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Deontay Wilder is a true showman who knew Saturday's night fight with David Ortiz would be his biggest challenge to date.
In a career-defining performance against the most avoided fighter in the division, Wilder (40-0, 39 KOs) rallied from the brink of defeat to finish fellow unbeaten Luis "King Kong" Ortiz in a dramatic, all-action fight in Brooklyn.
There was a lot of back and forth action in this fight, with Ortiz generally outboxing Wilder for most the fight, but Wilder was able to use his fight equalizing power to drop Ortiz in round 5. But by round 7 Ortiz was storming back, badly hurting Wilder himself, although Wilder was able to survive that round without suffering a trip to the canvas.
By the time the 10th round came around, both fighters were exchanging huge shots, but Wilder was the one who made it count by hurting Ortiz badly with a left and right hand that put Ortiz down again. Ortiz was able to beat the count but it was obvious he was in bad shape, and Wilder knew it, coming on with a barrage of punches that crumbled Ortiz again. At that point, the referee immediately calling off the fight.
The champ does it again. @BronzeBomber defeats @kingkongboxing in the 10th. #WilderOrtiz pic.twitter.com/vlHlcHDEtE
— SHOWTIME Boxing (@ShowtimeBoxing) March 4, 2018
" 'King Kong' ain't got nothing on me!" Wilder screamed after the victory. "A true champion always finds a way to come back and that's what I did tonight. If you speak it and believe it, you will receive it, baby. The mind is very powerful."
The brash slugger made the seventh defense of his WBC title and needed to walk through hell to get there as Ortiz (28-1, 24 KOs) outboxed him early before battering Wilder in a wild Round 7 that saw the champion lucky to make the final bell.
In the post-fight interview, Wilder said he wants Anthony Joshua for a potential unification title fight, but he's aware that their side isn't in a rush to face him. The boxing world can only hope for that fight to happen asap.
"I always said that I want to unify," said Wilder. "I'm ready whenever those guys are. I am the baddest man on the planet and I proved that tonight. This solidified my position at the top of the food chain tonight."


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subset: commoncrawl


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LTV means Loan to Value. LTV on Car loan is the amount of cash, that can be approved to the borrower as a loan to the value of the vehicle being purchased. Different banks practice different norms for deciding LTV on car loans.
In India, LTV for used cars is much lower as compared to that of the new cars, as banks or other agencies prefer financing new cars. Moreover fixing LTV for a new car is reasonably easier than carrying out the same process for used cars, because the rate of a used car cannot be calculated accurately.
Many factors like wholesale price, condition of the car, etc. are considered carefully while calculating its value as the financing agent wants to be safe and not over finance the used car.
Implications of LTV %
In the case of a car loan, LTV is calculated as Loan to Value (LTV) = Amount Sanctioned/Vehicle Value.
LTV = 1 means that 100% of the cost of the vehicle is sanctioned by the financing agent through the car loan. This suggests that the borrower has not made any down payment before taking a loan. More is the figure of LTV; lower is the amount contributed by the customer towards his purchase. LTV in no case should exceed the value 1 as it implies that the customer has tricked the bank by availing more amount than required.
LTV on Car Loan in India
In general, the LTV on new cars in India is around 80%, which can reach up to a maximum of 90% in special cases, whereas for used cars, the LTV falls to around 60-79%. The segment of the car being purchased, credit rating and the EMI payment capacity of the borrower, are some factors that determine LTV on car loans.
The banks may provide 100% finance on all the costs related to vehicles including the on-road price for salaried especially for those working in well established and reputed public organizations. The banks have the unrestricted powers to increase or decrease the Loan to Value (LTV) on a car depending upon the profile of the borrower.
RBI has fixed some guidelines for LTV on home loans in India, but in case of Car loan, there are many deviations. It is now up to the customer to choose the amount, he wants to borrow.
However, it is advisable for the borrower to avail lesser funds from banks as in India, the Car Loan Interest Rate is high, and the resources are depreciating. So it is better to use available funds, as much as possible to take down the payment.
You can avail Car Loans through DialaBank without any hesitation and get the best deal in the market.
Major Car Loan Providers in India:


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The Trump administration decided to boycott the Chinese government-backed telecommunications company "Huawei", which develops and sells (worldwide, including the USA) the most advanced 5G technology available today. Trump has basically forbidden American companies do do business with Huawei and is, as the great American tradition goes, attempting to bully other countries into doing the same.
Will trump's economic attack on the Chinese company Huawei be beneficial to the USA as he claims, and weaken China, as he desires? Or will it backfire?
To get the answer we need to look at only one planet: the lord of the ascendant, since is signifies us, or the USA. So, Saturn. However three other planets aptly cover the other major facets of the situation.
Saturn is retrograde, conjunct the South Node and Pluto in the 12th house. It could be worse only if Saturn was essentially debilitated. Saturn is very afflicted accidentally. The boycott will cause a shrinking to the USA rather than the expansion that is desired or proposed. The retrogradation accounts for the wrong way of behaving or simply a literal reference to how the question was phrased: "backfire". Being in its own sign shows that the USA will still stand fine beyond the disruption but it will suffer some undesirable consequences.
Neptune is on the second cusp of the "country's resources". Neptune can be read as obscurity or as disruption (Neptune the earth-shaker). We already have serious disruption and damage underway to American businesses and the potential for much more damage should this plan move forward. Hinted at by Jupiter's retrogradation. What can we expect from an action originated with an authority (the president: Mars) signified by a planet in its fall?
Notice the unfavorable receptions between Mars and Saturn. Saturn exalts Mars, rightly so as the president has a significant amount of power over the country. Mars being in Saturn's detriment rubs in the fact that we have an irresponsible action coming from that debilitated authority which harms the country.
Mars is dignified by triplicity, showing there is a modicum of good intentions in there somewhere. He may well believe what he is doing is good. Regrettably he is not; fall is stronger, and fall is a debility of self-defeat. Mars' position inside the house and sign of the Chinese government (10 from the 9th) shows he has no power to exercise and weaken that government and is no more than a major nuisance. The applying conjunction of Moon and Mars speaks of a submission to whatever the Chinese government proposes next to redirect the situation. Luckily the Moon is dignified. Incidentally Xi Jinping and Trump are about to meet in Osaka Japan as I write this.
Notice that Mars is conjunct the star Sirius, the dog star. A big dog that barks and bites if you are not careful. What could be more aptly descriptive of our president in this context? Given that Mars is disposited by the Moon (the Chinese government), and that the Moon is its own sign, showing it is self-preserving and carful with its actions, this will likely end up with Mars backing off from his decision to boycott Huawei or a similar action to that effect such as declining to impose further tariffs on Chinese goods. (SEE UPDATE BELOW)
We already have indications of such backfiring. Fedex is preparing to sue the USA government due to the nightmarish scenario of being forced to screen its millions of Chinese deliveries for packages from Huawei to the USA. How absurd is that?
Interestingly, Huawei's sales have increased substantially. They design and produce the most advanced 5G technology available and people are buying it. Basically, it is not going down to let USA tech companies, whose technology is inferior, take their place in the market.
How will China fare in all this?
L9, Venus, is also in its own sign, however direct and angular. Venus is on Algol, aptly so. They are scrambling and pulling their hairs out trying to adjust to such attack. And succeed they likely will, being strongly angular. Spica on the 9th cusp reinforces the testimony. China not only will be fine, it will benefit from all this.
UPDATE: as predicted above, our Sirius president has just gone back on his decision to ban Huawei AND has decided not to escalate the lifting of tariffs on Chinese goods.


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"Our Little Circle": Benevolent Reformers,The Slater Fund, and The Argument For Black Industrial Education,1882-1908
Volume VI, Number 1
Fall, 1986
The events of the Civil War years transformed some four million Black slaves into free men and women. Yet, ninety-six percent of the remained illiterate. The vast majority lacked any working knowledge of the American political political process or the southern economy beyond the rudiments required to complete the day-to-day tacks of plantation agriculture. Immediately after the war, the Freedmen's Bureau and several northern Protestant missionary organizations embarked on the business of creating an educational system for the freedman's community. A concern for Black literacy and a rudimentary education in the liberal arts dominated these initial efforts. But by the time the last federal troops left the South in 1877, this early movement for freedmen's education had become moribund – the Freedmen's Bureau was defunct, the northern missionary enthusiasm was waning, and southern state and local governments were rapidly abandoning their responsibilities for freedman's education. In this less than fertile ground, northern white philanthropy soon represented one of the few remaining avenues of hope. 1
After Reconstruction ended, both southern white leaders and northern philanthropists sought a curriculum for Black schools that would help alleviate racial tension, encourage sectional harmony, and prepare the freedmen for their role in the emerging New South society. The industrial education model advocated by accommodationist Black leader Booker T. Washington appeared to be designed to meet those ends. As a result, the aforementioned leaders generally encouraged the movement toward industrial education that occurred in Black schools during the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Foremost among the northern philanthropic funds championing this change was the Slater Fund for the Education of Freedmen.
John Fox Slater, a Connecticut industrialist, established the Slater Fund in 1882. Motivated by a belief that education was vital if recently-emancipated southern Blacks were to become responsible participants in the political process, convinced that support for Black education could not be expected from southern whites, and aroused by the moderate success of the Peabody Fund – which had been created in 1867 to assist southern schools – Slater donated one million dollars "for uplifting the lately emancipated population of the Southern states." To implement this goal, he named a distinguished board to administer his endowment and he allowed the members a free hand in setting the policies and practices of the Fund. Slater asked only that the monies of the Fund be distributed "in no partisan, sectional, or sectarian spirit."2
Anxious to meet their charge, members of the board met in late 1882 to establish objectives and procedures for the Slater Fund. This original board included a former president of the United States, the chief justice of the United States Supreme Court, a leading southern politician, two prominent Protestant clergymen, one of the foremost temperance advocates, two wealthy bankers, a university president, and Slater's son. Among their initial actions, members of the board selected Methodist clergyman Atticus G. Haygood of Georgia to be their general agent. A noted author, editor, preacher, and the president of Emory College, Haygood had written Our Brother in Black, a prescriptive discussion of southern race relations, the year before. As agent, he was charged with distributing monies to various Black schools and colleges throughout the South, with visiting and inspecting the programs of recipients, and with making recommendations to the board.3
The board quickly determined to support Black industrial education, and continued to do so throughout its first two decades. Prior to an early board meeting, former President Rutherford B. Hayes, a board member, confided to his diary:
A few ideas seem to be agreed upon. Help none but those who help themselves. Educate only at schools which provide in some form for industrial education. These two points should be insisted upon. Let the normal instruction be that men must earn their own living, and that by the labor of their hands as far as may be. This if the gospel of salvation for the colored man. Let not the labor be servile, but in manly occupations like those of the carpenter, the farmer, and the blacksmith.4
The board resolved in 1883 to give preferential treatment in appropriations to institutions which provided instruction in agriculture, industrial skills, and other occupations which would "enable colored youth to make a living, and to become useful citizens."5
Largely due to the support of the Slater board, industrial education became the dominant curriculum in Black schools during the 1880s and 1890s. These institutions instructed Blacks in a variety if manual skills and occupations, including agriculture, the mechanical arts, domestic science, carpentry and other construction trades, leatherworking and metalworking. Most of the industrial education offered by Black institutions in the decades following Reconstruction would be considered low-level "vocational" training today. There was little to no industrial training in the sense of preparing students to work or assume leadership roles in modernized industries. To man proponents of the industrial education curriculum, such manual training was more important as a means of teaching morals and work discipline than in preparing skilled artisans. But industrial education did offer many Blacks their first real educational opportunities.6
Between 1883 and 1886, the Slater board distributed over $100,000 to Black schools and colleges in the southern states, primarily to equip and operate manual training programs. Although Haygood noted extensive opposition to industrial education in his report to the board in 1883, by 1886 he observed that there were few Black schools and colleges that did not offer it in some form. By the 1887-88 academic year, the fund was spending more than $40,000 per year to aid industrial training programs in some forty-one schools. Under Haygood's guidance, the board used the promise of Slater funds to persuade reluctant institutions to adopt the curriculum. He admitted that it was the policy of the board to "bring all the best schools into line, in industrial education." And he used his influence in the division of Slater monies to control, punish, or rebuke recalcitrant schools. As a result, a shift from liberal arts to industrial education took place at many Black schools throughout the South during the 1880s. After Curry assumed the agency of the Slater Fund in 1891, he convinced the board to turn its resources to funding a few model industrial schools like Hampton Institute in Virginia and Booker T. Washington's Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. By 190 these two influential schools received one-half of the annual Slater appropriations.7
Historians have recognized the importance of the Slater Fund to the development of Black industrial education. August Meier declared that the Slater Fund was "the chief impetus in advancing the cause of industrial education during the 1880s."8 In his study of Black education in postbellum Alabama, Robert G. Sherer demonstrated that the Slater Fund "was primarily responsible for the rise of industrial education in Alabama.9"But no studies have concerned themselves with the personal motivations and ideologies responsible for fostering the Black industrial education movement in the postbellum South, particularly the control wielded over the Slater Fund by a clique of five individuals: former President Rutherford B. Hayes, industrialist Morris K. Jesup, university president Daniel Coit Gilman, ad southern educational spokesmen Atticus G. Haygood and Jabez L.M. Curry. In abbreviated form, this clique would influence Black industrial education in the South to 1908.
This circle emerged from Hayes's relationships with Curry, Gilman, Haygood, and Jesup, and its beginnings preceded the formation of the Slater Fund. Hayes and Curry had been roommates at Harvard Law School in the early 1840s. Just as Curry remembered Hayes as one of his "most valued friends and intimate associates while in law school," Hayes recalled that he had "loved" Curry during their Cambridge years. The friendship, temporarily dampened by geographical distance and the emotional strain generated by the sectional conflict, was rekindled in 1876-77 with Hayes's election to the presidency. Although a southern Democrat, Curry rejoiced at his former roommate's ascent to that high office, and Hayes reciprocated by offering Curry a place in his administration. Curry never served under Hayes, although he did advise him on certain political matters, including federal policy toward the South. But the association also had a distinctly personal side – Hayes and Curry were frequently confidential correspondents and occasional visitors during the years that Hayes was in the White House. Curry admitted that he "rejoice[d] with special vigor" whenever Hayes was able to break away from the duties of state to visit his Richmond home and reweave memories of college days at Harvard.10
Hayes and Gilman became close friends during the late 1870s. Although their relationship lacked the emotional intensity of the Hayes-Curry friendship, they frequently corresponded and Gilman advised Hayes on a few federal appointments. Hayes was an occasional guest at the Gilman home in Baltimore during his presidential years. Hayes's friendships with Haygood and Jesup rapidly developed as a result of their philanthropic work for the Slater Fund. By the late 1880s, Hayes was able to refer to this cadre of friends on or around the fund as "our little circle" or "our circle." With Hayes as the hub, this circle functioned as an intellectual, emotional, and policymaking network.11
This circle controlled Slater Fund decision-making from the Fund's formation to 1908. Although small, it underwent a few changes in membership during that period. Curry, who was not a member of the Slater board until 1890, participated informally in the circle until 1885 when he accepted a diplomatic appointment to Spain. Upon his return three years later, he resumed his informal influence over Slater Fund affairs. Hayes eventually maneuvered his formal appointment to the board. Haygood grudgingly abandoned the circle for a California bishopric in 1891. Hayes died in 1893. Despite these departures, the "rump" clique of Curry, Gilman, and Jesup continued to function effectively for another decade. After Curry's death, Gilman and Jesup directed Slater Fund affairs for another five years.12
Significant discrepancies in background divided members of the Slater circle. Jesup and Gilman had been reared in urban Connecticut, Haygood and Curry in rural Georgia, and Hayes in a small Ohio town. Jesup and Gilman were the sons of northern businessmen, Haygood and Curry were the sons of southern slaveholders. Prior to Appomattox, the members of the circle had held opposing views on the major issues of the era – slavery and secession. Curry had owned slaves and defended slavery in Congress. Both Curry and Haygood had been rabid secessionists and had fought for the "peculiar institution." Jesup abandoned business dealings in Virginia during the 1850s because of his distaste for slavery and slaveholders. As a young lawyer in antebellum Cincinnati, Hayes defended fugitive slaves. During the Civil War, he served as a general in the Union army.
Yet, members of the Slater circle shared several common characteristics. All came from strict evangelical Protestant family backgrounds and continued to be religiously active during their adult years. All except Jesup had a college education, were trained in one of the professions, and had participated in politics or the diplomatic service. All shared a deep interest in various national reform causes, including prison reform, civil service reform, conservation, education, juvenile delinquency, the poor, temperance, the suppression of "indecent" literature, and the problems of American Indians and Blacks. These similarities of background, together with members' considerable occupational and geographical mobility during the postwar period, suggeststhe cosmopolitanism of those whom Hayes described as "our little circle."13
Despite the dissimilarity of their antebellum backgrounds and the geographical distance that separated them, this cosmopolitanism of members of the circle allowed them to function as an "invisible college" or intellectual network. They penned frequent letters to each other, often sharing books, pamphlets, printed sermons, and newspaper clippings of mutual interest. These letters are filled with discussions of attitudes, beliefs, and polices regarding Black industrial education and a host of other national interests. In time, certainly by the late 1880s, the circle began to use a common benevolent language adopted from Haygood's Our Brother in Black to describe their efforts for Black industrial education. The freedmen were generally referred to as "our brother in black," while Black industrial education was commonly termed "uplift." The shift from liberal arts to industrial education in Black institutions was called a "revolution." These and other "code words" colored the speeches, letters, publications, and personal discussions of circle members. Both their intellectual network and their common benevolent language helped them to function as a cohesive clique.14
The circle also functioned as an emotional support network, based upon male homosocial preferences. It was not unlike the nineteenth-century networks identified and studied by Drew Gilpin Faust, Lawrence J. Friedman, and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg. 15 Letters written between members of this "little circle" demonstrate the deep emotional attachment, intense mutual respect and concern, and desire for proximity that these men shared. Numerous letters tell of their "love" and "affectionate regards" for each other. Although these letters performed a major function in group life, members also endeavored to visit each other whenever they could. This emotional closeness was also manifested in other ways. Hayes worried about Curry's tendency to "overwork," and loaned Haygood significant sums of money. In 1903 Jesup hurried to the bedside of the dying Curry in order to comfort him. Hayes and Haygood exchanged personal photographs and valued them highly. Hayes assisted Curry in his hobby of collecting autographed letters written by prominent public figures. Such rituals encouraged group cohesiveness.16
More importantly, the circle functioned as a policymaking network. Circle members occupied the crucial leadership positions that allowed them to control the direction of the Slater board. Hayes served as president of the board from its inception until his death in 1893. Gilman, who had been the secretary of the board during the Fund's first twelve years, replaced him. He served until 1908, as did Jesup, the Fund's treasurer throughout its first twenty-seven years. The agents of the Fund – Haygood (1882-91) and Curry (1891-1903) – executed the policies of the board. Hayes clearly functioned as both the formal and informal leader of the circle. An unobtrusive leader, he advised and coordinated, sharing actual policymaking with other circle members. A skilled mediator, he was primarily responsible for keeping Haygood as Slater agent until 1891, then maneuvered the selection of Curry to succeed him. He evoked a high degree of genuine respect within the circle, ranging from the deep affection of Haygood to the dependable friendship of Gilman. His tolerance, personal involvement, commitment to group harmony, and rare but subtle chastisements promoted stable group relations. After Hayes's death, the "rump" clique of Curry, Gilman, and Jesup retained control of the policymaking process on the Slater board. As Curry noted to Gilman in 1894, "it seems that you and Mr. Jesup and myself will have as usual all the work to do." Clique size, intimacy, shared decisionmaking, and cohesiveness allowed Curry, Gilman, and Jesup to function together harmoniously after Hayes's death.17
As the agents of the Slater Fund, Haygood and Curry were largely responsible for its direction. An examination of their beliefs about Blacks demonstrates a consistent pattern of racial stereotyping. Often cast as a moderate on racial matters, Haygood's numerous books, articles, and speeches betray a strong belief in Black inferiority. Haygood was appalled by the "barbarous moral debasement" of Blacks. "Elements of evil and superstition," he asserted, characterized Black religion. He posited that Blacks had only a vague notion of religious dogma. Black liturgies, he observed, were "attended with many follies and extravagances, many mistakes and wastes of power, in some cases with exhibitions of fanatical superstition." Such "extravagances," Haygood believed, also dominated Black family life. He was particularly troubled by the marital and sexual attitudes and activities he observed in the freedmen's community. "Loose notions and looser practices as to the marriage relation," he alleged, exemplified Black family life, which was hampered by immodesty, infidelity, sexual depravity, and licentiousness. To Haygood, Black family life clearly lacked "domestic virtue and family purity." Compounding this problem, he argued, was the excessive use of ardent spirits by Black males. Drunken Blacks, he alleged, created problems in the Black family and menaced white womanhood. This prompted him to justify the practice of lynching in the South. 18
Haygood did note a few positive qualities among southern Blacks, but these tended to reinforce the corollary image of Blacks as kind-hearted, good-tempered, happy-go-lucky Sambos. Yet, most of the traits that Haygood observed in Blacks simply supported his stereotype of Blacks as savages. To him, the freedmen's community appeared to be ignorant, immoral, indolent, improvident, wasteful, and given to base, instinctual desires. Even Black professionals, including teachers and preachers, were not exempted from this image. According to Haygood, Blacks were by their very nature "crude," primitive, and tending toward savagery. Although Haygood took solace in the belief that the Black apprenticeship is slavery had formed a "habit of submission" and a fear of "white man's vengeance" in the race, he feared that schooling Blacks in the liberal arts would breed discontent among them, just as he perceived that it had among northern urban immigrants "whose murmurings hint of suppressed earthquakes." The wrong kind of education, Haygood argued, would destroy Black docility and loose Black savagery upon the South.
Curry shared Haygood's stereotypical view of Blacks. He characterized Black workers as "stupid, indolent, shiftless…with a low tone of morality." He asserted that Blacks had "loose notions of piety and morality and with strong racial peculiarities and proclivities…had not outgrown the feebleness of the moral sense which is common to all primitive races." Throughout his writings and speeches, Curry stereotyped Black behavior again and again as ignorant, immoral, superstitious, wasteful, and lacking in foresight. Of Black religion, he wrote:
The discipline of virtue, the incorporation of creed into personal life, is largely wanting, and hence physical and hysterical demonstrations, excited sensibilities, uncontrolled emotions, transient outbursts of ardor, have been confounded with the graces of the Spirit and of faith based on knowledge. Contradiction, negation, paradox and eccentricity are characteristics of the ignorant and the superstitious, especially when they concern themselves with religion.19
To Curry, Blacks were immoral, irrational, instinctual beings. On occasion, this belief prompted him to view the moral and economic uplift of southern Blacks as "hopeless" and to express doubts as to the feasibility of Black industrial education. Certainly, he believed, that the race problem was the greatest issue that Western civilization has encountered and this made the curricular choice for Black education one of vital importance.20
Haygood's and Curry's fear of Black savagery and desire for docile Black behavior was confirmed by what they believed to have occurred during the era of Reconstruction. They accepted the myth that the decade following the Civil War was a period in which northern Radicals and southern Blacks successfully collaborated to dominate and exploit southern whites. Although both remembered slavery as too repressive, they observed that the social system which had replaced it was insufficiently repressive. As a result, this Black-Radical coalition had wreaked "incalculable mischief" on the white South. The end result of this travail had been temporary white "subordination to the black race." Both Haygood and Curry argued that Blacks must be strictly controlled. Curry even implicitly justified efforts at intimidating Blacks, such as those employed by the Ku Klux Klan during Reconstruction. He noted that when "negro dominancy" occurred, whites could use "no measures too…severe."21
Although less overtly concerned with Black savagery, Hayes, Jesup, and Gilman shared Haygood and Curry's stereotyped image of southern Blacks. Hayes concluded that Blacks lacked "the thrift, the education, the morality, and the religion required to make a prosperous and intelligent citizenship." He once characterized Black oratory as their singular talent as a race. Gilman claimed that Black culture was fraught with "error" – lacking acceptable social and sexual mores and attitudes toward work. But despite their ethnocentrism and accompanying paternalism, Hayes and Gilman differed from their southern colleagues in their willingness to credit Blacks with the ability for improvement as a race. Both believed that the freedmen's racial attributes might be altered through proper education. On the other hand, Jesup, like Haygood and Curry, seems to have accepted Black inferiority as innate and irreversible. Labelling Blacks as ignorant, improvident, thriftless, and imitative, he argued that, separated from the "refining influence" of whites, they would revert to their "native condition" of savagery.22
But because they shared an ethnocentric and stereotypical view of southern Blacks, and a common craving for a solution to the race question, members of the Slater circle endorsed the movement toward legal segregation of the races that occurred throughout the South in the decades after Reconstruction. Fifteen years before Booker T. Washington's Atlanta Exposition speech, which accepted the segregated nature of southern life, Hayes declared:
We would not undertake to violate the laws of nature, we do not wish to change the purpose of God in making these differences of nature. We are willing to have these elements of our population [whites and blacks] separate as the fingers are, but we rejoice to see them united for every good work, for National defense, one, as the hand.23
Historians George Sinkler and Rayford W. Logan have employed Hayes's defense of segregation as an explanation of his willingness to abandon Reconstruction upon ascending to the Presidency. Like Hayes, the rest of his "little circle" also sought segregation along racial lines. None of the members demonstrated a commitment to social equality between Blacks and whites. Haygood used the analogy of oil's insolubility in water to explain and defend southern segregation. He argued that segregation was a social device which both Blacks and whites desired. Blacks, he perceived, wanted to be separate from whites due to "instinct." Hayes, Haygood, and the other members of the circle believed that laws enforcing segregation protected both races from those who sought to alter radically race relations in the South.24
Haygood and Curry reflected the circle's advocacy of segregation in their administration of the fund. From the beginning of his agency, Haygood exhibited a preference for segregated schools, arguing that they were "best for all parties." He found it inconceivable that coracial education could prove successful in uplifting southern Blacks. Nor did Blacks favor the prospect, he argued, claiming that "black children…don't want to sit at the same desks with white children." For this reason, he used his influence in the division of the monies of the fund to punish Blacks who defied southern segregation practices. The clearest example was Haygood's reaction to William Hooper Councill's violation of the prevailing racial code. Councill had first obtained Slater subsidies in 1884 while serving as principal of the Huntsville (Alabama) Normal School. Councill had later resigned his position under pressure after two separate incidents in which he and his students attempted to sit in the "white" car on a train and had been ejected. When the Alabama Black was restored to the principalship in 1888, Haygood refused additional grants to the school. He advised Hayes that "we can make better use of the $600. Councill's use of the money in his day was not satisfactory." After Curry accepted the agency of the fund in 1891, he continued his predecessor's de facto policy of not funding coracial schools.25
Circle members believed the physical separation of the races to be a natural phenomenon. Haygood spoke for the others when he asserted:
There never was in this world, in any nation or community, such a thing as social equality, and there never will be. The social spheres arrange themselves to suit themselves, and no laws promulgated by State or church will change the special affinities and natural selections of men. Men choose the circles for which they have affinity, seek companionships they prefer, and find the places that are suited to them.26
Segregation, according to Haygood, was a predictable result of human interaction. Like the other members of the circle, he posited that the structure of southern segregation had developed as it did because of the inferiority of the Black race. Whites, according to this line of reasoning, were the natural leaders of southern society. As Curry told southern educators at the Capon Springs Conference in 1899, "The white people are to be the leaders to take the initiative, to have the directive control in all matters pertaining to civilization and the highest interests of our beloved land. History demonstrates that the Caucasian will rule. He ought to rule." He went on to note in his speech that white supremacy did not mean "hostility to the negro, but friendship for him." Curry's advocacy of white supremacy, the most radical of any of the members of the circle, was sufficiently extreme to allow him to develop a close friendship with Ben Tillman, the Negrophobe governor of South Carolina during the 1890s. But the other members of the circle must also be categorized as white supremacists.27
White supremacy was not a rationale used by circle members to justify abandoning southern Blacks. Rather, they argued, it created a set of paternalistic obligations for white leaders – whites should ostensibly oversee Black institutions in order to provide proper direction. This was especially true of Black education. Haygood expressed concern that "the Negroes show so marked a desire to control the colleges built for their benefit that their friends are anxious lest the impatience of the very people they labor for should mar their best planned efforts to help them." The accommodationist Booker T. Washington's management of Tuskegee Institute seems to have been the sole exception to the circle's desire for white control of Black schools. Only during Washington's extended absence from Tuskegee in 1896 did Curry observe that the institution was "showing the effect of exclusive negro management and of the constant absence of Mr. Washington." But whenever possible, members of the circle determined, Black students should be taught by southern whites. It seemed to them to be divinely ordained. It was, in Hayes's view, the "grave and indispensable duty" of "every [white] Christian" to assist southern Blacks. In good biblical tone, Haygood asserted that southern whites were to be "the keepers of our 'brothers in black.'" He even suggested that "Providence" had placed Blacks in the South so that they might learn the lessons of western civilization from the superior white race. For these white reformers, Black education was a mandated stewardship, not a matter of choice.28
The degradation of slavery, Black cultural differences, and the events of the Reconstruction years had produced in the minds of circle members a fear of Black savagery. As benevolent paternalists, they favored the approach of educating and socializing Blacks for their role in southern society. Haygood, Curry, and Jesup sought a curriculum designed to ensure Black docility. Hayes and Gilman envisioned the uplifting of the Black race. Whatever the approach, they all agreed that Black savagery posed a serious threat to southern white culture. Hayes voiced the fear that "reconstruction has not yet been finished…while millions of freemen, with votes in their hands, are left without education." Something needed to be done. The solution they agreed upon, in the words of Gustavus R. Glenn, Georgia commissioner of education, was to find and encourage a curriculum designed to "educate the beast out of the negro." Like Glenn, members of the circle soon supported the industrial education curriculum developed at Hampton Institute and Tuskegee Institute and argued that the solution to the race question and the salvation of southern society lay in the extension of the Hampton-Tuskegee method. To their mind, no other form of schooling would suffice in restraining southern Blacks. Black education in the liberal arts would merely breed discontent among members of the race and ill prepare them for their role. Only industrial education would fit blacks for the "responsibilities of citizenship, and save them and our institutions from the perils of ill understood liberty and ignorant and reckless use of the franchise." Curry perhaps stated the circle rationale best when he warned the Alabama legislature in 1885 that Blacks must be educated properly "or they will drag us down."29
The industrial education model provided an answer to this dilemma. Hayes's "little circle" soon voiced an unmitigated preference for the education model developed by Samuel Chapman Armstrong at Hampton and copied by Tuskegee and sister institutions. Armstrong's curriculum, Hayes proclaimed, "hits the nail on the head. It solves the whole negro problem." Circle members were attracted by the twin emphasis on industrial and moral education that characterized the curriculum at the Virginia school. As Slater educational theory developed during the 1880s, it became clear to circle members that industrial education could employ objectives that included proper personal discipline and moral improvement, in addition to training in agriculture, industrial, and domestic skills. And it did not challenge the underlying tenets of segregation or white supremacy. Such an education could train a future penetration of conservative Black leaders. It would fit them "for the places they are to fill in life."30 It is particularly instructive to note that the curriculum prepared students to become farmers, industrial laborers, construction workers, and domestic servants. Even Black leaders were not to be trained for careers beyond traditional Black roles.
Circle members shared a belief in the positive ends that Black industrial education would achieve. Like many postbellum educators, they claimed that manual training would foster orderly and docile Black behavior. In his speeches on the subject, Hayes frequently argued that industrial education would promote conservative tendencies in students. Gilman observed that it would have a modifying, sobering influence on Blacks and create order and discipline in the Black community. Haygood assured educators of both races that the industrial education curriculum "fosters good discipline." Curry was even more direct. In 1892 he reported to the Slater Board that industrial education was proving "advantageous in restraining appetites and preventing vicious indulgences" among Blacks. But all of the members of the circle hoped that the discipline gained by Black students in manual labor schools would eventually assist in restraining the supposed savagery of the entire race. Hayes suggested that a major benefit of Black industrial education would be its usefulness in preventing criminal behavior within the Black community. This notion took on increasing importance, he noted, as ever greater numbers of Blacks flocked to southern cities. Hayes spoke to many of the same fears of unrestrained urban Black communities that had troubled antebellum whites and ultimately led to the development of residential segregation in many southern cities during the opening decades of the twentieth century.31
Foremost among the elements of personal discipline that circle members hoped to develop in Black students was a proper attitude towards work. They theorized that the industrial education curriculum would teach Blacks the value of labor and develop appropriate work habits. This training was necessary, they believed, to destroy the characteristics indolence that Blacks had allegedly manifested during slavery times and after. In 1890 Curry outlined for the Louisiana legislature the work discipline that industrial educators valued. This included training "the will into habits of industry and temperance, in the virtues of punctuality, order, and good behavior." By this means, industrial education would mold Blacks into "more useful members of society." What circle members desired from Blacks was nothing less than a thorough acceptance of the Protestant work ethic and the complete abandonment of traditional African work rhythms. They assumed that providing southern Blacks with the proper work discipline would limit racial discord in the South, develop a tractable Black labor force, encourage sectional harmony, attract northern capital, and cause southern industries and railroads to flourish. Their advocacy of Black industrial education harmonized easily with the philosophy of the New South movement.32
A corollary of the circle's emphasis on Black work discipline was the belief that something needed to be done for the "moral uplifting of the negroes." Curry summarized the Slater philosophy in 1894 when he wrote to Gilman that a "model" industrial education curriculum must encourage "good order, discipline, a healthy moral atmosphere." Circle members believed that educating Blacks in the dominant Euro-American moral code would help ensure docile Black behavior, provide an underlying philosophical basis for Black work discipline, and eliminate undesirable Black cultural practices and values. They recognized that moral education was a crucial component of the Hampton model. Hayes typified the thought of circle members when he suggested that Black industrial education should include the "proper cultivation…of…the heart." He and the "little circle" believed that this moral "cultivation" must encourage Black honesty, respect for property, thrift, accumulation, orderly family life, strict sexual mores and behavior, and proper notions of religion. Jesup observed that if Blacks internalized these dominant white values, they could learn to "imitate" white behavior, thus tempering the savage instincts of their race.33 Black students, then, were to be trained as Victorian moralists, albeit with a black skin and a southern accent.
Despite their racial stereotyping and desire for docile Black behavior, the members of the Slater circle can be characterized as benevolent reformers. This matches their own perceptions. Circle members consistently couched their discussions of Black industrial education in a rhetoric of missionary endeavor, referring to themselves as "missionaries" and their efforts as a "mission," "moral reform," and a "sacred" venture. Haygood compared their work to that of American missionaries abroad, including the career of his sister Laura Askew Haygood in China. And Hayes's "little circle" seems to have functioned as a reform community. Through the intimacy born of the intellectual and emotional support provided by the clique, the leadership of Hayes and Gilman, a common benevolent language, and a common commitment to Black industrial education, this reform community endured from 1882 to 1908. Yet like Mr. Norton, the white philanthropist in Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man, the language of "innocent words" that they fashioned masked their true, if unconscious, motives.34 Unlike Ben Tillman and other virulent racists, they clothed their acceptance of white supremacy in benevolent trappings. But like these Negrophobes, they feared Black savagery and craved docile Black behavior. These fears motivated their argument for Black industrial education. From our late twentieth-century perspective, their claims as benevolent reformers have a hollow ring.
1For an overview of freedmen's education in the South during Reconstruction, see Robert C. Morris, Reading, 'Riting, and Reconstruction: The Education of Freedmen in the South, 1861-1870(Chicago, 1981); Ronald E. Butchardt, Northern Schools, Southern Blacks, and Reconstruction: Freedmen's Education, 1862-1875 (Westport, Conn., 1980); and Joe M. Richardson, Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861-1890 (Athens, 1986).
2Louis D. Rubin, Teach the Freemen: The Correspondence of Rutherford B. Hayes and the Slater Fund for Negro Education, 1881-1893, 2 vols. (Baton Rouge, 1959), 1:xx; Merle Curti and Roderick Nash, Philanthropy in the Shaping of American Higher Education (New Brunswick, N.J., 1965), 173.
3Rubin, Teach the Freeman, 1: xviii-xix, xxi.
4Charles R. Williams, ed., Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes, 5 vols. (Columbus, 1922-26), 4:88.
5Proceedings of the John F. Slater Fund for the Education of Freedmen, 1883 (Baltimore, 1883), 7.
6August Meier, Negro Thought in America, 1880-1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor, 1964), 87-89.
7Report of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1885-86 (Washington, 1887), 651; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1883, 14; Meier, Negro Thought in America, 90; Rubin, Teach the Freeman, 1:xxviii, 92; Twentieth Annual Report of the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church for 1887 (Cincinnati, 1887), 14; Twenty-Second Annual Report of the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Cincinnati, 1889), 14; Elam Frank Dempsey, Atticus Greene Haygood (Nashville, 1940), 291-92; Harold W. Mann, Atticus Greene Haygood: Methodist Bishop, Editor, and Educator (Athens, 1965), 185, 187; Dwight O. Holmes, The Evolution of the Negro College (College Park, Md., 1934), 170.
8Meier, Negro Thought in America, 98.
9Sherer, Subordination or Liberation?: The Development and Conflicting Theories of Black Education in Nineteenth Century (Alabama University, 1977), 64.
10J. L. M. Curry, "Recollections and Reflections: Rutherford B. Hayes," Religious Herold (9 January 1902), 2; Notes for Autobiography, Book 1, 43, J. L. M. Curry Papers, Library of Congress (hereafter referred to as JLMCP); Curry to Rutherford B. Hayes, 9 August, 26 September, 10 October, 1877; 15 February, 11 March, 1879, Rutherford B. Hayes Papers, Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Center (hereafter referred to as RBHP); Jessie Pearl Rice, J. L. M. Curry: Southerner, Statesman, and Educator (New York, 1949), 83.
11Daniel Coit Gilman to Hayes, 23 January, 1879; 4 December, 1880; 27 January, 1881, RBHP; Hayes to Gilman, 15 February, 1881, Daniel Coit Gilman Papers, Milton S. Eisenhower Library, Johns Hopkins University (hereafter referred to as DCGP); Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1888, 4; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1889, 4.
12Biographical information on members of the Slater circle can be found in the hundreds of letters in JLMCP, RBHP, and DCGP. Many of these are reprinted in Rubin, Teach the Freeman. Additional information can be gleaned from the clippings, letters, and miscellaneous items in the Atticus G. Haygood Papers, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Emory University (hereafter referred to as AGHP). Helpful printed sources include Kenneth E. Davison, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes (Westport, Conn., 1972); Harry Barnard, Rutherford B. Hayes and His America(Indianapolis, 1954); David P. Thelen, "Rutherford B. Hayes and the Reform Tradition in the Gilded Age," American Quarterly 22 (Summer 1970), 150-65; Mann, Atticus Greene Haygood;Rice, J.L.M. Curry; Fabian Franklin, The Life of Daniel Coit Gilman (New York, 1946). The best available source on Jesup is "Jesup, Morris Ketchum," Dictionary of American Biography (1964), 5:61-62.
13Geoffrey Blodgett convincingly employs occupational and geographic mobility as indices of cosmopolitanism in studying another nineteenth-century reform circle. See Blodgett, "Reform Thought and the Genteel Tradition," in The Gilded Age, ed. H. Wayne Morgan (Syracuse, 1970), 55-76.
14For a detailed discussion of the Slater circle as an intellectual, emotional, and policymaking network, see Roy E. Finkenbine, "A Little Circle: White Philanthropists and Black Industrial Education in the Postbellum South" (Ph.D. diss., Bowling Green State University, 1982), 74-94.
15Faust, A Sacred Circle: The Dilemma of the Intellectual in the Old South, 1840-1860 (Baltimore, 1977); Friedman, "Confidence and Pertinacity in Evangelical Abolitionism: Lewis Tappan's Circle," American Quarterly 31 (Spring 1979), 81-106; Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1 (Autumn 1975), 1-29.
16Hayes to Curry, 8 January, 1891; 12 November, 1892, JLMCP; Rubin, Teach the Freeman, 1:105, 2:151; Rice, J. L. M. Curry, 180.
17Rubin, Teach the Freeman, 1: xxxi-xxxii; Morris K. Jesup to Gilman, 24 August [1890], DCGP.
18Morton Sosna, In Search of the Silent South: Southern Liberals and the Race Issue (New York, 1977), 7; Haygood, address delivered at the Gammon School of Theology, Atlanta, Georgia, 27 October, 1886, AGHP; Haygood, Our Brother in Black: His Freedom and His Future (Miami, 1969), 11-15, 29, 221; Haygood, Sermons and Speeches (Nashville, 1883), 356; Haygood, Pleas for Progress (Nashville, 1889), 28, 37, 49; Haygood, "How He Makes His Way," in Speeches Delivered at Monteagle and Chautauqua (1883), n.p.; Haygood, "Hand as Well as Head and Heart Training," address delivered at Holly Springs, Mississippi, 10 March, 1885, 1, 7, AGHP; Haygood to Gilman, 10 August, 1887, RBHP; Mann, Atticus Greene Haygood, 156; Isabel C. Barrows, ed., First Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question (Boston, 1890), 85; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1883, 12-13; Haygood, "The Negro Pulpit," Wesleyan Christian Advocate 54, n.s. 12 (8 January, 1890), 1.
19Curry, Address Delivered to the General Assembly of Georgia (Atlanta, 1889), 9-10; Curry, Difficulties, Complications, and Limitations Connected With the Education of the Negro, Slater Fund Occasional Papers, no. 5 (Baltimore, 1895), 5.
20Harvey Wish, "Negro Education and the Progressive Movement," Journal of Negro History 49 (July 1964), 185; Curry to Robert Winthrop, 18 June, 1894, LMCP; Curry, Difficulties Connected With Negro Education, 5.
21Curry, speech to Pennsylvania Society of New York, 31 October, 1899, JLMCP; Curry to Hayes, 7 November, 1879, RBHP; Rice, J. L. M. Curry, 83; Curry, address delivered to the Senate and House of Representatives of Alabama, 1 February, 1889, 13, JLMCP.
22Barrows, First Mohonk Conference, 10, 54-55; Hayes, speech delivered at Hampton Institute, 23 May, 1878 (reprinted in Southern Workman 7 [June 1878], 46); Wish, "Negro Education," 15; Gilman, A Study in Black and White, Slater Fund Occasional Papers, no. 10 (Baltimore, 1897), 5.
23Hayes, speech delivered at Hampton Institute, 20 May, 1880 (reprinted in Southern Workman 9 [June 1880], 68.
24Sinkler, "Race: Principles and Policies of Rutherford B. Hayes," "Ohio History 77 (Winter-Spring-Summer 1968), 166; Logan, The Negro in American Life and Thought: The Nadir, 1877-1901 (New York, 1954), 29-36; Haygood, Our Brother in Black, 232-33.
25Haygood, Our Brother in Black, 144; Sherer, Subordination or Liberation?, 10, 37-38; Rubin, Teach the Freeman, 2:19-20 Rice, J. L. M. Curry, 104.
26Haygood, "The Education of the Negro," in Speeches Delivered at Monteagle and Chautauqua, n.p.
27Proceedings of the Second Capon Springs Conference for Education in the South (Raleigh, N.C., 1899), 38; Curry to Gilman, 20 February, 5 December, 1894, DCGP. Several letters from the Curry-Tillman correspondence are in the JLMCP.
28Barrows, First Mohonk Conference, 9, 85; Curry to Gilman, 9 March 1896, DCGP; Hayes to Curry, 11 February 1891, JLMCP; Haygood, Our Brother in Black, 148; Haygood, "The Southern Church and the Negro," Cumberland Presbyterian Review 1 (April, 1889), 140-41.
29Haygood, Pleas for Progress, 11-12; Hayes speech delivered at Springfield, Ohio, 30 May, 1884, RBHP; Gustavus R. Glen to Curry, [January 1892], JLMCP; Curry, Address Delivered to the Senate and House of Representatives of Alabama, February 6, 1885 (Montgomery, 1885), 9.
30Hayes, speech delivered at Hampton Institute, 20 May, 1880, 68; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1883, 14; Haygood, "Industrial Education for the Negro," in Twenty-First Annual Report of the Freedmen's Aid and Southern Education Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Cincinnati, 1888), 61; Hayes, speech delivered before the Education Convention, Toledo, Ohio, 5 December, 1885, RBHP.
31Hayes, speech delivered at the Toledo Manuel Training School, 7 October, 1884, RBHP; Gilman, Study in Black and White, 8, 12; Isabel C. Barrows, ed., Second Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question (Boston, 1891), 16; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1892, 9; Hayes, speech delivered at Vanderbilt University, 17 November, 1889, RBHP; Hayes speech delivered at the Toledo High School, 22 March, 1888, RBHP. For a discussion of southern white fears of unrestrained urban Black communities, see Richard C. Wade, Slavery in the Cities: The South, 1820-1860 (New York, 1964), 243-81; and Lawrence J Friedman, The White Savage: Racial Fantasies in the Postbellum South (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1970), 119-20.
32Hayes, speech delivered before the Findlay Conference, 14 November, 1888, RBHP; Curry, Address Delivered Before the General Assembly of Alabama (n.p.), 5; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1891, 19. For a discussion of the thought of circle members on southern economic development and sectional harmony, see Finkenbine, "A Little Circle," 135-45.
33Haygood, Our Brother in Black, 129, 157, 182, 189, 243; Curry to Gilman, 8 November, 1894, DCGP; Hayes, speech delivered at Vanderbilt University, 18 November, 1889; Barrows, Second Mohonk Conference, 55; Curry, Difficulties Connected With Negro Education, 22-23; Haygood, Sermons and Speeches, 390.
34Hayes to Curry, 4 December, 1891, JLMCP; Proceedings of the Slater Fund, 1891, 16, 18; Haygood, "The Gospel Among the Slaves," Wesleyan Christian Advocate 58, n.s. 16 (12 July, 1894), 3; Ellison, Invisible Man (New York, 1972), 110.


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Allsup Sponsors Get Up & Go! Biathlon Featuring Wheelchair Divisions
Belleville, Illinois event raises funds to promote healthy eating and physical activity for people of all abilities in the St. Louis Metro East
Belleville, Ill. — July 7, 2016 — Allsup, a nationwide Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) representation company, is pleased to sponsor the sixth annual Get Up & Go! Biathlon in Belleville, Illinois, Sunday, Aug.7. The event features wheelchair divisions for the biathlon, biathlon teams and 5-milerun.
"Our community has numerous different races, but not all are accessible for athletes who have disabilities," said Meghan Morgan, program director of the Disabled Athlete Sports Association. "The Belleville Get Up & Go! Biathlon team has made a concerted effort to show the importance of including athletes of all abilities in community race events."
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, regular physical activity is one of the most important things you can do for your health by reducing the risk and impact of cardiovascular disease, diabetes and some cancers.
"Everyone can benefit from being physically active," said Get Up & Go! board member and biathlon race director Mark Peters. "We've added the wheelchair divisions to provide athletes of different abilities the opportunity to be active, compete, and help raise awareness of the benefits of physical activity."
The Get Up & Go! Biathlon is a 5-mile run followed by a 20-mile bicycle race along relatively flat country roads. Athletes who don't cycle can register for the 5-mile run only. Register here online.
Registration fees support Get Up & Go! programs that include community garden grants, neighborhood, school, workplace and faith community health initiatives, and an annual health policy summit.
Get Up & Go provides support and leadership to health organizations and health/wellness events in the St. Louis Metro East area, connecting people and providing opportunities for healthy living.
It is a non-profit 501(c)(3) organization led by a volunteer board of directors, partners, sponsors and community volunteers.
About Allsup
Allsup and its subsidiaries provide nationwide Social Security disability representation, return to work, and healthcare insurance services. Our professionals work with employers and insurance carriers to deliver specialized services that support people with disabilities and seniors so they may lead lives that are as financially secure and as healthy as possible. Founded in 1984, the company is based in Belleville, Illinois, near St. Louis. Learn more at Allsup.com and @Allsup.
About True Help
True Help, a division of Allsup, was created to focus solely on our customized services for individuals and organizations. We are a full-service, national provider of expert disability claim services, including Social Security disability representation, return to work, veterans disability appeal, and healthcare insurance assistance. Our philosophy is simple: people with disabilities deserve a real chance to reclaim their lives. With True Help, it's possible. Learn more at truehelp.com.


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Residential Property - Single Family Residence in Nokomis
SOLD for $5,700,000 on July 28, 2020
Listing Price: $6,200,000Sold Price: $5,700,000Sold Price/List Price: 92%
Sold Price/Original List Price: 89.13%
Description of Property
Own your Gulf-front masterpiece today. This "Castle by the Sea" has been extensively remodeled and reinvigorated in 2017 and 2018. Every surface, inside and out, was thoughtfully updated to make the most of the amazing views afforded by this magnificent location. Outside you'll find beautiful landscaping, a spacious pavered circular driveway and plenty of parking to include a porte-cochere, 3 car garage, and space for guests to park in the open air. Make a grand entrance through the sleek walnut double doors and through the enclosed courtyard to the first floor. A great recreational space for the whole family. Here you will find a 75-foot indoor lap pool complete with spa, pool bath with a custom glass shower, sauna, washer and dryer for your convenience, a fitness room with cork flooring, art/craft studio, guest bedroom as well as space to play board games, watch a sporting event, play a little ping pong or walk out the quadruple sliders to play in the back yard pickleball court, take a relaxing stroll on the beach or have a swim in the warm Gulf waters. On the second floor, you will find the master suite complete with a balcony overlooking the water, a sizable master bath with separate vanities, a stand-alone tub, a roomy walk-in shower, and a beautiful custom walk-in closet. Guest rooms on this floor also have en suite baths and balconies with water views. This floor also features a full laundry room with plenty of cabinets for extra storage. The third floor is a great room plan with a stunning kitchen complete with custom cabinetry, Quartzite countertops, Thermador appliances including a 7 burner gas range, separate steam oven, custom range hood, and large walk-in pantry. This is open to the dining room, bar with wine cooler, and overlooks the 1500 square foot deck with forever views. Now that's the way to entertain. The fourth-floor observation deck can be reached by the spiral staircase or the elevator and offers a unique Casey Key experience. Also included is a shared dock on the bayside which features a 3 x 3 looking glass to view the artificial reef. You may install a boat lift if you like and explore all the waterways have to offer. Schedule your private showing today.
Property Details At A Glance
Property Type: Residential
Property Use or Sub Type: Single Family Residence
City: Nokomis
County: Sarasota
Subdivision: Gedney Richard H Inc / Casey Key
Bedrooms: 4
Bathrooms: 5
Half Baths: 1
Sq. Ft. Gross: 12,708
Sq. Ft. Living Area: 6,472
Cost per (heated) sqare foot: $958
Year built: 1992
Annual Tax: $37,857
Homestead: No. This property does not currently have homestead exemption.
Taxes and fees can change periodically, and other fees may apply. Please check with your Realtor for more details.
Interior Features:
- Ceiling Fans(s)
- Eating Space In Kitchen
- Elevator
- High Ceiling(s)
- Kitchen/Family Room Combo
- Open Floorplan
- Sauna
- Skylight(s)
- Solid Surface Counters
- Solid Wood Cabinets
- Split Bedroom
- Stone Counters
- Thermostat
- Walk-In Closet(s)
- Window Treatments
- Built-In Oven
- Dishwasher
- Disposal
- Dryer
- Exhaust Fan
- Microwave
- Range
- Range Hood
- Refrigerator
- Washer
- Wine Refrigerator
Disaster Mitigation: Hurricane Shutters/Windows
Fireplace: Yes
- Carpet
- Cork
- Wood
Green Features
Green Landscaping: Fl. Friendly/Native Landscape
Elementary School: Laurel Nokomis Elementary
Middle/Junior High School: Laurel Nokomis Middle
High School: Venice Senior High
Pool & Waterfront Info
Private Pool: Yes
Pool Features:
- Deck
- Heated
- In Ground
- Indoor
- Lap Pool
- Lighting
- Outside Bath Access
- Tile
Spa Features: Heated, In Ground
Water Front: Yes
Water Frontage: Beach - Private, Gulf/Ocean
Water Access: Yes
Water Access Type:
- Bay/Harbor
- Beach - Private
- Gulf/Ocean
Waterfront Feet: 210
Water View: Yes
Water View:
- Bay/Harbor - Full
- Beach
- Gulf/Ocean - Full
- Gulf/Ocean to Bay
- Intracoastal Waterway
Water Name: GULF OF MEXICO
Exterior & Construction
Architectural Style: Contemporary
Rooms: 15
Construction: Block, Stucco
Foundation: Slab
Roof: Membrane
- Balcony
- Lighting
- Outdoor Grill
- Sidewalk
- Sliding Doors
Garage: Yes
Garage Spaces: 3
Garage Dimensions: 36x26
- Circular Driveway
- Covered
- Driveway
- Garage Door Opener
- Golf Cart Parking
- Ground Level
- Guest
- Oversized
- Portico
Floors Total: 3
Floors in Unit: Three Or More
Cooling: Central Air
Heating & Fuel: Central
Patio & Porch Features: Deck, Rear Porch
Security Features: Fire Alarm, Smoke Detector(s)
- Mature Landscaping
- Oak Trees
- Trees/Landscaped
View: Water
- BB/HS Internet Available
- Electricity Connected
- Phone Available
- Public
- Sewer Connected
- Water Connected
Sewer: Septic Tank
Water Source: Public, Well
Lot Information
Lot Features:
- CoastalConstruction Control Line
- Sidewalk
- Street Dead-End
- Street Paved
Flood Zone Code: AE. VE
Acreage Description: One + to Two Acres
Lot Size (acres): 1.03
Lot Size (sq. ft.): 44,688 square feet
Front Exposure: East
Legal Description & Other Information
Financing Available: Cash, Conventional
Pets Allowed/Pet Policies: Yes
Zoning: RE2
Tax Legal Desc.: THAT PART OF LOT 21 LYING W OF S CASEY KEY RD TOGETHER WITH PART OF LOT 22 DESC AS BEG AT INTRS OF SELY LINE OF LOT 21 & WLY R/W LINE OF S CASEY KEY RD TH SELY ALG CURVE TO THE LEFT 3.95 FT TH
Parcel Number: 0174090002
Disclosures: Seller Property Disclosure
Section: 02
Range: 18E
Township: 39S
Listing courtesy of RE/MAX ALLIANCE GROUP. The information relating to real estate for sale on this website comes in part from the My Florida Regional MLS DBA Stellar MLS. This information is provided exclusively for consumers' personal, non-commercial use. It may not be used for any purpose other than to identify prospective properties consumers may be interested in purchasing. The data is deemed reliable but is not guaranteed accurate by the MLS.


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SWIFT threw cold water on a rumor Wednesday (Nov. 7) that it helped drive the price of XRP, the cryptocurrency associated with Ripple, ahead of Ethereum.
According to a report in Finance Magnet, a rumor was circulating that the pending upgrade of the SWIFT network would enable Ripple products to be available to roughly 4,000 more banks. A SWIFT spokesperson told the publication that the rumors are untrue. The upgrade to its GPI system – which was announced in March – is a technical one, enabling a tracking reference to be added to all transactions, noted the report.
"I'm not sure where those rumors are coming from, but the upcoming standards release … is entirely unrelated to RippleNet," the spokesperson said. "Its primary purpose is to ensure all payments include a tracking reference (UETR, Unique End-to-End Transaction Reference), which will allow banks to track their gpi payments end to end in real time." A source close to the matter told Finance Magnates that no evidence of any integration can be found.
The rumor about SWIFT wasn't the only news for the interbank messaging system this week. The New York Times, citing SWIFT, reported that SWIFT is disconnecting Iranian banks from the messaging system due to the U.S. sanctions against 50 of Iran's financial firms placed on the country. SWIFT wouldn't say if the ban applies to all of the financial firms on the U.S. government's Iran sanctions list. Steven Mnuchin, treasury secretary, said last week that SWIFT has to disconnect any bank in Iran that is on the list, noted the report.
The move on the part of SWIFT will aid the Trump administration in isolating the government of Iran and could worsen the U.S. fight with the European Union, reported The New York Times, and could also strengthen efforts by the EU to create a payment system that isn't influenced by the White House. The EU has said it is working on one, but the paper pointed out that it faces an uphill battle. None of the European countries have offered to be the host country for the payment company because they are worried about retaliation from the U.S. In a statement to the paper, SWIFT said the move to kick the Iranian banks off its messaging system was "regrettable," but that it was necessary to maintain the integrity of the financial system around the globe.
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The CFO's Guide To Digitizing B2B Payments, a PYMNTS and Comdata collaboration, examines how companies are updating their AP approaches to protect their cash flows, support their vendors and enable their financial departments to operate remotely.


text:
Worldwide yacht charter company LateSail announces it is sponsoring Euromarine Insurance Ramsgate Week 2019, one of the largest regattas in South East England.
The regatta, organised by Royal Temple Yacht Club, runs from Sunday 21 until Friday 26 July and welcomes hundreds of sailors from across Europe.
Ramsgate Week will feature competitors from the UK, Belgium, Holland and France in IRC & ORC classes, 2 handed classes, one design classes & 3 cruiser classes with or without spinnakers.
LateSail are headline sponsors for the famous Round the Goodwins Race on Sunday 21 July, the opening day of the regatta.
Ramsgate Week has a long and decorated history. Its founder Royal Temple Yacht Club was established in 1857 by a group of yachtsmen sailing from the Temple Stairs on the River Thames.
Sebastian Hirst, General Manager of LateSail, says: "We are proud to be sponsoring Ramsgate Week. As one of the UK's leading yacht charter brokers we are passionate about sailing in all forms and supporting the community. We wish all the competitors good luck for Ramsgate Week."
Karen Cox, Chair of Ramsgate Week, says: "The Regatta has been held for over 150 years and follows a set formula. With challenging sailing between the North and South Foreland we have earned a reputation as the friendly alternative to Cowes.
"Without our band of sponsors we would be unable to hold such a successful event, so we are grateful to everyone of them."


text:
Our free flash game for today is a rail shooter called Camper Wars – Desert Ops. It looks like an FPS at first glance, since you can see your character's arm and gun in the screen, but since there's no way to control the movement outside of the crosshairs, it's definitely a rail shooter.
The graphics will remind you of Counter Strike, which is kind of amazing since there's no 3D engine behind the game. Basically, it's a flash game using high quality pre-rendered backgrounds in order to achieve crisp visuals (similar to the technique employed by the original resident evil).
The mechanics is simple. Just shoot the targets. They're easy enough to spot, but actually hitting the bullseye can be challenging. You get exp based on how well you do during the stage, and you get upgrades to your guns based on your experience.


text:
On September 9, the Miami Dolphins will open their season with a home game against former Heisman Trophy-winning quarterback Marcus Mariota and the Tennessee Titans. The matchup will also mark the return of Dolphins quarterback Ryan Tannehill, who hasn't played in a regular-season game since 2016.
The NFL is back, and that's exciting! But according to a recent list on MSN/Yardbarker, it's not superexciting for Dolphins fans, specifically because the Fins are one of the least exciting teams in the NFL.
The not-so-positive article places the Dolphins ahead of only the Buffalo Bills in terms of excitement factor heading into the 2018-19 season. None of the reasons why they Dolphins rank so low on the list is necessarily news to fans, but it feels more hurtful when someone else reminds us of them:
If anything should prevent quarterback Ryan Tannehill from suiting up, the much-maligned Brock Osweiler is the next man up. That in itself would be downright scary. On top of that head-scratching signing, the team traded away its best receiver while signing the oft-injured Danny Amendola. Also gone is defensive tackle Ndumakong Suh. We like the addition of running back Frank Gore, but at 35 he is no spring chicken. Furthermore, head coach Adam Gase is already considered to be on the hot seat and it is not even September.
It's tough to argue with the fact that the Dolphins lost quite a bit of star power and, thus, much of their national intrigue. But the Fins do still have their fair share of interesting playmakers who could make a splash this season.
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On the offensive side of the ball, the Dolphins are stacked with speedy wide receivers such as Kenny Still, Jakeem Grant, and Albert Wilson; a shifty running back in Kenyan Drake; and an up-and-coming Gronkowski-like tight-end, Mike Gesicki.
Looking around the NFL, though, it's easy to see how a non-Miami homer wouldn't find this Dolphins squad interesting. The roster is vanilla compared to all of the flavors around the league. There isn't a huge story line that sticks out beyond Tannehill's and Gase's jobs being in serious jeopardy if the Fins fail this season.
So it's no wonder the Dolphins don't rank high on an objective list of the most exciting teams in the league. There's one thing that would quickly move Miami up lists such as these, though: winning more football games.
Winning solves a lot of problems, especially general apathy, which is the narrative surrounding the Dolphins not only locally but also nationally as the season kicks off.


text:
Hi all,
First post so I hope I'm in the correct forum!
I have done a search for this issue, with hundreds and hundreds of results not directly relating, so I thought I'd ask for some advice here as to what capture card and filters would best suit my needs.
I'll be using directshow and c++ on Windows7 to produce some software to capture video and audio.
My understanding is that a capture card will deliver the raw captured frames to a filter chain, with a file output at the end of the filter chain, and an optional preview window.
My project is that I want to capture video and sound from the capture card and create a dvd disc that can be played back in the majority of dvd players (PAL/NTSC - I know they are different formats but I'll have an option to choose)
My questions are...
A long shot but are there any filters available that would produce the video_ts/audio_ts respectively at the time of capturing?
If not then what filters would be recommended to produce a true dvd compliant mpg file without the need for demuxing and remuxing?
Or... if not via the filter chain, is there a capture card that can produce the necessary files directly to hard disc that I can burn to dvd later?
+ Reply to Thread
Results 1 to 27 of 27
People don't use "filters" to create DVD's. They use editors, encoders, and authoring software.
If you want a PAL version and an NTSC version of the same video, capture to lossless AVI, from which you can progress to any number of formats from DVD to BD. If you can't do it that way, you'll need to capture analog source to high-bitrate lossy encodes such as MPEG or some form of DV (keeping in mind that DV is not DVD-compliant and will require another lossy encode).
You might want to browse the several articles on this website: http://www.digitalfaq.com/guides/video.htm . Many forum members got their start at digitalfaq.
Last edited by sanlyn; 25th Mar 2014 at 13:06.
2. I have never seen a Direct Show filter that authors a DVD during capture. Instead, DVD authoring is performed after the fact using authoring software.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 27th Jun 2013 at 16:41. Reason: double post
Thankyou for the replies.
I have a little more information now...
I have now been provided a capture card ( Hauppauge Live2 ) and I have now made some working software. The capture card does come with DirectShow filters that produce MPEG2 files however I'm lead to believe that there is a difference between an MPEG2 file and a DVD compliant MPEG2 file. The filters provided do produce a good quality MPEG2 capture. I've initially decided to use dvdauthor to create the dvd files on the hard drive which I burn to multiple ( only 2 ) dvd recorders. Unfortunately the process fails with dvdauthor complaining of missing VOBU information, which again I'm lead to believe is present within a true DVD compliant MPEG2 file. So I then used mplex to produce the DVD compliant file(s) which are passed to dvdauthor, which is time consuming depending on the length of the capture.
My ultimate goal is to try to cut as much video processing as possible so that the process from capturing from camera to hard drive and then producing a DVD disc is as fast as possible. The reason to hard drive first is that there will be other very small text files stored on the disc too.
My thoughts are that I know there are some, for eg handheld, dvd camcorders that can capture direct to disc so I was thinking that there *may* be a similar existing pc based solution, be it hardware or software.
Menus/subtitles are not wanted at all. All that matters is that the finished disc contains the captured movie file(s) that be can played back in the majority of DVD players as well as PCs.
Just burning an MPEG2 (.mpg) file to a round, disc-shaped object is NOT A DVD. To get a playable(in a home DVD player attached to a television for grandma and grandpa to watch ON THEIR TELEVISION), you must AUTHOR your MPEG2 (.mpg file) to DVD Video format(.vob files and other related files) to a VIDEO_TS folder.
That is the way it is done. That is the way it must be done. You are not going to re-invent this wheel.
You need this type, size and framerate during your initial CAPTURE depending on whether you are working in a PAL or NTSC environment:
Once you have that, come back and ask about step two - Authoring:
Just burning an MPEG2 (.mpg) file to a round, disc-shaped object is NOT A DVD.
First I'd like to say that this project isn't allowed for any editing of the final files before burning to dvd. It must capture and write what it captured to a dvd.
I'm asking broad questions about what is possible and what isn't without the need to be technical at this stage.
I now understand that I MUST author the dvd as a separate step. I accept this and it's a small ( in terms of production time ) step anyway. I can, and have done, this with no problem once I have the DVD compliant MPEG2 file(s). I was initially merely querying the possibility of whether it was possible as an easy step to capture directly to the compliant video_ts folder with the final .ifo/.vob et al files, if not then I was asking for some alternative solution whilst keeping the steps as minimal as possible.
One of my questions is that of capturing directly to a "DVD compliant MPEG2" file. The capture card produces separate video and audio sources so I don't understand why I have to capture to a standard MPG file, demux it only to remux for a DVD compliant MPEG2 file. This then lead me to ask about what DirectShow filters ( if any) are capable of doing this - to produce a DVD compliant MPEG2 file as I'm capturing, NOT a standard MPG2 file. I know I did ask about any filters that can produce video_ts/* files, but that question was supposed to also include "capture to DVD compliant mpeg2" files.
I am now thinking of saving a .m2v for the video capture and saving a .ac3 for the audio capture in the correct resolution/bitrates. And letting mplex produce the dvd compliant mpeg2 files, which will be passed to dvdauthor.
Using mplex is still an extra step that could be elimated during the capture process as the capture is being saved to harddrive, no?
Magix Movie Edit, WinTV7, DScaler and VirtualDub) gives me demuxed video and audio.
I have seen at least one DirectShow MPEG-2 encoder that could not be configured to output an elementary MPEG-2 video stream. It was designed to always multiplex its output instead. If your capture device uses that type of encoder, then you have no choice but to demultiplex to produce elementary video and audio files. Other DirectShow MPEG-2 encoders output an elementary MPEG-2 video stream that could be written to an .m2v container, although I do not know which dump filters can create a proper .m2v file.
What's next? Fire?
Yet it might come to something. They laughed at Fulton. I've used some capture software that was strictly garbage
Last edited by sanlyn; 25th Mar 2014 at 13:07.
[Edit]There have been requests for similar software before from people who want to record church services, performances, lectures, or other events and distribute the recordings on DVD soon after. A DVD recorder might work, except for the need to include text files on the disc.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 28th Jun 2013 at 14:24.
True. The text files are a problem. But isn't the text added later anyway? I hav the idea that the program will capture, encode, and add text at the same time....does that mean text superimposed on the image? I've seen DVD's with something like PDF files added to the AUDIO_TS folder. Text that's brought up with a menu selection? How will the text be displayed?
Last edited by sanlyn; 25th Mar 2014 at 13:07.
What he wants doesn't seem all that odd to me. I include a "RECIPES" folder when I burn my recorded cooking shows to a new DVD. I recorded a knitting show for my sister and put all the patterns for the episodes on each disc in a "PATTERNS" folder. It keeps everything organized.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 28th Jun 2013 at 15:44.
Thankyou all for your replies.
usually_quiet understands what I'm doing, and worded it better than I did.
I'm producing my own software, which means I have a quite a lot of control over what can happen during the capture process using my own code and my own filter chain(s). I'm making a one-click capture solution to a simple basic DVD, the text files have nothing to do with the video other than being simple notes/metadata about the captured file(s), and are added in a separate folder on the disc.
I've just noticed that the capture card uses a .ts transport stream and comes with DirectShow filters that can manipulate it. These filters are made by MainConcept. Before I rewrite some sections of code, has anyone used those filters to produce DVD compliant video/audio file?
There have been requests for similar software before from people who want to record church services, performances, lectures, or other events and distribute the recordings on DVD soon after. A DVD recorder might work, except for the need to include text files on the disc.
You do know that it appears that he is blaming the "hardware" for producing demuxed video and audio?
The strangest thing I've ever seen software do is:
If you used a DVD Recorder, and recorded something to a +RW disc....
ULead Movie Factory 2 SE had the ability to add/create a new menu ON THE DISC without transferring anything to the computer. Back in DVD recorder infancy this software was highly sought after for this trick, and it was one of the few softwares of that era that allowed AC3 pass-thru.
It was painfully slow but surprisingly it worked well and spit out highly compliant discs, even more compliant in some cases than the original +RW discs from those early DVD recorders.
If Cyberlink PowerProducer 6 does not allow users to add non-DVD folders when recording direct to DVD (and it probably doesn't) then I doubt it would be possible to add text files in their own folder afterwards, because the session will be closed.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 29th Jun 2013 at 09:45.
Cyberlink PowerProducer Ultra 6 can do direct to DVD recording from a camera, but I have heard that recording this way doesn't work very well. If you are also recording with the camera itself, or playing a recording stored on the camera, if something goes wrong with the DVD media, then you are screwed. You have lost at least some of the recording, maybe all of it, and there is no hope of recovery.
ImgBurn for burning the DVD.
However, writing software that can author a DVD during capture isn't going to an easy project either. If you capture first, then use Muxman or dvdauthor to author, you can have something useful much sooner.
I assume are you using either GraphStudio or GraphEdit to construct filter graphs so you can experiment with settings and test the various components in the filter chain. Unfortunately it is unlikely that we have any of the same encoders because I have an TV Wonder 600 USB, not a Hauppauge USB Live 2. However since both devices are capable of uncompressed output, there may be some similarity in the way filter graphs for the two of them are constructed, so if I am ever able to get a graph that creates proper .m2v, m2a, or .ac3 files, it might help you, but so far that has not happened.
For what it is worth, the DirectShow MPEG-2 encoder that comes with my TV Wonder 600 USB does not multiplex. ATI provides a separate DirectShow multiplexing filter instead. My device's DirectShow audio and video encoders can be set up to produce DVD-compliant MPEG-2 audio and video streams as their output, or I can use an AC3 encoder supplied with GraphStudio to produce DVD compliant ac3 stream. Unfortunately there is one problem I have not been able to solve yet. I have found no file writer filters to create proper .m2v, .m2a, or .ac3 files from the encoders' output, only filters that dump the encoders' output in a file. The pieces that can format these files correctly are missing.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 29th Jun 2013 at 18:52.
I finally constructed a working filter graph that produces files containing elementary audio and MPEG-2 video streams that Muxman and IFOEdit accept for DVD authoring. I did not try dvdauthor, but I expect it will work too. (I didn't try dvdauthor and mplex because I only use them with third-party GUIs.) My problem getting working elementary files turned out to be caused by user error. The A/V cable had come loose.
ATI MPEG Video Encoder and MONOGRAM AC3 Encoder just needed to be configured to use settings that fall within what is permitted by the DVD spec. The ATI MPEG Video Encoder was provided in the driver package for my capture device. Maybe there is a similar one installed with the Hauppauge USB Live 2's drivers, or you can find a MainConcept filter that will work. GraphStudio installs MONOGRAM AC3 Encoder. test.m2v and test.ac3 were created using a filter called "Dump", installed by DVRMSToolbox.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 30th Jun 2013 at 15:25. Reason: left out mplex
There might be set of filters that produce a .ps or .mpg file too. ...and you really need to do some research and get your terminology and your technical details straight so people with the right expertise to help don't have to guess what you mean. You are all over the map.
Thankyou for taking the time to construct and post that graph.
As you can imagine I have tried various filter graph combinations that also includes multiplexing ( the Hauppauge USB Live 2 comes with a MainConcept multiplexer filter ), but the file still doesnt seem to be a valid DVD compliant mpeg-2 file. I find that when I include the MainConcept multiplexer into filter graph and use a standard file writer to produce a single .mpg file, then when it comes to using dvdauthor to author ( create ) the dvd files on my harddrive then dvdauthor gives me an error stating that there are missing VOBUs in the video file.
My current graph is shown below. I'm using the capture filters for the Hauppauge USB Live 2 card and the MainConcept MPEG-2 encoding filters. The MainConcept Audio Encoder will produce MP2 streams ( ffmepg/mplex complain that this file is an invalid file when I save the filters output using a file writer ), so I use the ffdshow filter just to produce an ac3 audio stream. I then use regular file writer filters to save them to hard drive. This works ok. Would you recommend to use a dump filter as opposed to a file writer filter?
The settings that I'm using for the MainConcept Video Encoder are shown in the pic, and I've also posted a pic of the Output pin of the MainConcept MPEG-2 Video encoder.
My current approach is to use the graph in the pic below to produce the elementary video and audio streams. I then use ffmpeg ( command line ) with options of -target pal-dvd -codec copy -f mpeg2video to produce another video file ( which is a reasonably fast process even for long, almost 2hr, captures ). I then use mplex to multiplex this new video only file and the .ac3 audio file to produce another .mpg movie file. dvdauthor then uses the new muxed file to create the dvd files on my hard drive. If I don't use ffmpeg in that previous sequence then dvdauthor will still complain about missing VOBUs.
Last edited by BrainAche; 1st Jul 2013 at 03:33.
These are the specs for PAL DVD video and audio from VideoHelp's "What is DVD" section:
Up to 9.8 Mbit/s* (9800 Kbit/s*) MPEG2 video
Up to 1.856 Mbit/s (1856 Kbit/s) MPEG1 video
720 x 576 pixels MPEG2 (Called Full-D1)
704 x 576 pixels MPEG2
352 x 576 pixels MPEG2 (Called Half-D1, same as the CVD Standard)
352 x 288 pixels MPEG2
352 x 288 pixels MPEG1 (Same as the VCD Standard)
25 fps*
16:9 Anamorphic (only supported by 720x576)
48000 Hz
32 - 1536 Kbit/s
Up to 8 audio tracks containing Dolby Digital, DTS, PCM(uncompressed audio), MPEG-1 Layer2. One audio track must have MPEG-1, DD or PCM Audio.
2. The bitrate needed for a good result depends upon the resolution, run time and disc size. For example, if you are putting more than 2.5 hours per single-layer disc, you need to drop the resolution to 352 x 576 to avoid macroblocking caused by overly low bitrate.
3. I can't help you with dvdauthor. Do you absolutely have to use it?
4. I'll have to look into File Writer vs the Dump filter.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 1st Jul 2013 at 12:14.
Thankyou for the advice on the progressive setting. I think I tried so many options that I'd forgot to reset that one! I should have reset it previously.
I don't have to use dvdauthor. I can use whichever programs that do the best most reliable job. Do you recommend an alternative to try, ( I'm limited to using the command line )?
I'm encoding at a constant 5000kbs video bitrate to get approx 2hrs of 'movie' to a single DVD. The only reason of using a constant bitrate versus a variable bitrate was that ( when using the graph in the pic ) I found ( after multiplexing ) there were audio sync issues towards the end of the movie, and the longer the movie was then the further out the sync becomes. Capturing at a constant rate as good as eliminates that issue.
For burning the actual dvd I wrote my own code using the IMAPI2 api. It works using a 'batching method' streaming the files that I want to burn to an ImageFileSystem then burns to the DVD. I'm not sure if you have used or know of that API or not? The disc will play on the pc using all the usual pc based dvd players ( Cyberlink DVD player, VLC, Windows Media Player, AsusDVD player etc ) but not in a standard home dvd player. I used ImgBurn to burn the dvd disc and it plays fine within the pc and several standard home dvd players. So there's something wrong in my own burning code, which I'll look into. Again I don't *have* to use my own code for burning but it's nice to know what's going on and how it fits together. Using ImgBurn it took about 20 minutes to burn the disc, but I understand there's not a lot I can do about that except use a faster dvd burner and some very good quality blank dvd discs that can be burnt at the faster speeds.
I'll have a play with dump filters this evening to see how/if anything differs.
Last edited by BrainAche; 1st Jul 2013 at 14:56.
@BrainAche I may have found something that would help you after all. GUIforDVDAuthor, which can use either dvdauthor or Muxman as its authoring engine, creates batch files with command line calls to mplex and dvdauthor, as well as scripts for dvdauthor. The files it produces for dvdauthor will be for an NTSC DVD, but if you think they may be of use to you, I will save a set from a menuless project and upload them.
The generic File Writer from qcap.dll doesn't work for my graph. Attempting to connect it as I did with the Dump filter makes GraphStudio unresponsive.
I'm retired from serious programming and stopped fiddling with APIs and C++ long ago. Every once in a while I play with Rainmeter or some other fun little toy. Burning DVDs to create a playable disc is different from burning data discs. It isn't just a matter of writing the files and folders on a disc, there is a specification that describes how they have to be burned.
Last edited by usually_quiet; 1st Jul 2013 at 15:39.
Thankyou for the links, I'll take a look!
Burning DVDs to create a playable disc is different from burning data discs.
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