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© Jörg WettlauferThis is a preprint version! The article has been published in: Evolution and Human Behavior, Vol 21, Nr. 2 (2000): 111-123. Please cite only the printed version!
Evolution and Human Behavior
The jus primae noctis was, in the European late medieval context, a widespread popular belief in an ancient privilege of the lord of the manor to share the wedding bed with his peasants' brides. Symbolic gestures, reflecting this belief, were developed by the lords and used as humiliating signs of superiority over the dependent peasants in the 15th century, a time of diminishing status differences. Actual intercourse in the exercise of the alleged right is difficult to prove, and there is no hard evidence to suggest that it ever actually happened. However, the symbolic gestures can be best interpreted as a male power display with a basis in the psychology of coercive social dominance, male competition, and male desire for sexual variety. Several non-European cultures have accounts of a similar custom related to a young girl's first sexual intercourse: ritual defloration by chiefs, priests or strangers. This non-European custom differs from the jus primae noctis in its proximate details, but seems, from an ultimate point of view, to be in conformity with the European evidence.In this paper the origin, development and relationship of both customs is discussed and interpreted in the light of recent evolutionary studies of primate behavior and sexual psychology.
Key Words: Jus primae noctis, power display behavior, wedding customs, medieval history, ritual defloration, despotism and differential reproduction.
The existence of a jus primae noctis in the Middle Ages was an eagerly disputed topic in the nineteenth century (Schmidt 1881, 1884; Pfannenschmid 1883; Hanauer 1893; cf. Schmidt-Bleibtreu 1988). Although most historians would agree today that there is no authentic proof of the actual exercise of the custom in the Middle Ages, disagreements persist concerning the origin, meaning and development of a widespread popular belief in this alleged "right" and the existence of symbolic gestures associated with it (Barros 1993; Boureau 1995; Sorlin 1987; Wettlaufer 1994, 1999). These symbolic gestures have not yet been discussed in the light of evolutionary studies of sexual psychology, although they seem to be of relevance to the reproductive prospects of dominant males, at least indirectly through the display of status.
In this paper, I argue that: (1) the right of the first night is a very old theme (topos) in Eurasian literature, reflecting the relationship between status and mating success; (2) in the later Middle Ages, a popular belief in the sexual privilege of a lord of the manor on the wedding night was used by some lords to display their superiority over their dependent peasants in a time of diminishing status differences; (3) ritual defloration, as seen in other cultures, was very often performed by persons of high status (chiefs, priests) and therefore fits into the picture of a strong and widespread relationship between despotism and differential reproduction in traditional societies; and (4) Jus primae noctis and ritual defloration reflect a common underlying adaptive psychology that gave rise to these customs in human cultures.
I. The theme of the jus primae noctis in archaic and ancient literature
The jus primae noctis appears to be a very old cultural invention in Eurasia. The first explicit evidence can be found in the Gilgamesh Epic from the old Babylonian period (about 1900 BC). In this text, Gilgamesh, the tyrannical hero and ruler of Uruk, capital of Babylonia, is said to have enjoyed several privileges because of his outstanding position in the society of Uruk: "He cohabits with the betrothed bride – He first, The husband afterwards" (Tigay 1982: 182. cf. von Soden 1981: 104; Schott 1988: 13-14, 27-28). This early literary text already contains the central idea of the jus primae noctis: one man's privilege of sexual access to a woman before another man's. Classical writers mention the right of the first night in the same context, describing it as a tyrannical privilege of despotic rulers. In his "Historiae" (4. book, § 168), Herodotus (450 BC) reports about the Lybian tribe of the Adyrmachidae, who are said to have the custom that all virgins who wanted to marry had to be brought to the king, who had the right to deflower them, first. A later scholar, Herakleides Pontikos (400 BC) gives an account of a tyrannical ruler of the island Kepahlonia who claimed the first intercourse with brides on the island before they could marry (Herakleides Pontikos, parag. 32). Valerius Maximus (20 AD) mentions a similar custom that arose during the revolt of the slaves of Volsinii: no free man could marry a virgin who had not previously been deflowered by a slave (9. book, cap. 1, de luxuria et libidine, Exempla Externa, parag. 2.). Lactantius (300 AD) wrote about a very similar sexual privilege exercised by the emperor Maximin (†313 AD; cf. Moreau 1954: 121). Furthermore, there is a Semitic literary tradition of the tyrannical right of the first night which spread in Middle Eastern cultures. For example, in Talmudic and later in Midrashic sources, the Roman and Greek occupiers are said to have claimed this privilege (Patai 1974: 177f.). The use of the theme in literature to describe tyrannical and despotic rulers is persistent from classical times to the early Middle Ages. In the eighth century in the Annals of the monastery Clonmacnosie (Ireland), the Vikings are accused of demanding the right of the first night from Christian brides: "the cheefe Gouvernour of them should have the bestowinge of any woman in the k'dom the first night after her marriage, so before her own husband should have carnal knowledge of her, to whom he pleased or keep her ... (Indecipherable. Part of page-end frayed) to himself by night, to satisfy his lust" (MacPhilib 1988: 103, n. 29: Trinity College, Dublin, Ms. 637). However, the same literary theme could also be used with no negative connotations to describe a hero. This is particularly the case in the Irish traditional epics of the high Middle Ages, which are related to early medieval Celtic customs. The Irish heroes of these epics are said to have enjoyed the privilege of the first night with the brides of their inferiors. These epics even speak of a kind of duty, which would point to a custom like ritual defloration in Celtic society, but our sources are too scarce to prove the true nature of these customs (Taín Bo Cuailnge 1976: 26, note p. 292, cf. Arbois de Jubainville 1905: 125-139; Hull 1953: 128-131; Westermarck 1921: 179-180; MacPhilib 1988; Wettlaufer 1999: 67-73).
In the later Middle Ages, from the fourteenth century onwards, the idea of the right of the first night became very popular in literature. In a French epic named "Baudouin de Sebourc" of the so-called Second Crusaders Cycle (14th century), written in Northern France, a tyrannical lord claims the jus primae noctis unless the bride gives him a substantial part of her dowry (BNF [Bibliothèque Nationale de France], ms. fr. 12552, fol. 31v.; 38r-39r.; 39v-40r. Wettlaufer 1999: 126-140). Female dowry had become the most important financial transaction associated with marriage in later medieval times because the European marriage customs had changed from brideprice to dowry (cf. Hughes 1978). Furthermore it became related to female honor. A large dowry was seen as a sign of chastity. The partial deduction of this dowry by a despotic lord was thus perceived as an indirect attack on the bride's chastity.
The epic of "Baudouin de Sebourc" seems to be the prototype for the later use of the theme in Western European literature. But it is not the first testimony of a relationship between a lord's privilege and customary marriage payments. A hundred years earlier, in a poem written at the monastery of Mt. Saint Michel (Normandy, France), the right of the first night is connected with marriage payments related to the bride's dowry (Boureau 1995: 216-226; Hunger 1908, Appendix between p. 32/33 [Facsimile]; Wettlaufer 1999: 111-126). This poem reports a popular belief that, in ancient times, the lord had the right to share the newlywed bride's bed, a right the lord would forfeit upon receipt of a specific payment. We have good reason to assume that the relationship between European marriage payments of unfree people and the theme of the jus primae noctis goes back to the early medieval period and has its roots in the legal condition of unfree people in relation to Germanic marriage customs.
The Germanic "mundium" payment of the free bridegroom to his bride or her family implied the right to take possession of the bride by means of taking her home and having the first sexual intercourse with her. If an unfree man in the early Middle Ages wanted to marry a free woman, he not only had to ask his lord's permission; it was also the lord who paid the mundium for the servant's bride as a loan. The unfree man was not legally entitled (position)???to act independently from his lord, and by paying the mundium, the lord acquired not only a new subject and wife for his servant but also (in a very formal sense) the right to take the woman home and to perform the "Beilager", a symbolic custom representing the first sexual intercourse with the bride. The Germanic "Beilager" was an important part of the Germanic marriage ritual that was later integrated into the ecclesiastical ritual of marriage (Wettlaufer 1998: 81-127; See Figure 1).
However, actual intercourse between lord and bride was never part of the (legal) marriage procedure. The lord obtained no marital rights from his role as procurator for the unfree servant bridegroom, but simply the right to have his loan for the mundium repaid. This repayment was due when the couple's own daughters married. Later, different marriage payments were merged and fused together and changed their function, but the idea of a lord's privilege on the first night apparently remained connected to these payments. This new explanation of the relation between medieval marriage-payments and the literary theme of the right of the first night sheds some light on the obscure origin of a widespread popular belief during the European Middle Ages that such a right had formerly existed and was strongly connected to customary payments or fines like merchet, amobr, cullage, vadimonium, etc. (Cf. Wettlaufer 1999: 105-195).
II. The jus primae noctis as a power display in the late Middle Ages
We have quite a few examples showing how the popular belief in a former jus primae noctis influenced social relations between lords and peasants in Switzerland, France and Catalonia in the 15th and 16th centuries.One of these stems from a Swiss village in the vicinity of Zurich. In a customal from about 1400 A.D., the rights of the inhabitants of Maur were itemised by the local "Meier", a representative of the lord of Maur, which at that time was the convent of Zurich. "Item, who wants to enter the holy state of marriage in the village and court of Maur, whoever he may be, shall hand over the woman to Us for the first night or he may buy her out, as it is custom and tradition and written in the old customals. If he doesn't do so, he must pay a fine of 30 pennies." (STAZ [Staatsarchiv des Kantons Zürich]. Urkunden Stadt und Land Nr. 2563; copy of the 15th century, cf. Wettlaufer 1999: 251). One hundred and fifty years later, the text had been slightly altered: in the 1543 version, written by a successor of the first editor, one reads "... and when the wedding starts, the bridegroom shall allow the sergeant to lie with his bride for the first night, or he shall buy her off with 5 pounds and 4 pennies." (STAZ C. I 2562, [1543 AD] cf. Wettlaufer 1999: 255).
The amount of money mentioned in both texts was affordable for a peasant, and although customals generally reflect the lords' claims about their rights over the people under their jurisdiction, these rights must nevertheless have been accepted by the peasants. Such texts were read aloud in front of the assembled village and everybody had to agree with them. In a recent work on the subject, Boureau (1995: 174) explains the medieval evidence for the jus primae noctis as a kind of popular joke that originated in the late Middle Ages from a complex rhetorical role inversion in the medieval village community. However, this interpretation is not supported by the historical sources (Wettlaufer 1996: 42-46).; the customals instead demonstrate a shared belief in the authenticity of the jus primae noctis for the 15th and 16th century, and are not consistent with the lords' joking about certain taxes, as Boureau argued on the basis of some French examples (Boureau 1995: 123). Another argument favoring my interpretation is that, during that period, the popular belief in the right of the first night led to remarkable symbolic gestures connected to the marriage of unfree people. These gestures can be derived from the wedding customs of the late medieval period which were symbolically very rich.
-- Figure 1 about here --
The best example of these symbolic gestures stems from the Catalonian Pyrenees. At the end of the 15th century, Catalonia witnessed the only successful peasant revolt of the Middle Ages. The background of this struggle for freedom was a conflict between the lords and the "pagesos del remensas" (Freedman 1993: 39-54). This was a class of unfree peasants forced to pay certain humiliating taxes to their lords. In a text of mediation between the two parties, the peasants accused the lords of practising symbolic acts on the wedding night to demonstrate their power and lordship. It is said that they climbed on the bed with the bride and passed over her. Furthermore the lords were accused of having abused these symbolic acts for purpose of sexual harassment. The lords, on the other hand, denied all this, but at the same time promised to abolish all such coercive customs. (Hinojosa 1905: 367 with reference to Bibliotheca del Escorial. Mss. ij d 15, fol. 27-31v° [1]. cf. Schmidt-Bleibtreu 1988: 170, n. 52; Freedman 1991: 178-253). The central idea of this text is further supported by several other texts from this region (Wettlaufer 1994: 284-285; 1999: 281-292).
This is the only medieval testimony indicating anything like actual sexual relations between the lords and the peasant brides in the context of the right of the first night, and the evidence concerns only sexual harassment, not sexual intercourse.We can infer from this example that in the late medieval period, a time when socioeconomic status differences were diminishing, the lords used the jus primae noctis as a sign (display) of superiority over their dependent and unfree peasants. In this context, the function of rape as a means of humiliating the husband or male relatives of a raped women should not be underestimated (Cf. Devereux 1978: 185ff. Duerr 1993: 428f.). The symbolic use of the "right" was known in several European regions; in France, for example, the lord could put a naked leg onto the bride's bed (droit de cuissage). In this respect the jus primae noctis in the later Middle Ages was "real", even though there is not a single proven case of actual sexual relations between bride and lord in the name of this "right".
III. Ritual defloration
Ethnographic evidence of ritual defloration is quite different from the Eurasian literary theme and popular tradition of the Middle Ages described above. Medieval and early modern travel accounts from India and South America offer reports of prenuptial deflorations by the mother (Marcireau 1971: 110), an idol (Barbosa 1866: 96), a chief, a priest, or a stranger, to "open" the bride for first sexual intercourse with her bridegroom. Very often this defloration ritual was connected to superstition and fear of hymeneal blood. In these cultural backgrounds, with their own traditions and taboos, defloration was described as a dangerous duty rather than a privilege or a right.
Figure 2 is taken from an early impression of the travels of John of Mandeville, the most widely read fictional travel account of the Middle Ages. It illustrates a narrative about "a strange custom on an oriental island", which can be identified as a ritual defloration: "Then you come to an island where is the custom, if one takes a wife, he does not sleep with her as the first man, but there are poor servants who do this and take the girls virginity, and for doing so the servants are paid ... The vagina of the daughters is sorcered and poisoned, that it is dangerous to sleep with a daughter for the first time, but later on it is not dangerous at all." (Paris, BNF Rés O2 f 13 [2] ed. Strasbourg 1484 [in German] by Otto von Diemeringen . cf. Bremer & Ridder 1991: 362).
-- Figure 2 about here --
Although this example illustrates very well the typical superstition of hymeneal blood fear connected to the defloration of a girl, it is not representative of the majority of the ethnographic evidence because the defloration is performed by a "poor servant". Most examples from India and South America involve chiefs and priests performing that service on brides or young girls. One good example of the custom executed by chiefs stems from Hawaii: "With many of the families, who were admitted to the royal court because of blood relationship, the virginity of the daughters was strictly guarded and when a girl became of a marriageable age and was spoken for as a wife, she was taken to the chief who would remove her virginity 'Na ke ali'i e moe mua' (For the chief to sleep with her for the first time). After that she was free to be married. Should an offspring result from this union with the chief, the husband would be proud of and make much of that child because the baby was the offspring of his 'Ali'i'" (Craighill Handy & Kawena Pukui 1972). In India, Brahmins are often described as having performed this ritual. Hamilton (1727: 308), for example, writes in his "New Account of the East Indies": "when the Zamorin marries, he must not cohabit with his bride till the Nambudri, or chief priest, has enjoyed her, and he, if he pleases, may have three nights of her company, because the first fruits of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god she worships. And some of the nobles are so complaisant as to allow the clergy the same tribute, but the common people cannot have that compliment paid to them, but are forced to supply the priests' places themselves." (Cf. Mandelslo 1727: 166, 267; Thurston & Rangachari 1909: 326; Westermarck 1921: 171-172.)
Although reliable information about sexual customs is generally difficult to obtain, the independent reported instances from travel accounts and different ethnographers seem to indicate that the custom prevailed in several cultures. Today it is extinct. There are no ethnographic accounts for recent tribes or cultures; Gough (1955: 45) reports that the tali-rite that is related to ritual defloration, died out around 1935 in southern India [Malabar Coast]. (For further reports on ritual defloration, see Ploss / Bartels 1908: 402-406; 1927, Vol. 1: 762, 765; Vol. 2: 43, 140; Briffault 1927, Vol. 1: 708, Vol. 3: 216ff.; 1929: 44-45.; Crawley 1927: 65ff.; Goodland 1931: 686 (Index: Defloration, Ritual); Lodge 1941: 95 n. 1; Gordon 1946: 21-27; 1950; Scott 1953: 143-145; Thompson 1955: 360-361 [T161/F547.1.1.]; Jameson 1950: 564; Hammel 1968: 33-34.; Cazeneuve 1957: 127-128; Yalman 1963: 25-58; Pollak-Eltz 1967: 259; Marcireau 1971: 109ff.; Reminick 1976: 751-763; Ross 1994, Wettlaufer 1999: 313-321. cf. an interesting Japanese work on the subject: Nikaido 1989 [Chin. transl.]).
The different findings concerning the use of the jus primae noctis in literature, European history, and non-European cultures can be summarised as follows.
∙ In Eurasian literature the right of the first night is the privilege of a powerful man to have the first sexual intercourse with the bride of another. This archaic theme was perpetuated through the Middles Ages and probably became connected to marriage fines because of the particularities and traditions of Germanic marriage customs for unfree people.
∙ For the late medieval European period we can speak of the right of the first night as a widespread popular belief in an ancient privilege of the lord of the manor to share a bed with the bride on her wedding night. In some places, symbolic gestures reflecting this belief were developed by the lords and used as a sign of superiority over the dependent peasants in a time of diminishing status differences.
∙ For other non-European cultures, we should speak of "ritual defloration" rather than a "right of the first night". This custom was part of the preparation of girls for the wedding night and first sexual intercourse with their bridegrooms, and was often connected to transition rites at or before puberty. In most of these cultures the ritual was performed by a chief or priest, or manually by the girl's mother.
IV. An evolutionary psychological interpretation of the jus primae noctis and ritual defloration
Taking into account the historical and ethnographic evidence about jus primae noctis and ritual defloration, one may ask whether these customs had any historical impact on the mating and/or reproductive success of dominant males? The data collected so far on the late medieval jus primae noctis suggest that there was no direct effect, because the popular belief in this "right" expressed itself in symbolic gestures rather than in actual sexual intercourse. This is not to say that medieval lords never exploited their high status for sexual advantages. Certainly, the lords of the early and high Middle Ages frequently used their power to attain more matings through polygyny and slavery (Karras 1994: 16-29, Obermeier 1996: 132-141, Wettlaufer 1999: 106 note 138). However, such abuse of power is not related to the literary theme of jus primae noctis. Going back further into the past, we have no reliable sources of information about the actual occurrence and significance of the custom. Although available data do not permit one to "count babies" (cf. Crawford 1993: 183-186; Symons 1992: 137-159), one can nevertheless try to trace the "adaptive" origin of the literary theme jus primae noctis in European culture, and estimate the importance of the symbolic gestures connected to this belief as a male power display. Moreover, we can compare the European jus primae noctis to the custom of ritual defloration in other cultures in light of our knowledge about adaptive behavior and evolutionary psychology, and look for the mechanisms that gave rise to these similar customs in very different societies.
Power display behavior in primate groups is very important for the achievement and maintenance of status (de Waal 1990: 188-190). In "Chimpanzee Politics", de Waal writes "When I am observing the Arnhem chimpanzees I sometimes feel I am studying Freud's primal horde; as if a time machine has taken me back to prehistoric times, so that I can observe the village life of our ancestors. They still accept the droit du seigneur, one of the forgotten products of western culture. When Yeroen was the alpha male, he alone was responsible for about three-quarters of all matings. Not counting sexual intercourse with young females (who arouse less rivalry), his share was almost 100 %. Sex was his monopoly in the group." (de Waal 1990: 167-168).
Whatever one may think of de Waal's anthropomorphism, this passage illustrates the valid point that status is a crucial determinant of the reproductive prospects of primate males who live in groups with intrasexual competition. High status generally allows these alpha males more matings and therefore can help to increase reproductive success (Cowlishaw & Dunbar 1991; Ellis 1995). The display of dominance and related behavior is therefore directly adaptive (cf. Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1992: 384). Moreover, the correlation between status and mating/reproductive success holds true for modern industrial societies, though the association with reproductive success is stronger in traditional societies (Pérusse 1993, cf. Vining 1986; Carey 1993: 289; Irons 1996; Betzig 1997: 7-9). In this respect it is not astonishing that demonstration of rank and status is very common in human societies and can be found in various forms all over the world (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1986: 385-408).
The relation between status and mating/reproductive success mentioned above is institutionalized in human societies through the prevalence of polygyny of high status persons in many cultures (Fox 1986: 22-23; Betzig 1986: 85-86). It is also visible in physiological adaptations. One important principle of primate mating systems is an association between sexual size dimorphism and the breeding system: in primates (as in ungulates and pinnipeds), the male-female size difference increases as harem size increases (Alexander 1979). Human sexual size dimorphism indicates that human males are adapted to intrasexual aggressive competition and a mild degree of polygyny. Moreover, the ratio of testis weight to body size is associated with the prevalence of polyandrous mating by females and attendant sperm competition, and the human testis/body size ratio suggests that human males are also adapted to this form of male-male competition, too (Harcourt et al. 1981). The implication is that human evolution has entailed both overt and covert intrasexual competition among men. This chronic state of competition is responsible for the arbitrary use of power that leads to the widespread cross-cultural relationship between despotism and differential reproduction (Betzig 1982, 1986, 1992a,b,c).
In this context, the literary theme of the jus primae noctis seems to be a metaphorical description of the relationship between status and mating success. Certainly the idea is a very human one, since it depends on the human abilities of language and symbolic reproduction of power. A man who claims to possess the jus primae noctis demonstrates his power through a privileged access to young women who are about to marry and to enter the reproductive phase of their lives. In this perspective, the historical evidence of the right of the first night can be seen in a different light than that cast by traditional interpretations. The sexual threat used by some lords, for example in Switzerland and Catalonia, was a symbolic demonstration of power, a male power display like that of many other male primates. Although there is no direct link between jus primae noctis and increased reproductive success, I propose that there was a strong indirect link: by means of this symbolic act the lords tried to maintain their lordship or status and to continue to control the resources which were a prerequisite for their higher reproductive prospects. In this respect, the theme of the despotic right of the first night in literature may reflect a very old Eurasian insight into the relationship between power and sexuality. In the European Renaissance, the theme aroused widespread interest and stimulated male sexual fantasies through the following centuries.
In the case of ritual defloration, our interpretation has to be different. Although customs differed among cultures, ritual defloration appears to be linked very closely to puberty and initiation rituals. A widespread proximate explanation for the prevalence of high status persons carrying out the "duty" of ritual defloration is that they are of a particular strength and therefore have a stronger protection against the dangers of hymeneal blood (cf. Hertz 1897: 115-163; Bishop 1996: 22-23). From an ultimate point of view, one may wonder if these taboos and rituals were not invented by the religious leaders or chiefs themselves to provide them with a privilege of sexual access to young girls. But in any case, the function of these rituals within the society seems to be very distinct from the Eurasian idea of jus primae noctis, and does not, in my opinion, warrant a directly parallel interpretation.
Nevertheless, the evidence from both customs points to a cross-culturally shared psychological adaptation in men, to invent and to maintain cultural rules about privileged sexual access to women.In the case of ritual defloration, this aspect seems to be integrated into a larger framework of taboo and superstition, but the rule is still visible. Taking into account these adaptations, we can better understand why men of high status would be the ones to perform both the jus primae noctis and the defloration rituals.
Both customsare examples of rituals that show how adaptive psychological mechanisms from our primate heritage, such as seeking and maintaining status via power display and physiological adaptations to polygamous competition, can influence recent human culture and history (see, e.g., Thornhill 1992: 222; Tooby & Cosmides 1989: 29-79). This suggests, in a more general sense, that cultural knowledge about social relations may be based to a considerable extent on insights (generally unconscious) into these adaptations.
I wish to thank Uli Reyer and Bobbi Low for the opportunity to participate and present research results about the jus primae noctis in an evolutionary perspective at the summer school of the German-American-Academic-Council on "mating systems and parental care", Bielefeld 1995 and Ann Arbor 1996. Furthermore, I thank Laura Betzig, Inge Schröder and especially Percy Rohde for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.I wish to thank D. Spencer Hines of Yale University, for the quotation from Craighill Handy and Kawena Pukui. Finally, thanks to Virginia de Raddo (Washington D.C.) and Duncan Walters (Aarhus, Denmark) for proof reading.
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Gordon, P. L'Initation sexuelle et l'évolution religieuse. Paris: PUF, 1946 (New ed. 1981).
Gordon, P. La nuit des noces, Vielle coutumes nuptiales, Leur signification - leur origine. Paris: Dervy, 1950.
Gough, K. Female Initiation Rites on the Malabar Coast. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 85: 45-80, 1955.
Hamilton, A. A new Account of the East Indies, being the observations and remarks of Capt. Alex. Hamilton ... from 1688-1723. Edinburgh: John Mosman, 1727.
Hammel, E.A. Alternative Social Structures and Ritual Relations in the Balkans. Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice Hall, 1968.
Hanauer, C.A. Coutumes matrimonial du moyen-âge. Mémoires de l'Academie Stanislas, 2. Ser.: 253-312, 1893.
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Hertz, W. Die Sage vom Giftmädchen. Abhandlungen der königlich bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 20: 89-166, 1897.
Hinojosa, E. de. El régimen senorial y la cuestion agraria en Cataluna durante la Edad Media. Madrid: Suarez, 1905.
Hughes, D.O. From brideprice to dowry in Mediterranean Europe. Journal of Family History 3: 262-296, 1978.
Hunger, H. Die heilige Hochzeit, Vorgeschichtliche Sexualkulte und Mythen. Wiesbaden: Verlag Medica Tribune, 1984.
Hunger, V. Histoire de Verson. Caen: E Brunet, 1908.
Hull, V. The Version of Compert Con Culainn in MS Philipps G. 7. Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 24: 128-131, 1953.
Irons, W. Cultural and reproductive success in traditional societies. Unpublished ms, 30 October 1996.
Jameson, R.D. Jus primae noctis or droit du seigneur. Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Vol. 1. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1950.
Karras, R. M. Desire, destination, and dominance: slavery, the exchange of women, and masculine power. In The Work of Work: Servitude, Slavery, and Labour in Medieval England, A.J. Frantzen and D. Moffat (Eds.). Glasgow: Cruithne Press, 1994, pp. 16-29.
Lodge, O. Peasant life in Yugoslavia. London: Seeley. 1941.
MacPhilib, S. Ius primae noctis and the sexual image of Irish landlords in folk tradition and in contemporary accounts. Bealoideas - The Journal of the Folklore of Ireland Society 56: 97-140, 1988.
Mandelslo, J. A. de. Voyages celebres et remarquables, faits de Perse aux Indes Orientales, par le Sr. Jean-Albert de Mandelslo, Gentilhomme des Ambassadeurs du Duc de Holstein en Moscovie et Perse. Contenant une Description nouvelle et trés courieuse de l'Indostan, de l'empire du Grand Mongol, des Iles et Presque'iles de l'orient, des Royaumes de Siam, du Japon, de la Chine, du Congo, etc ... Amsterdam: Cène, 1727.
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Figure 1: Nuptial blessing of the wedding bed in the 15th century. Bringéus, N.A. Livets Högtider, Stockholm 1987, p. 153.
Figure 2: Picture of ritual defloration in the travel book of Mandeville, ed. 1484, book 4, chapter 7, fol. 8v.
Dr. Jörg Wettlaufer
Göttingen Centre for Digital Humanities
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen
Papendiek 16
37073 Göttingen
Tel: +49 (0)551 39 20477


text:
Many locals had strong ties to John F. Kennedy.
In John F. Kennedy's death, as he had during his life, Tom Krynock of Navarre stood with the president.
As a young member of the Marine Corps in 1963, Krynock was part of the "Death Watch," standing at attention in the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol building as President Kennedy lay in state. Prior to the assassination, he had been part of the military guard at the Camp David presidential retreat.
"There were six of us chosen from the 6th (Marine) Battalion," recalled Krynock, who noted that members of other branches of service also were part of the rotating contingent. "We stood a half-hour on and two hours off for the duration of the viewing. You'd stand at rigid attention, eyes straight ahead, until the commander came to relive you."
"At the time, you're doing your job," he said. "But to think of that now, to realize that the whole world was seeing it take place, it makes you feel good to know that you were a part of it."
Memories of the hours he stood as honor guard beside the president's body remain vivid.
"It was very quiet. All you heard was footsteps. You wouldn't hear anybody at all talking. With the number of people passing by, you'd think there would be conversation, but there was nothing. Just silence."
Krynock was one of many Stark County connections to the Kennedy assassination in Dallas, Texas, on Nov. 22, 1963.
Canton's mayor was visiting his brother in Dallas when tragedy struck.
"Mayor James H. Lawhun, who is vacationing with his wife in Dallas, Texas, was in an office within two blocks of the scene of the assassination of President Kennedy Friday," reported The Repository on Nov. 23, 1963. "In a telephone call to The Repository shortly after the tragedy, Mayor Lawhun said he had never seen a city in such a state of shock and sadness. ... News of the shooting, he said, left people weeping openly in the streets."
Former Canton mayor Charles Babcock also had a close connection to the president. Babcock was mayor of Canton from 1958 to 1961 and participated in Kennedy visits in 1959 and 1960.
During campaign stops in Canton, Mayor Babcock rode in a motorcade with Kennedy and appeared with him at the Canton Auditorium.
Babcock said his parents went to Washington to watch the president be sworn into office. Passed down through the family are photographs of the Babcocks at inaugural activities, a bound program commemorating Kennedy's inauguration and such memorabilia as charms that were given to those attending the event.
The assassination brought an ironic end to Mayor Babcock's political and personal relationship with President Kennedy.
"Kennedy was killed on my dad's birthday," Babcock said.
Fred Walsh of Massillon was preparing to go to work at the White House when the assassination took place, said his wife, Joan Walsh.
"He was in the Army attached to the White House Communications Agency, providing constant communication wherever the President was," said Walsh, who still lives in Massillon. "While at the White House, he would decode messages that came through and would type them up and hand-carry them up to the Oval Office and hand them directly to the President."
Walsh said she fixed her husband's lunch at their home in Virginia before he went to the White House on Nov. 22, 1963. He learned from a neighbor that the president had been shot while taking that lunch to his car.
"Fred left immediately for work and said, 'I'll see you when I see you,' " remembered Walsh, who later was invited by the first lady to come to Washington with her husband and other staff members and spouses to view Kennedy's casket in the East Wing of the White House.
Walsh and several other wives were escorted by their husbands to the viewing.
"When I saw the coffin and guards at each corner of the casket ... I felt weak in the knees and faint," she said. "This was real and overwhelming."
Two Stark County men who went to Washington, D.C., to watch President Kennedy's funeral processions got more of an inside look at a historical event than they expected.
"Because they stopped at midnight last Sunday to assist at the scene of a traffic mishap, two Greater Canton men ... heard a firsthand report from a government eyewitness of the assassination in Dallas last Friday," The Repository reported after the men — Emil Drenta of Navarre and George Sutdu of Canton — returned home.
The driver of the wrecked vehicle, the newspaper reported, was a Secret Service agent who had been only feet from the president in Dallas the moment he was shot. The agent himself was on his way to Kennedy's funeral. Drenta and Sutdu took the agent the remaining 43 miles to Washington.
"The local men took their passenger directly to the White House garage, where he could obtain a car," the article by Repository reporter Judy Small said. "Here they could look at, but not touch, the car in which the President had been riding in Dallas. It had been flown to Washington. The dark blue limousine still carried marks of the tragedy."
The agent gave the two men a memento for their assistance — a gold PT boat tie clasp that reportedly was given to the agent by President Kennedy and bore the name of the late President on its bow.
Three decades after the assassination of President Kennedy, The Rev. Robert Brengartner, by then a retired priest living in Massillon, still could remember Jacqueline Kennedy's blood-stained clothing as she exited the ambulance at Bethesda Naval Hospital just hours after her husband had been slain.
"I still remember the blood-stained dress. There was blood on her stockings," he told The Repository at the 30th anniversary of the assassination. "I could definitely see it."
Brengartner, who was chaplain at the hospital in 1963, greeted Mrs. Kennedy as the president's body was brought for an autopsy. He was prepared to say something to her to ease her pain.
Instead, he helped her out of the ambulance with few words.
"It seemed we didn't exchange much," he recalled. "I was dumbfounded. What can you say?"
After Kennedy's body was taken to an examining room, the president's brother, Robert Kennedy, and his wife, Ethel, entered the hospital.
"Ethel said, 'Father, do you have a rosary?' " Brengartner recalled.
The couple went to pray in the hospital chapel. They stayed there for three hours while the autopsy was performed. Brengartner continued his duties on this historic day — a day like none other in the career of a priest who had been a Navy chaplain through World War II, Korea and Vietnam.
"Nobody could believe this vibrant president was dead."

subset: commoncrawl


text:
murah rezeki, mmg aku dress-upkan budak ni nnt
Semalam Aku Bawa Seorang Budak 1 Tahun Mandi Sungai
9 months ago
dress belang2 itu chantek!!!
Five years of courtship, a year of engagement & we are now blissfully married. Here's our make-do attempt at jotting down our marital + parental experiences to be shared with family & friends. Updates will be irregular as both of us are rather lazy, we do have to work, and there's two lil angels to look after besides going online. ")


text:
42 U.S. Code § 287a–1 - Office of Rare Diseases
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(a) Establishment
There is established within the Center an office to be known as the Office of Rare Diseases (in this section referred to as the "Office"), which shall be headed by a Director (in this section referred to as the "Director"), appointed by the Director of the Center.
(b) Duties
(1) In general
The Director of the Office shall carry out the following:
(A) The Director shall recommend an agenda for conducting and supporting research on rare diseases through the national research institutes and centers. The agenda shall provide for a broad range of research and education activities, including scientific workshops and symposia to identify research opportunities for rare diseases.
(B) The Director shall, with respect to rare diseases, promote coordination and cooperation among the national research institutes and centers and entities whose research is supported by such institutes.
(C) The Director, in collaboration with the directors of the other relevant institutes and centers of the National Institutes of Health, may enter into cooperative agreements with and make grants for regional centers of excellence on rare diseases in accordance with section 287a–2 of this title.
(D) The Director shall promote the sufficient allocation of the resources of the National Institutes of Health for conducting and supporting research on rare diseases.
(2) Principal advisor regarding orphan diseases
With respect to rare diseases, the Director shall serve as the principal advisor to the Director of NIH and shall provide advice to other relevant agencies. The Director shall provide liaison with national and international patient, health and scientific organizations concerned with rare diseases.
Source(July 1, 1944, ch. 373, title IV, § 481, formerly § 404F, as added Pub. L. 107–280, § 3,Nov. 6, 2002, 116 Stat. 1989; amended Pub. L. 109–482, title I, §§ 103(b)(5), 104 (b)(1)(B),Jan. 15, 2007, 120 Stat. 3687, 3693; renumbered § 481 and amended Pub. L. 112–74, div. F, title II, § 221(c)(2)(A),Dec. 23, 2011, 125 Stat. 1089.)
Section was formerly classified to section 283h of this title.
Prior Provisions
A prior section 287a–1, act July 1, 1944, ch. 373, title IV, § 481, as added Pub. L. 99–158, § 2,Nov. 20, 1985, 99 Stat. 866; amended Pub. L. 103–43, title XV, § 1501(2)(C), (D),June 10, 1993, 107 Stat. 172, 173, required biennial reports regarding the activities and policies of the National Center for Research Resources, prior to repeal by Pub. L. 112–74, div. F, title II, § 221(a)(1)(B),Dec. 23, 2011, 125 Stat. 1086.
2011—Subsec. (a). Pub. L. 112–74, § 221(c)(2)(A)(ii), substituted "within the Center" for "within the Office of the Director of NIH" and "Director of the Center" for "Director of NIH".
Subsec. (b)(1)(C). Pub. L. 112–74, § 221(c)(2)(A)(iii), substituted "287a–2" for "283i".
2007—Subsec. (b)(1)(F), (G). Pub. L. 109–482, § 104(b)(1)(B), struck out subpars. (F) and (G) which read as follows:
"(F) The Director shall biennially prepare a report that describes the research and education activities on rare diseases being conducted or supported through the national research institutes and centers, and that identifies particular projects or types of projects that should in the future be conducted or supported by the national research institutes and centers or other entities in the field of research on rare diseases.
"(G) The Director shall prepare the NIH Director's annual report to Congress on rare disease research conducted by or supported through the national research institutes and centers."
Subsec. (d). Pub. L. 109–482, § 103(b)(5), struck out heading and text of subsec. (d). Text read as follows: "For the purpose of carrying out this section, there are authorized to be appropriated such sums as already have been appropriated for fiscal year 2002, and $4,000,000 for each of the fiscal years 2003 through 2006."
Effective Date of 2007 Amendment
Amendment by Pub. L. 109–482applicable only with respect to amounts appropriated for fiscal year 2007 or subsequent fiscal years, see section 109 ofPub. L. 109–482, set out as a note under section 281 of this title.
Findings and Purposes
Pub. L. 107–280, § 2,Nov. 6, 2002, 116 Stat. 1988, provided that:
"(a) Findings.—Congress makes the following findings:
"(1) Rare diseases and disorders are those which affect small patient populations, typically populations smaller than 200,000 individuals in the United States. Such diseases and conditions include Huntington's disease, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (Lou Gehrig's disease), Tourette syndrome, Crohn's disease, cystic fibrosis, cystinosis, and Duchenne muscular dystrophy.
"(2) For many years, the 25,000,000 Americans suffering from the over 6,000 rare diseases and disorders were denied access to effective medicines because prescription drug manufacturers could rarely make a profit from marketing drugs for such small groups of patients. The prescription drug industry did not adequately fund research into such treatments. Despite the urgent health need for these medicines, they came to be known as 'orphan drugs' because no companies would commercialize them.
"(3) During the 1970s, an organization called the National Organization for Rare Disorders (NORD) was founded to provide services and to lobby on behalf of patients with rare diseases and disorders. NORD was instrumental in pressing Congress for legislation to encourage the development of orphan drugs.
"(4) The Orphan Drug Act [Pub. L. 97–414, see Short Title of 1983 Amendments note set out under section 301 of Title 21, Food and Drugs] created financial incentives for the research and production of such orphan drugs. New Federal programs at the National Institutes of Health and the Food and Drug Administration encouraged clinical research and commercial product development for products that target rare diseases. An Orphan Products Board was established to promote the development of drugs and devices for rare diseases or disorders.
"(5) Before 1983, some 38 orphan drugs had been developed. Since the enactment of the Orphan Drug Act [Jan. 4, 1983], more than 220 new orphan drugs have been approved and marketed in the United States and more than 800 additional drugs are in the research pipeline.
"(6) Despite the tremendous success of the Orphan Drug Act, rare diseases and disorders deserve greater emphasis in the national biomedical research enterprise. The Office of Rare Diseases at the National Institutes of Health was created in 1993, but lacks a statutory authorization.
"(7) The National Institutes of Health has received a substantial increase in research funding from Congress for the purpose of expanding the national investment of the United States in behavioral and biomedical research.
"(8) Notwithstanding such increases, funding for rare diseases and disorders at the National Institutes of Health has not increased appreciably.
"(9) To redress this oversight, the Department of Health and Human Services has proposed the establishment of a network of regional centers of excellence for research on rare diseases.
"(b) Purposes.—The purposes of this Act [see Short Title of 2002 Amendments note set out under section 201 of this title] are to—
"(1) amend the Public Health Service Act [42 U.S.C. 201 et seq.] to establish an Office of Rare Diseases at the National Institutes of Health; and
"(2) increase the national investment in the development of diagnostics and treatments for patients with rare diseases and disorders."
LII has no control over and does not endorse any external Internet site that contains links to or references LII.


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Oct. 19 Barry Zito postgame interview
Q. Everyone is saying that's the greatest start of your career. I'm wondering how you would describe it.
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, all things considered, you know, there's definitely some playoff memories there, but they were all in a different uniform. This was probably the biggest one for me.
Q. Everyone is saying that's the greatest start of your career. I'm wondering how you would describe it.
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, all things considered, you know, there's definitely some playoff memories there, but they were all in a different uniform. This was probably the biggest one for me.
Q. I know you were professionally in the moment tonight when you came out of the game and between innings did you have any thoughts about how far things have come in the last two or three years to this point?
BARRY ZITO: You know, it's hard to kind of think about all those things. We're still fighting to win a game and stuff. I think in time to reflect it might happen after everything is said and done and I'm back home in the off‑season, but right now there's a lot of work to do.
Q. What kind of adjustments did you make from your last start against Cincinnati? And also what does it mean to you that the team has now won 13 straight games while you've been on the mound?
BARRY ZITO: As far as the second part of that question, you know, there's so many factors that go into it. The boys tend to score some runs when I'm out there and that's awesome. But all I can really be concerned with is what I'm doing out there.
As far as my adjustments from my first postseason game this year, I was just trying to be too fine, I was nitpicking the corners, just missing. Today I wanted to make the adjustment and put the pressure more on the hitters to put the ball in play instead of trying to just be too fine.
Q. What particularly was working? Looked like you were spotting the fastball particularly well.
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, my fastball is set up by my off speed, that's no secret. So if I can command the fastball to both sides of the plate and throw most of my off speed for strikes, I'll get them to miss the barrel and that's what I'm going for.
Q. Bruce talked a little bit about just while disappointed in 2010, but just how professional you were when you were left off the roster. I'm wondering what it meant to you this year after what happened in 2010 to just be a major part of this team and obviously in a do or die game this evening to just go out and pitch the way you did?
BARRY ZITO: Well, you know, it was certainly a huge blow just personally to be left off that roster. But you've got to be professional. You can't pout and such like that.
I worked on a lot of things that off‑season, came back stronger for it, I think.
Q. Do you want to rank the defensive plays made behind you in terms of which you liked the most, and also what does that do, the process of pitching, as you're going through this evening?
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, well, I don't know if I can rank them, but there's four that stand out in my mind, Hunter's basket sliding catch, which was just a testament to his athletic ability, incredible.
Panda (Sandoval) making that diving catch on the cutter into Allen Craig was awesome.
Scutaro making that play on Robinson on the curveball, the four‑hole, that was awesome.
And Pagan who we tend to be spoiled by Pagan's defense because he's making diving plays out there like that once every two or three games. They were all huge. And I think in the postseason every pitch is huge. So the boys definitely picked me up tonight.
Q. Were you aware of the rally Zito thing on Twitter, that you were a trending topic worldwide?
BARRY ZITO: No, I tried Twitter a couple of years ago and it was a pretty devastating experience for me (laughter).
I learned to not check the inbox. So I got off Twitter. I'm excited that the fans are fired up. And they're going to bring all that momentum into the stadium these next two games here. So I'm just happy for the team and happy that the fans get to see us back at AT&T Park.
Q. Also Righetti was saying that you were calm, not antsy at all today. Did you feel different or anymore ready than you normally would considering that it's such a high pressure situation?
BARRY ZITO: The situation with the postseason is that you have to manage your emotions. And stay calm and keeping the game slow around you is probably the biggest thing that we all try to do. And if you do that you have a good chance of letting your talent be maximized. If you get too caught up in the hype and everything else, things get erratic out there.
I was focused on slowing everything down.
Q. That bunt for an RBI, was that all you, did you see that there? Was that called in any way or was that your play?
BARRY ZITO: It's something we worked on. Flannery has done great work with me on the bunting side of things. I knew I didn't have much of a chance of hitting off Lynn. But I saw a situation where I could possibly get one down and get another run in, so I tried it.
Q. A couple real quick ones. According to one website that tracks these things, you had never had an actual bunt single before. Do you think that's true?
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, I do. I'm known for my Arabian horse gallop, as Wilson calls it. Just not that fast. And to bunt for a hit you've got to be perfect, and fortunately it was there.
Q. And then the second one, when you're in a situation after you walked Kozma and the bases were loaded are you actually trying to get a ground ball from the pitcher in that situation?
BARRY ZITO: No, you can't ‑‑ I'm not a sinker ball guy. I think sinker ball guys can say I'm going to throw this and it's going to sink and he's going to hit it in the ground.
For me it was just about making my pitches and I threw a curveball back door where I wanted to and had some depth to it and was able to get that 6‑4‑3, it was huge.
Q. I know the Giants have won a bunch of games in a row, 13 for you. Did you surprise yourself? This is a tough place to pitch and against a tough right‑handed lineup to go seven and two‑thirds shutout is pretty amazing.
BARRY ZITO: I was living pitch to pitch, moment to moment. And looking back on it things worked out and the defense picked me up. Crawford had a huge hit on that 3‑2 curveball. I don't think anybody thought a curveball was coming with bases loaded and he put it up the middle. And I think that was the difference momentum‑wise.
Q. I know you can downplay it, but I know how hard you worked over the last couple of years to get to this point. What were the factors and what did you feel that you needed to do both mentally and physically to overcome what's been a very tough road for you here with the Giants?
BARRY ZITO: It's hard to sum it up in one answer. It's just a plethora of things that I've done and gone through here with the Giants. But the most important thing was to come out and give everything I've got and let the Cardinals play out how they did. So I think that's what happened tonight.
Q. The play that Lance Lynn threw to centerfield, as a pitcher, how difficult is a play like that to coordinate?
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, it is. You're off‑balance. And when you make an off‑balance throw and you've got a guy that can run that's putting the pressure on the second base, the shortstop right there, you know you've got to be good with it. It's definitely not an easy play at all.
Q. When the camera often catches you it looks like you're talking to yourself on the mound. Do you talk to yourself and can you share with us any of the things you were saying to yourself?
BARRY ZITO: Yeah, I'm not even aware of what I say. I'm just talking to myself, trying to get my focus back where it has to be. And if it gets off a little bit then I just talk myself back to where I have to be.


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February 21. 2013 10:11PM
Derry councilor describes close call at home
By ADAM SWIFT
Union Leader Correspondent
DERRY - Town Councilor Phyllis Katsakiores knows firsthand the importance of having a carbon monoxide detector in the home.
"Two Sundays ago, I was coming back from Mass at St. Thomas at six o'clock and when I got home I heard a (beeping sound) and I asked, 'What is that?'" Katsakiores said. "I had a daughter that was there and she said, 'Mom, this thing is starting to ring and it won't stop.'"
Katsakiores called the fire department and told them she had a problem and her carbon monoxide detector would not stop beeping. She was advised to get everyone out of the house and that the fire department would be there soon.
"They went through the house and metered everything, and said it was an exceptionally high amount of carbon monoxide in the house and asked if I had a fireplace or a wood stove," Katsakiores said.
She said she didn't have either, only a furnace. After opening all the windows and putting fans in the house, the carbon monoxide levels began to go down and the firefighters advised Katsakiores to call a furnace repair company.
About an hour later, the furnace company arrived and determined there was a crack in the furnace.
"The carbon monoxide, instead of going up the chimney, was coming into the home," Katsakiores said.
Katsakiores brought up her close call at a recent town council meeting because she said she wanted everyone to know how important it is to have a working carbon monoxide detector in the home.
"I've had one for years, and that is the first time it ever went off," she said. "It's important to have a smoke detector and a carbon monoxide detector in the home. I know it helped me and my family."


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I Can Do That: Contemporary Shelves
Construction lumber dressed up for display.
By Robert W. Lang
Pages: 28-29
From the November 2010 issue # 186
Buy this issue now
For sturdy, attractive and affordable material to build these shelves, bypass the fancy stuff at the front of your local home center and head for the back where they keep the lumber intended for use as rafters and floor joists.
In my neighborhood the available wood is Southern yellow pine. In other parts of the country you might fi nd Douglas fir, spruce or another species. When logs are milled for construction lumber, this is where the good stuff goes.
Three 12′-long 2x12s will provide enough material to build the shelves as shown. You may have to cut them (or have them cut) to get them home, but longer lengths will be straighter and of better quality than short stuff. Pick through the stack and select the straightest, nicest looking pieces.
Look at the ends of the boards, and avoid any with a tight circle in the rings in the middle of the board, which tells you that the board came from the middle, or heart, of the tree. As the wood dries and shrinks, this is the most likely part to cup and split. These boards will likely be relatively damp, and you should expect some movement as they dry.
You can hasten the drying process by cutting the boards to rough lengths. Let them sit for a while to acclimate to your environment. The parts don't need to be perfect for this project to be a success, but the straighter they are, the easier it will be to put your shelves together.
Plan: Download the free SketchUp plan for the Contemporary Shelves.
Articles: All the "I Can Do That" articles are online.
In our store: Read about flush-cut saws in the Autumn 2007 issue of Woodworking Magazine.
From the November 2010 issue # 186
Buy this issue now


text:
|View Poll Results: Hanasaku Iroha - Episode 21 Rating
|Perfect 10
|9 out of 10 : Excellent
|8 out of 10 : Very Good
|7 out of 10 : Good
|6 out of 10 : Average
|5 out of 10 : Below Average
|4 out of 10 : Poor
|3 out of 10 : Bad
|2 out of 10 : Very Bad
|1 out of 10 : Painful
|Voters: 56. You may not vote on this poll
|Thread Tools
|2011-08-21, 02:20
|Link #1
♪~ Daydreaming ~♪
Graphic Designer
Join Date: Dec 2005
Location: Italy
Hanasaku Iroha - Episode 21 Discussion / Poll
Welcome to the discussion thread for Hanasaku Iroha, Episode 21.
Thread Guidelines
|2011-08-21, 11:09
|Link #4
Kana Hanazawa ♥
Join Date: Jun 2007
Location: France
Age: 31
Can't say I enjoyed this episode much. Takako and Enishi were as annoying as ever, and Minko went back to being irritating. And here I was starting to like her...
The last few minutes of the episode made up for the rest, with the beautiful flashback (Beanman looked even weirder back then ) and Sui casually dropping the bomb about Enishi not inheriting the inn. Takako's face was priceless.
PS: Omigawa Chiaki telling Itou Kane she has an annoying and disgusting voice was hilarious.
PPS: what the hell was Jiromaru's script about for Nako to react like this?
|2011-08-21, 11:35
|Link #5
singing heartbreak
ANOTHER episode catering to Takako and Enishi =0/? Well, at least it focused on other things as well.
I thought Tohru/Minko would actually get somewhere, but alas, Tohru dropping the bomb on Minko that she was exhibiting Ohana's positive aggressiveness to start and finish something(which I thought she was even before he said so) was hard to take. Poor Minko . I guess that's why he's taken to Ohana so much, because he prefers a loud and noisy family.
I'm probably completely wrong here, but I think that Okami will hand over the inn to Ohana over Satsuki. It may be her desire to have Satsuki take it over, but Satsuki is just far too whimsical to be trusted with such a thing. Plus, Ohana has that significant other(Ko) that Satsuki lacks, and I get the impression she sees herself in Ohana moreso that Satsuki. If she's not giving it to Ohana, or unexpectedly Tomoe/Ren, I think she'll not give it to anyone, with Kissuiso eventually closing down(at least that'd be her intent).
|2011-08-21, 11:44
|Link #6
Senior Member
Join Date: May 2011
Location: New York, USA
Oh snap, it's the return of plot!
I actually have a lot more respect for Takako after this. I would have thought her the type to insist on a flashy wedding, but she seemed like she really would have been okay eloping. And it takes courage to even think about calling off a wedding, no matter how small. I think she saw that the wedding plans were taking over.
Poor Minko. It does seem pretty unfair. I couldn't help but notice the contrast--Minko gets upset/flustered and starts burning things, while Ohana apparently turns into a speed demon (while still producing quality work).
Her blowing up at Ohana irritated me, but it was her "take responsibility for Tohru's feelings" bit that really irked me though. Who the heck would be happy if someone dated them out of pity/duty?! When I first started watching, I was really hoping that Minko would have gotten more character development by now. Still, I do feel for her. Working up the courage to say something outside of her comfort zone to Tohru and then hearing that it makes her sound like Ohana. Ouch.
...I'm going to need a beer before I can start wrapping my head around Ren/Tomoe.
And at least we know Mizuno and Nako are still friendly with each other. I'm just going to be back here, shipping them in my head.
Edit: I almost forgot. Holy crap, Tohru, 5 kids! Haha, If that were me, that would be an instant crush death knoll.
Last edited by hanashi; 2011-08-21 at 11:59.
|2011-08-21, 11:48
|Link #7
Anime Critic
Join Date: Jun 2011
Location: Not Japan
Last edited by marcosius; 2011-08-21 at 12:03.
|2011-08-21, 11:49
|Link #8
Senior Member
Join Date: Oct 2006
Location: Inside of frog
I understand people say that this episode is boring a bit, but I love this [Minko]episode.
-Tomoe x Ren coupling was totally unexpected.
-As I thought, Minko is cutest thing in this series.
btw I believe Minko x Touru coupling in the end. Even if Tohru loves Ohana, I absolutely don't think Ohana do the thing that hurts Minko badly.
And I think when Tohru realizes Minko's feeling, he changes his mind. This is the story like that.
|2011-08-21, 11:49
|Link #9
Radiant as the sun;
Graphic Designer
Much more respect for Takako after this. Not sure why, but the scene between her and Madam Manager made me tear up for some reason, and excluding last week's episode, I hadn't even seen the past 5 or 6 episodes. I wonder if she wants either Ohana or Ohana's mom to succeed the inn.
Things are getting really good between Tohru/Ohana/Minko! Been waiting for this. The shipper in me really hopes that Tohru and Ohana get together at the end. Minko still irritates me after all this time, but I felt bad for her just a bit when she messed up and got shot down by Tohru. Only a bit though. I thought it was cute when he said he wanted 5 kids, I love seeing guys who love kids.
Can't wait for next week!
|2011-08-21, 11:56
|Link #10
Senior Member
Join Date: May 2011
Location: New York, USA
Last edited by hanashi; 2011-08-21 at 11:58. Reason: Cannot type today! Grrrr
|2011-08-21, 12:06
|Link #14
Version 6.9
Join Date: Dec 2010
So the preview was not a troll this time.
Spoiler for Images:
Speculation for the next episode.
Sui does not want Enishi to take over the inn simply because he isn't cut out to do the job. I have a strong feeling she wants Ohana to succeed her.
Spoiler for A couple of Nako gifs just cuz we all love her :p:
Last edited by EroKing; 2011-08-21 at 12:32.
|2011-08-21, 12:09
|Link #15
Senior Member
I liked this episode a lot.
The main thing I liked about it was the directorial touches in this. Lots of great facial close-ups for important moments and pieces of dialogue, good handling of physical confrontations, and just all-around superb directing here.
One thing I will say is that Enishi and Takako have been humanized for me. I'm not sure if I would call them likable yet, but I do find myself caring a smidgen about what happens to them. That may be largely (if not entirely) a function of pity, but it nonetheless helps that I get the sense that, in their own quirky ways, Enishi and Takako are both good decent people. If you had told me, right after Episode 8, that I'd eventually come to view Takako that way, I would have found that impossible to believe.
I get the sense that Takako sincerely doesn't want to inconvenience the Inn, and that she truly does want to earn Sui's approval and respect. Takako is a much more authentic person than what I had thought back in Episode 9.
Some fruits have grown well here due to the labors of comprehensive supporting cast character development. Nako, Takako, and especially Minchi, are characters that I like and/or care about more now than I did back around Episode 9 or so.
I also liked how Tohru came across in this episode. I like his frankness and honesty.
While I can understand people thinking that Minchi regressed a bit here, I don't really think that's the case. Minchi's reasons for raging at Ohana make sense to me; much more than her first run-ins with Ohana did way back in the first two episodes of Hanasaku Iroha. Minchi has a deep-seated crush on a guy who's attention has been thoroughly captured by Ohana. That's made it difficult for Minchi to develop a relationship with Tohru at a pace that she'd like, as her attempts to do so just remind Tohru of Ohana instead. Minchi now has to suck it up and make a risky sudden confession that's very hard for her to do, or seriously risk Tohru never even considering her as a possible girlfriend. And all of that is mainly due to Ohana.
Once again, Okada is showing great skill in developing and executing romantic conflict. It was time for Minchi to bring things to a head with Ohana, and its time for Ohana to be made aware that Tohru has a crush on her. I just hope that Ohana handles this better than she did her situation with Ko.
All-told, this was a refreshingly plot-heavy episode with great character moments, but it is hindered a slight bit by the weaknesses of certain characters. Still, Hanasaku Iroha is at least taking advantage of all of the time they've dedicated to supporting cast character developing, and is starting to reap what they've sowed in that regard.
Was all that supporting cast character development worth it?
Maybe. Speaking for myself, that'll depend on how the last few episodes go. Episode 21 gives me reason for cautious optimism, at least.
A well-earned 9/10 for Episode 21.
|2011-08-21, 12:19
|Link #17
singing heartbreak
|2011-08-21, 12:35
|Link #18
Anime Critic
Join Date: Jun 2011
Location: Not Japan
|Thread Tools


text:
'The Vampire Diaries' Original Daniel Gillies (a.k.a. Elijah) Cast in Spin-Off
According to Deadline, the other Mikaelson, played by Daniel Gillies, is tapped to play a lead in the TVD spin-off, The Originals, which is scheduled for introduction via the current CW series during its April 25th episode.
This news comes shortly after the announcement that Klaus (Joseph Morgan) and Hayley (Phoebe Tonkin) would also be staking (hehe) a claim in the upcoming drama, along with someone who VampireDiaries.com refers to as a "new fun-loving fanger character with a fancy schmancy name," Marcel, and Camille, "a Tulane psychology student who will take an interest in Klaus because she's intrigued by the darker aspects of the French Quarter." So far, neither character's been introduced on The Vampire Diaries nor have the roles been cast just yet.
Which other characters (dead or alive) would you want to see on the spin-off? What do you think of the concept? Leave your thoughts below or on our Vampire Diaries message board!


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The Red Cross has just announced a new disaster-response partnership with Wal-Mart. When the next hurricane hits, it will be a co-production of Big Aid and Big Box.
This, apparently, is the lesson learned from the government's calamitous response to Hurricane Katrina: Businesses do disaster better.
"It's all going to be private enterprise before it's over," Billy Wagner, emergency management chief for the Florida Keys, currently under hurricane watch for Tropical Storm Ernesto, said in April. "They've got the expertise. They've got the resources."
But before this new consensus goes any further, perhaps it's time to take a look at where the privatization of disaster began, and where it will inevitably lead.
The first step was the government's abdication of its core responsibility to protect the population from disasters. Under the Bush administration, whole sectors of the government, most notably the Department of Homeland Security, have been turned into glorified temp agencies, with essential functions contracted out to private companies. The theory is that entrepreneurs, driven by the profit motive, are always more efficient (please suspend hysterical laughter).
We saw the results in New Orleans one year ago: Washington was frighteningly weak and inept, in part because its emergency management experts had fled to the private sector and its technology and infrastructure had become positively retro. At least by comparison, the private sector looked modern and competent (a New York Times columnist even suggested handing FEMA over to Wal-Mart).
But the honeymoon doesn't last long. "Where has all the money gone?" ask desperate people from Baghdad to New Orleans, from Kabul to tsunami-struck Sri Lanka. One place a great deal of it has gone is into major capital expenditures for these private contractors. Largely under the public radar, billions of taxpayer dollars have been spent on the construction of a privatized disaster-response infrastructure: the Shaw Group's new state-of-the-art Baton Rouge headquarters, Bechtel's battalions of earthmoving equipment, Blackwater USA's 6,000-acre campus in North Carolina (complete with paramilitary training camp and 6,000-foot runway).
I call it the Disaster Capitalism Complex. Whatever you might need in a serious crunch, these contractors can provide it: generators, water tanks, cots, port-a-potties, mobile homes, communications systems, helicopters, medicine, men with guns.


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Posted 3 February 2014. PMN Crop News.
Sweetpotato Weevils Differentially Attracted to Colors
Source: Entomological Society of America-PIE Division Press Release. www.entsoc.org
Annapolis, Maryland (January 3, 2014)--The sweetpotato weevil, Cylas formicarius (Fabricius), is the most serious pest of sweetpotato around the world, damaging sweetpotatoes in the field and in storage. Because the larval period is spent within vines or tubers, and the adults are nocturnal, chemical control frequently is not effective.
Mass trapping using synthetic pheromones has suppressed populations of sweetpotato weevil males in several countries, but it has not reduced the damage greatly. However, a new study published in Annals of the Entomological Society of America suggests that the color of the traps may affect their usefulness.
For years Dr. Gadi V.P. Reddy (Montana State University) has been searching for the right formula to control this insect without the use of toxic pesticides. In his most recent study with Nirupa Gadi (University of Guam), the researchers found that green traps were most effective in attracting the weevils in indoor conditions, while red traps were most effective in outdoor field conditions.
"Sweetpotato weevils responded to pheromone baited traps of different colors differently in the field and indoors," said Dr. Reddy. "In the field, sweetpotato weevils preferred red, and particularly light red, over the other colors, but indoors, green traps were favored. We have no explanation for the difference. Further studies focusing on why insect behavior changes from outdoors to indoors will be required to find out."
The full study (DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1603/AN13135), "Are Sweetpotato Weevils (Coleoptera: Brentidae) Differentially Attracted to Certain Colors?" is published in the January 2014 edition of Annals of the Entomological Society of America.


text:
Longtime Ridgecrest-China Lake benefactor Howard Auld died at Ridgecrest Regional Hospital on Sunday afternoon, Dec. 29, surrounded by his loving family.
Longtime Ridgecrest-China Lake benefactor Howard Auld died at Ridgecrest Regional Hospital on Sunday afternoon, Dec. 29, surrounded by his loving family. He was 88 years old and had spent a remarkable 69 of those 88 years in the Indian Wells Valley serving our nation and our community.
When Howard and his wife Barbara were unanimously chosen in 1997 to receive the IWV 2000 Award for Positive Community Leadership, IWV 2000 boardmember Kathy Vejtasa summed up the character traits that earned the Aulds the title "Mr. and Mrs. Ridgecrest."
"They are not individuals who say, 'Somebody ought to do something,'" said Vejtasa, "but rather 'What can we do?'"
In keeping with Howard's wishes, no public service is planned.
Howard, the son of Andrew and Estella Auld, was born on Dec. 16, 1925, in East Weymouth, Mass., and appears to have arrived with that idea of community service fully formed. After graduation from Weymouth High School in 1943, he worked at the local shipyard helping to build World War II destroyer escorts at the rate of a ship every three days.
Shortly after his 18th birthday, Howard entered Navy service. After basic training and service school at Iowa State University, he was assigned to the U.S. Naval Ordnance Test Station, Inyokern.
Arriving by bus at the NOTS Main Gate in the middle of the night, Sept. 24, 1944, he had a hard time finding a place to bunk down. He slept in a tent for his first few months at NOTS.
Howard's first assignment, in the Public Works Electric Shop, required him to learn how to climb power poles. Among many tasks, he helped string the power line out G Range Road.
Whenever Howard finished a work order, he took it to be recorded by a pretty young lady in the Electric Shop office — Barbara Huff. Howard asked her for a date in July 1945; they were married that August and have been an inseparable duo ever since.
When Howard was discharged from the Navy in June 1946, the Auld decided to stay in the Indian Wells Valley, reasoning, as Howard said, "This is a good place to learn an occupation, to get a good start in life and raise children."
And raise children they did, with Christine arriving in 1946, Bruce in 1948 and Eileen in 1952. As the Auld family grew, Howard became an electrical planner/estimator, then head of the Public Works Planning and Estimating Branch.
Always learning from his varied assignments, from night courses at the NOTS Training Center and from correspondence and college courses, Howard was able to pass the engineering equivalency exam in 1964. "I like to say I have a Ph.D. in NWC," he joked.
He later secured his bachelor's degree in management from Redlands University.
As an electrical engineer, Howard moved into the Public Works Engineering Division where he worked as a contract engineering specifications writer.
In 1965 he joined the Propulsion Development Department to accomplish electrical and mechanical engineering facilities design. There, and in subsequent assignments for the Weapons Department, he worked on a wide variety of technical programs, notably CHAFFROC, the Ships Ordnance Infrared Decoy and the Surface Effects Ship. In 1974 he was one of only nine early-timers to receive the first Naval Weapons Center 30-year pins.
Howard received a Technical Director's Award in 1977 for his success as the project engineer responsible for directing the Vertical Launch Standard Missile Prototyping Program.
After he retired from China Lake in 1979, he spent 10 years doing the same sort of engineering work for contract engineering companies, including Comarco Industries.
The whole time he was in the technical community, Howard was also a mover and shaker in the China Lake community. His many contributions included membership on the China Lake Community Council, chairmanship of the NOTS Employee-Management Council, service as cubmaster of Boy Scout Pack 12 and years of active involvement in the All Faith Chapel, including as Sunday School superintendent.
When China Lake held its first Bike Rodeo, Howard (representing the Ridgecrest-China Lake Optimist Club) led the parade. The event, dreamed up by Howard, was designed to educate youngsters on bike safety.
All that was while the Aulds lived in China Lake. After they moved to Ridgecrest in the early 1970s, their community service went into high gear.
Howard served on the Ridgecrest Planning Commission for 10 years and on the Ridgecrest City Council for more than eight years. Just sitting on the council was never enough for him, though — he went to meetings all over the state, serving on the Air Pollution Control Board, as a representative to the League of California Cities and more.
During the 1990s, when our community experienced a downturn, Howard and Barbara traveled all over the Southwestern United States carrying the word about the superb technical resources available in our valley and about the synergy that could be achieved through a Southwest Defense Alliance.
They worked closely with Phil Arnold, Bill Porter and others during massive community efforts to defend China Lake during two Base Realignment and Closure processes. The Aulds have also been major participants in and funders of many other major community efforts.
One notable success for Howard came when he fathered RidgeNet. Realizing that the Internet age was upon us and that Ridgecrest would need an Internet service provider, he made the first such local provider happen. He was also instrumental in creating the Ridgecrest business incubator that helped start several local businesses.
Among other organizations Howard has been in, usually as an officer, were the Ridgecrest-China Lake Optimist Club, the Desert Empire Fair, the Senior Services of I.W.V., the Ridgecrest Area Convention and Visitors Bureau and IWV 2000. He and Barbara have long been individual members of the Ridgecrest Chamber of Commerce. Their comic appearances were highlights of numerous Star Follies.
Over the years, Howard came up with numerous innovative community-betterment ideas, with his successes including programs to train local babysitters and to coordinate volunteer handymen to assist elderly people who needed repairs around the house.
When President John F. Kennedy visited here on June 7, 1963, Howard literally smoothed the way as coordinator of routes for the presidential motorcade. Ever since then Howard has worked toward his dream of having another presidential visit to our valley.
That hasn't happened, but after much effort, Howard and Barbara were delighted when they instituted an invitation to invite Assistant Secretary of the Navy Juan Garcia, a Burroughs High School graduate, to return to his hometown as a featured speaker for Ridgecrest's May 2010 Armed Forces Day event. Garcia moved his busy schedule around to be here, and he has since been a valuable Washington resource for our town.
Following their usual procedure of seeing a need and making it happen, Howard and Barbara coordinated Armed Forces Day events for a decade, ceasing their effort only as they realized that the workload was a bit heavy for two octogenarians.
Other gifts they gave the community included luncheons in honor of World War II veterans, as well as "Meet, Greet and Eat" luncheons, which Howard said were intended to "put into action a synergism of ideas and strategies for business retention, expansion and recruitment."
The Aulds' idea was to invite community leaders to a free lunch, then stand back and let them exchange ideas and business cards. "Your participation made the event well worth the doing," Howard told a room full of attendees.
Among the many awards Howard received was the Kern Council of Governments Award for Lifetime Achievement. In typical Howard style, he didn't just sit on his laurels, but worked successfully with Barbara ever since to nominate other worthy citizens of our valley for the honor.
In May 2010 the Aulds received the China Lake Quality of Life Award for unfailingly supporting Ridgecrest and China Lake in the importance of military missions and community support of them. The award has been presented only twice, first to William Gentry and then to Howard and Barbara.
In Howard's spare time, he was a prolific poet and artist.
With all these accomplishments, the one that made Howard the most proud is his family, which has achieved an Auld legacy of excellence in the field of education and in other endeavors that benefit our community.
He is survived by his wife Barbara; son Bruce and his wife Ann; daughter Christine and her husband Paul Meyers; daughter Eileen and her husband Bob Pearl; grandchildren Bryan Auld and wife Jessica, Amy and her husband Mike de Geus, Jeremy Meyers and his wife Mary Ann, Heather Ostash, and Caby and Madeline Beach.
He is also survived by 12 great-grandchildren, Christopher, Carter, Nolan and Parker Meyers; Aden and Annalise Ostash; Alyssa, Taylor and Conner Auld; Avery Hilligus; Dylan de Geus and Ashley Beach, with one on the way; as a well as cherished niece and nephews.
As planned, his and Barbara's ashes, when her time comes, will lie together in the veterans' section of Desert Memorial Park's rose garden, surrounded by the desert valley and mountains they have always loved.
For those choosing to honor Howard's memory, his family suggests donations to Senior Services of I.W.V., the Maturango Museum, the China Lake Museum Foundation, the Desert Empire Fair, Cerro Coso Community College Foundation, B Mountain Foundation or any community betterment organization of the donor's choosing.


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April 5, 2013
Praise and Criticism for Ruling on Morning-After Pill
Featuring: Dr. Jill Rabin, Chief, Ambulatory Care, OB/GYN, North Shore-LIJ Health System
Advocacy groups on Long Island and beyond offered praise and criticism for a federal judge's ruling in Brooklyn that would allow young women to buy the morning-after pill without a prescription.
"We are very, very, very happy for women of all ages. It expands access to birth control and to the health care that women need in order to prevent unintended pregnancies," said JoAnn Smith, president of Planned Parenthood of Nassau County. "Accidents do happen and this is the safety belt to make sure, and to prevent unintended pregnancies."
One doctor, however, cautioned that all females, regardless of age, should seek medical advice before taking the pill.
VIDEO: Cuomo wants to expand legalization of late-term abortions | Anti-abortion protest in Spring Valley
"I think that in general the purchase of hormones should require a doctor's prescription, for someone of any age," said Dr. Stuart Lusterberg, who has an OB-GYN practice in Huntington. "There can be harmful effects and I would like to see the patients have the proper medical supervision."
Dr. Jill Maura Rabin, chief of the Division of Ambulatory Care at the North Shore-LIJ Health System, said the medical community has long supported the end of age restrictions on the use of the pill.
"It is safe and it is effective," she said. "It does not increase pregnancies -- studies have shown that -- and it does not increase irresponsible sex. This is a backup method. There is no medical or scientific rationale for restricting its use.
"We encourage them to consult a health care provider, or family or a friend before making a decision," she said. "Abstinence is best, but this method is very effective in case of failure of other methods or unintended pregnancy."
The Family Research Council said in a statement the decision puts young girls' health at risk by circumventing "necessary medical screenings" and ignores concerns about insufficient data on how the pill affects the health of young girls.
Deirdre McQuade, spokeswoman for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops Secretariat for Pro Life Activities, said U.S. District Judge Edward Korman in Brooklyn "acted irresponsibly by making this powerful drug available without a prescription to minor children."
"Plan B does not prevent or treat any disease," she said, "but makes young adolescent girls more available to sexual predators."
The Long Island Women's Equality Coalition said the decision reflected its support for the right of all women to access to the pill.
"Emergency contraception is a safe measure for sexually active individuals, and those who need it will hopefully have access without as many obstacles," said Amol Sinha, a member of the coalition and the director of Suffolk Chapter of the New York Civil Liberties Union.