Recovery: Business Continuity in the Datacenter and Beyond
From desktops, laptops, tablets and smartphones and devices in the internet of things, the number and variety of data-generating end points continues to increase. Organizations have begun to spend substantial amounts of resource to make sure these devices are backed up accordingly.
Still, all of these varying apps and devices are causing challenges in terms of business continuity, productivity and security risks. The challenge has become to find a new approach to handle these challenges.
Check out this on-demand webinar to get ideas on ways to rethink backup and recovery in such a varied environment. You'll get a better sense of how you can create an integrated enterprise-wide business continuity and disaster recovery solution that meets recovery objectives – without extensive costs.


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Date: Monday 24th 2020f February 2020 07:52:16 AMWe apologise for any inconvenience


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April 9, 2007
Scores on the first 18 holes of the Atlantic Sun Women's Golf Championship tournament Monday looked very similar to last weekend's Master's Tournament.
While par may have been 72, not one golfer met or beat that number of strokes. Actually, the average first round score was an 8-over 80.
As a team, the Lady Bisons are not too far above the average. They shot a 44-over 332 to finish in 8th place after the first 18.
Brie Rowdon is leading Lipscomb after shooting a 5-over 77. She is tied for twelfth but only four strokes off the leader.
Ashlee Catlin is three strokes behind Rowden with an 8-over 80. Catlin is tied for 22nd.
Marie Fillers shot a 14-over 86 for 34th place. Liz Austin and Brittney Beard round out the Lady Bisons shooting a 17-over 89 and a 19-over 91 good for 38th and 39th, respectfully.
Campbell University, who is ranked 47th in the nation, leads the tournament with 296 strokes for 8-over par. Monica Kelsey of Mercer and Alejandra Shaw of Campbell lead the field with 1-over 73.
Round two is Tuesday with tee times for Lipscomb golfers between 7 a.m. and 7:36 a.m. CDT. The tournament is at Keith Hills Country Club in Buies Creek, N.C.