text:
Elections and Events 1850-1899
Abel 1987: "En la década de 1840 la Iglesia se vio de nuevo amenazada por un movimiento radical anti-clerical…dirigido por patricios liberales. La crisis alcanzó proporciones de epidemia cuando el régimen liberal de José Hilario López (1849-53) expulsó al Arzobispo de Bogotá, Manuel José Mosquera, junto con otros obispos. La lucha que sobrevino duró cuarenta años" (page 26).
Bergquist 1978: "The success of export agriculture led to the rise and dominance of the Liberal party in Colombia after 1850. The hegemony of liberal thought and politics characterized the history of the nation during the next quarter century" (page 7).
Dix 1987: "The seven civil wars and innumerable regional or provincial revolts that erupted between 1850 and the end of the century were in considerable part a function of personal, family, and regional rivalries" (page 20).
López-Alves 2000: "In the 1850s…artisans who had been hurt by economic liberalism and the advent of steam navigation in the Magdalena River strongly demanded freedom in the political realm with protection in the economic sphere. Ultimately the artisans' militancy divided the Liberal Party…Two factions surfaced: the more radical Golgotas…and the Draconianos" (page 11).
Ortíz Mena 1985: "En agosto de 1850 la votación para Cámara Provincial [en Antioquia] fué mayoritariamente conservadora...En el mismo año, la votación por 3 representantes a la Cámara y 3 suplentes muestra hombres conservadores solamente [Gives names and votes won]...La votación por un senador es representativa del dominio conservador [Gives names and votes won]" (page 16). Gives the votes in Medellín and Antioquia for various vice-presidential candidates.
Park 1985: "The sweeping nature of the reform program highlighted tensions in the Liberal party which deepened its division into Radical ('gólgota') and Moderate ('draconiano') factions in the early 1850s" (pages 14-15).
Payne 1968: "In 1850 Liberal President José Hilario López, supported by some ecclesiastical officials, expelled the Jesuits from Colombia, apparently for pro-Conservative political meddling. Other Catholic groups were untouched and some even supported the move, but the die was being cast: the Liberal party label was becoming increasingly identified with anticlericalism" (page 81).
Sowell 1986: "In addition to that for vice-president, which Obaldia proceeded to win, elections were also held in July [1850] for both provincial legislatures and national congressmen" (page 116).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In 1850 the López administration instituted a so-called agrarian reform program and abolished slavery. In order to allow landowners access to more land, the agrarian reform program lifted the restrictions on the sale of 'resguardo' lands; as a result, Indians became displaced from the countryside and moved to the cities" (page 22).
Delpar 1981: "One of the most important items on the Liberal agenda was the abolition of slavery, which was effected by a law of 21 May 1851" (page 7).
López-Alves 2000: A Conservative uprising in 1851 against the Liberal government of José Hilario López is repressed by the government (page 119).
Ortíz Mena 1985: "En mayo de 1851 estalló en Pasto una Revolución Conservadora y esclavista encabezada por los Coroneles Manuel Ibáñez y Julio Arboleda auxiliados por el gobierno ecuatoriano. Por más de un año estos Coroneles habían mantenido la guerra de guerrillas en la región" (page 14).
Election of presidential electors
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1852: votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón" (pages 267-277).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón – 1852" (page 115). Gives the votes for three presidential candidates by province and lists the total votes for "others." Source is Bushnell 1970. "Fueron suficientes los votos obtenidos en las Asambleas Cantonales para que el General José María Obando resultara electo presidente" (page 116). For 1852 "el siguiente cuadro nos muestra respecto de cada provincia, el número de cantones y distritos parroquiales en que está dividida, y el número de electores y Senadores que le corresponden" (page 201). For 1852 "el siguiente cuadro nos muestra respecto de cada provincia, el número de cantones i distritos parroquiales en que está dividida, i el número de electores, representantes i diputados parroquiales que le corresponden" (page 223).
Sowell 1986: "In the nation, Obando received 1,548 electoral votes to Herrera's 329; 131 votes went to other candidates or were blank" (page 129).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "(E)n 1853 el gobierno de la provincia de Vélez consagró el derecho al sufragio sin distinción de sexo—el cual no se llegó a ejercer" (page 323).
March: presidential election (Obando / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for top two candidates and "others" (page 289).
Osterling 1989: "At the end of President Lopez's term, the Conservative Party, which strongly opposed his policies, decided to abstain from the March 1853 presidential elections. This opened the way for the Liberal Party's presidential candidate" (page 65).
Sturges-Vera 1990: General José María Obando is elected in 1853 (page 23).
Bushnell 1993: The Liberals "went on to institute direct elections in place of the electoral college system previously in effect and to provide for a remarkable list of public officials…to be chosen by popular vote" (page 108).
López-Alves 2000: "(T)he 1853 constitution adopted unrestricted, universal, and direct suffrage. In other words, every male in an overwhelmingly rural population who was at least twenty-one years old could cast a ballot. However, an alliance of the most powerful Colombians against state power was in the making behind liberalism and federalism" (page 105).
Park 1985: "The 1853 constitution eliminated the president's traditional power to appoint provincial governors and provided instead for their election…The 1853 constitution also separated church and state, established freedom of religion, and ended the juridical personality of the church" (page 14).
Posada-Carbó 1994: "In Colombia, party strife had intensified after the adoption of male universal suffrage in 1853" (page 646).
Rausch 1999: The Constitution of 1853 "broadened suffrage by ending property and literacy requirements, instituting direct, secret balloting, and providing for the election of many public officials who had previously been appointed" (page 11).
Sowell 1986: "The Constitution of May 21, as it came to be known, was both highly liberal and semi-federalist. Included in the long list of reforms incorporated into the new law of the land were: separation of church and state; suffrage to all male citizens over the age of 21; direct secret elections; popular election of governors and many other officials; a more decentralized governmental structure; and weakened executive powers" (page 136).
Sturges-Vera 1990: Congress adopts the new constitution in May 1853. "A liberal document, it [established] male suffrage…[and] mandated the direct election of the president, members of Congress, magistrates, and governors, and it granted extensive autonomy to the departments" (page 23).
Payne 1968: "In the September 1853 elections for attorney general ('procurador') and supreme court justices the total number of votes, excluding those for minor candidates, is reported to have been 384,067" (page 124).
Sowell 1986: "In practice…the broadened electorate created by the new constitution benefited mainly the Conservatives, who won resounding victories…Conservatives gained control of the lower house of congress, and they greatly reduced Liberal strength in the senate" (page 141). Gives some results of the election for the senate in Bogotá (page 142).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elecciones para gobernador de Bogotá: octubre 3 de 1853" (page 251). Gives by parroquial district the number of votes for four candidates.
Sowell 1986: Discusses the October 1853 election (page 142).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "General José María Melo led a coup d'état in April 1854, declared himself dictator, and dissolved Congress. Melo's rule, the only military dictatorship in the nineteenth century, lasted only eight months" (page 23).
Oquist 1980: "In November 1854, the government fell after a military defeat in Bogotá" (page 56).
Bushnell 1993: "Obando never returned to the presidency…He was impeached by the restored Congress and in that way removed from office formally and for good. Obando's vice-president, José de Obaldía…, headed the provisional Constitutionalist government;…but his term…expired early in 1855. In the election held to choose his successor, the winner was a Conservative, Manuel María Mallarino" (page 114).
Deas 1993: "Los confusos experimentos liberales de 1848-1854 habían terminado en un gobierno interino, el del presidente Mallarino, que había celebrado elecciones neutrales bajo una constitución que debilitaba cualquier poder que el gobierno central hubiera estado tentado de utilizar, y los conservadores habían ganado" (page 210).
Gilhodes 1973: "The democratic guilds, which were particularly active in Bogotá and Cali, were defeated after they encouraged General Melo to take power by a coup d'etat in 1854. They were opposed by the first National Front in Colombia's history, composed of moderate Liberals and Conservatives" (page 279).
Hartlyn 1999: "The army's inability to sustain its overthrow of a civilian government during the 1850s in the the face of an armed coalition of Liberals and Conservatives led to further reductions in its size. Thus, as the political parties began to consolidate in the 1850s, the military institution was practically nonexistent" (page 255).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "En los escrutinios efectuados en el Congreso resultó electo Vicepresidente por gran mayoría el doctor Manuel M. Mallarino…; se posesionó de la Presidencia que estaba vacante el 1o de abril de 1855" (page 116). Lists the "cantones" in each province. "En el diario 'El Porvenir' de noviembre 13 de 1855, se publicó el siguiente cuadro de Senadores, clasificados por partidos" (page 202). Gives the province and the number of Conservative and Liberal party senators from each. "En el diario 'El Porvenir' de noviembre 13 de 1855, se publicó el siguiente cuadro de Representantes, clasificados por partidos" (page 224). Gives the province and the number of Conservative and Liberal party representatives from each.
Park 1985: "Melo's regime survived for only eight months because the Radical and Conservative upper classes actively cooperated politically and militarily in resisting it. José de Obaldía organized the resistance and, with the support of all living former presidents, assumed leadership of the legitimate government as vice-president" (page 18).
Sowell 1986: "(A)t the expiration of Obaldia's term, Conservative Vice President Manuel María Mallarino had assumed executive responsibility on April 1, 1855. Obando's trial, and his official removal from office, meant that Mallarino would continue as executive until an election designated the president for the 1857-61 term" (page 176).
Presidential election (Ospina / PC)
Bushnell 1970: "La primera elección netamente presidencial en que se practicó el nuevo sistema fue la de 1856; fue también la única del siglo XIX" (page 279). Gives votes for three presidential candidates at the municipal level for each state (pages 281-309). "Votación provincial y nacional: 1856" (page 310). Gives total votes at provincial and national levels for three candidates. "La participación electoral en 1856: población habil" (pages 311-312). "La participación electoral en 1856: población registrada" (pages 313-314).
Bushnell 1999: "(L)a unica elección presidencial del siglo XIX realizada a través del sufragio universal masculino y bajo condiciones de relativa normalidad fue la de 1856, en la que el candidato conservador Mariano Ospina Rodríguez fue elegido por una votación popular de 97.407 votos contra 80.170 votos del liberal Manuel Murillo Toro y 33.038 del general Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera, este último como candidato de un improvisado Partido Nacional que contaba con elementos de los dos partidos tradicionales" (page 253). "Votación y tasa de participación de hombres adultos aptos" (page 256).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elecciones presidenciales de 1856 (votación provincial según votos del acta oficial de escrutinio efectuado en la capital de Provincia)" (page 118). Gives number of votes by province for three candidates. Source is Bushnell 1970.
Sowell 1986: "When the election was held, [in Bogotá] Ospina tallied the most votes (844); Murillo closely trailed him with 673 votes; and Mosquera finished a distant third (380 votes). Clearly Liberals and Mosqueristas did well, but the division of their efforts may have given Ospina the victory in the capital. However, the country-wide vote was not close; Ospina won the election by over 20,000 votes, which suggests that in the final account, rural political machines were the lifeblood of nineteenth-century political parties" (pages 180-181).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 4 de febrero de 1857, por acuerdo de las dos Cámaras se reunieron en Congreso con el objeto de verificar el escrutinio definitivo de los votos dados en la República para elegir Presidente" (page 119). Lists total votes for each of over sixty candidates.
Oquist 1980: "The 1857 presidential election, conducted by the bipartisan Mallarino administration, was the first in Colombia to employ universal manhood suffrage, which was later revoked...The results showed that the Conservatives held a clear majority in Nueva Granada. The Liberals recognized this fact, and they considered that the adoption of universal manhood suffrage had been a strategic mistake since the peasant masses were easily manipulated by the vehemently pro-Conservative clergy" (page 57).
Payne 1968: In the presidential election of 1857 there "were three candidates: Mariano Ospina Rodríguez, Conservative; Manuel Murillo Toro, Liberal; and ex-president Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera. Mosquera, formerly a Conservative, founded a new party of his own called the Partido Nacional" (page 132). Gives the number of votes for each candidate.
Sowell 1986: "The Radical Liberals and Conservatives who had allied to defeat Melo shared power at the national level until 1857, but moves were begun immediately at the local level to set up bases by which one or the other party could gain political domination over the other…The 1857 presidential race was livened by the candidacy of Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera at the head of the National party, which he himself created and which drew support from moderates of both the major parties. The Conservatives came out ahead in the contest, placing Mariano Ospina Rodríguez in the presidential chair" (page 169).
Oquist 1980: "The Conservative-controlled Congress in 1858 adopted a new constitution that formed the 'Confederación Granadina,' a federal republic. This charter was strongly federalist in that the states obtained legislative attributes and the right to elect their own presidents" (page 58).
Osterling 1989: "In 1858, following another Constitutional Reform, the nation became federalist, and was called 'Confederación Granadina.' The Confederation was made up of eight federal states" (page 46). "It abolished the office of the elected Vice President and replaced it with three political appointees called Designates to be named by Congress. The President and the Senators were to be elected for four-year terms, while Representatives were elected for two years" (page 66).
Payne 1968: "Conservative president Mariano Ospina Rodríguez brought the Jesuits back again in 1858 and thus further sharpened the pro-clerical image of the Conservatives" (page 81).
Sowell 1986: "The December 19 [1858 Bogotá town council] election returned a Conservative victory" (page 184).
Oquist 1980: "In April 1859 the Conservative Congress modified the constitution. A new electoral law gave the Confederal president the power to replace state presidents and to intervene in questions of public order, and the Confederal legislature was given the faculty to judge state elections" (page 58).
Payne 1968: "The incumbent Conservatives approved an election law which, because it gave Conservatives majorities on all the electoral commissions, obviously disadvantaged the Liberals" (page 126).
Sowell 1986: "Liberals throughout Colombia were outraged by the passage of two laws in 1859 which appeared directly to challenge their control in regions such as Santander. One law gave Conservatives control of local and district election councils nationwide, which was naturally seen by Liberals as a clear violation of the federalist precepts of the 1858 constitution" (page 185).
Sowell 1986: "The June [1859] elections returned some 1,033 votes for the Conservative assembly list, and 623 for the Liberals…The Liberals claimed that fraud once again had permeated the elections, which, as might have been expected, contradicted Conservative claims of general order in the election process" (page 184).
Bergquist 1978: "Coffee had been cultivated in Colombia on a small scale since the start of the nineteenth century. Although world production and consumption of coffee more than doubled between 1820 and 1855, Colombia's expansion did not begin until the 1860's, when improved river transportation and a rise in prices stimulated production" (page 21).
Presidential election (Arboleda / PC)
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for two Conservative Party presidential candidates (page 289). "The election was held in the midst of national civil war. Liberal-held areas (and the Liberal Party) did not participate" (pages 292).
Civil war
Park 1985: "The civil war of 1860-1862 was a violent statement by state political leaders determined to retain as much as possible of their near-sovereign independence of 1857-1858" (page 22).
Payne 1968: "In this war, perhaps because of the more blatant provocation, the opposition was successful and incumbent Conservative Ospina was defeated. This civil war of 1860-61 was the only one in which a constitutionally elected president was deposed by a civilian revolution" (page 126).
Osterling 1989: "The Conservative Party administration continued controlling the central government in the midst of the revolt and was able to conclude its presidential term on 1 April 1861. However, due to the political turmoil, presidential elections were not held, and Attorney General Dr. Bartolome Calvo was named acting president. He governed the Confederation until 18 July 1861, the day General Mosquera entered Bogota" (page 66).
Alexander 1973: "(I)n July 1861 Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera, now the major leader of the Liberals, captured Bogotá and installed a Liberal regime that remained in power until 1880" (page 59).
Gilhodes 1973: "In 1861 President Ospina was overthrown after a bloody civil war begun by the invading ex-conservative General Mosquera, who seized power in protest against unwarrantable interference by the federal government in the state of Cauca, of which he was President. This was to be the only instance of a successful political insurrection in Colombia" (page 279).
Osterling 1989: Mosquera "returned to power in 1861 after heading a revolt against the conservative Ospina Rodriguez administration, and governed until he was deposed in 1867" (page 64).
Park 1985: "Shortly after his Liberal forces occupied Bogotá in mid-1861, Mosquera assumed control of the new government as provisional president, issued a series of virulently anticlerical war measures, and summoned state delegates to Bogotá to sign a pact of union" (page 23).
Park 1986: "Liberals led by the nation's outstanding mid-nineteenth century political figure, Tómas Cipriano de Mosquera of Cauca, won a military victory over the Conservatives in the civil war of 1860-1862 on the issue of state sovereignty and inaugurated a rule that extended from 1862 to 1885" (page 454).
Payne 1968: "In 1860-61 the Liberals waged a revolution against the Conservative government of Ospina, led by Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera, who had himself only recently adopted the Liberal label. When Mosquera was victorious he set about punishing the clerical allies of Ospina" (page 81).
Sowell 1986: "Mosquera's troops captured Bogotá on July 18, 1861, but fighting in Antioquia and elsewhere did not end until late 1862" (page 186). "Even before the war was concluded, the military government directed by Mosquera enacted several important reforms…(T)he Jesuits, who had been brought back to Colombia by Ospina in 1858, were once again expelled from the country" (page 187).
Sowell 1986: "(R)eligious communities such as convents and monasteries were ordered abolished on November 5. The government also ordered the expulsion of individuals from the country who resisted the decree" (page 187)
Osterling 1989: "On 3 February 1863, a new Constitutional Assembly…changed the nation's name for the fifth time; it was now called 'Estados Unidos de Colombia'" (page 46).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In February 1863, a Liberal-only government convention met in Rionegro and enacted the constitution of 1863…The Rionegro constitution renamed the nation the United States of Colombia" (page 24).
May 8
Delpar 1981: "The constitution as promulgated on 8 May 1863 accurately expressed Liberal political aims as they had evolved during the first half of the century, though some provisions, such as the two-year presidential term, were adopted partly as a means of restraining Mosquera's ambitions…The executive power of the federal government was to be exercised by a president who was to serve for two years and was ineligible for immediate reelection. He was to be elected by the states, each of which would cast its ballot for the individual who had won a plurality of the votes of its electors in accordance with its own electoral legislation. Legislative power was vested in a congress composed of a senate and a chamber of representatives whose members were to serve for two years" (page 12).
Oquist 1980: Describes the constitution of 1863 (pages 62-63).
Park 1985: "From 1863 to 1886 Colombian sovereignty was divided into nine unequal portions exercised by units called sovereign states" (page 23). "Aside from inaugurating more than two decades of Liberal rule, the 1863 constitution is significant for providing a governmental framework under which regionalist sentiment gained its fullest expression since Colombian independence" (page 38). "By creating a weak executive branch and strengthening legislative authority, the delegates hoped to safeguard the country against the abuse of power. The constitution limited the president to a two-year term and declared him ineligible for immediate reelection whereas congressmen, also restricted to two-year terms, were permitted immediate reelection" (page 43). "In addition to these powers, Congress played a significant role in the election of the president, who had to obtain the vote of an absolute majority of the states, each state having one vote. In case no candidate received such a majority, Congress elected the president from among the leading contenders" (page 43).
Posada-Carbó 1994: The 1863 constitution "established a federal system under a weak presidency of only two years duration without the possibility of immediate re-election…The electoral system, in particular the selection of the President of the Union, was at the core of the regime. In principle, the election of the president was indirect, each of the nine States casting one single vote; the successful candidate required an absolute majority, otherwise the final decision was left to Congress. In turn, individual States chose their candidates through different procedures, since electoral regulations varied from State to State" (page 625).
Sowell 1986: "The Constitution of 1863, which was even more federalist than its predecessor, was promulgated in the wake of the Conservative loss. Anti-clerical reforms accompanied and were incorporated into the new constitution at the insistence of Mosquera…This issue, along with the perceived lust for power on the part of Mosquera, drove a wedge between the victors in the civil war, a division that dominated the national scene for the remainder of the 1860s" (page 170). "The national government was constituted of a union of the nine states, and all powers not expressly allowed the federal body were vested in the states. Liberal fear of Mosquera's executive ambitions resulted in a two-year, non-repetitive presidential term, a limitation also allotted to congressmen" (page 189). Describes further restrictions on the church incorporated in the constitution.
Violence in Colombia 1992: The "Constitution of Rionegro [is] promulgated following [the] victory of Liberals in the civil war of 1860-1963. Under this ultraliberal document, the Liberal party dominates national government until 1885" (page ix).
May 12
Delpar 1981: "Four days after the constitution was promulgated, the delegates elected Mosquera president of Colombia for a term ending 1 April 1864, when the first regularly elected chief executive would take office. The fact that Mosquera received only thirty-seven of the sixty-one votes cast suggests the division among the delegates and within the Liberal party" (page 13).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Mayo 12 de 1863, la Convención reunida con 61 ciudadanos Diputados presentes, procedió a la elección del Primer Presidente Constitucional" (page 120). Gives the votes for each candidate (source is the Anales de la Convención no. 22, Bogotá, mayo 22 de 1863).
Payne 1968: "The subsequent presidency of Mosquera (1863-64) set a sufficiently anticlerical tone (including expropriation of church property) to complete the identification of the Liberal label with anticlericalism and, conversely, the Conservative label with pro-clericalism. This identification has been reinforced and continued for 100 years down to the present" (page 82).
Election of presidential electors
Ortíz Mena 1985: "Elección de Antioquia para poder ejecutivo de los E.U. de Colombia 1863" (pages 75-76).
Presidential election (Murillo Toro / PL)
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Por Murillo habían votado los estados de Antioquia, Cundinamarca, Magdalena, Panamá, Santander y Tolima" (page 122).
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for three Liberal presidential candidates (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Gives the percent of the vote won by Murillo Toro in six states and the states won by the other two candidates (page 121).
Election of presidential electors
Ortíz Mena 1985: "Elección del estado de Antioquia para poder ejecutivo de los E.U. de Colombia 1865" (pages 77-78).
February: presidential election (Mosquera / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal and one Conservative presidential candidates (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Gives the names of the states that voted for Mosquera (page 121). Gives the results of the election of presidential designates in February 1866 (pages 122-124).
Oquist 1980: "The results of the 1866 elections led to the rotation of the presidency from the leader of the Radicals, Murillo Toro, to the head of the Mosqueristas, Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera. However, the Radicals, along with their Conservative allies in Antioquia and Tolima, retained control of Congress" (page 63).
Sowell 1986: Mosquera's reforms "met with public and political opposition which, when [he] realized their unpopularity, drove him to submit his resignation and call for a national plebiscite to select a new executive. The resignation was not accepted, however" (page 215).
Sowell 1986: "At the opening of congress on February 1, 1867, the hostility between that body and the president had increased greatly from the year before. Radicals had secured control of both branches of congress by working with Conservative delegates in opposition to Mosquera, an alliance he and his followers tried to break" (page 216).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 29 de abril Mosquera expidió un decreto por el cual declara a la República en estado de guerra y declaró cerradas las sesiones del Congreso" (page 122).
Payne 1968: "Beleaguered by an implacable opposition and a hostile Congress, Mosquera arbitrarily dissolved Congress, and arrested a number of prominent political leaders. Almost immediately a civil war was in the making as provincial leaders organized armies to combat Mosquera. This time, however, political leaders prevailed upon the army to take action" (page 125).
Sowell 1986: "By 1867 the extreme mutual antagonism between Mosquera and the Radicals resulted in the former's attempt to establish himself as dictator. His coup of April 29, 1867 was unsuccessful, thanks in part to a Radical alliance with Conservatives" (page 170). "Mosquera was then expelled from the country, and a Radical/Conservative front governed until 1868" (page 171).
Bushnell 1993: "Santos Acosta (Liberal), presidential designate, takes office at deposition of Mosquera" (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 23 de mayo terminó el mando de Mosquera al ser aprehendido por el jefe y oficiales de la fuerza pública" (page 122).
Congressional election
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Resultados de la votación para Cámara de Representantes, 1867. Representantes elegidos principales y suplentes según escrutinio efectuado por el Gran Jurado por el Estado de Cundinamarca" (page 226). Gives name of candidate and votes received.
Election of presidential electors
Ortíz Mena 1985: "Elección del estado de Antioquia para poder ejecutivo de los E.U. de Colombia – diciembre 8 de 1867" (pages 79-80).
Constituent assembly election
Sowell 1986: In the election for a constituent assembly for the state of Cundinamarca, "the Conservative slate won the contest, polling about two-thirds of the 1400 votes cast" (page 222).
Sowell 1986: In 1868 "the [Radical/Conservative front] dissolved, and the Conservatives moved to embrace Mosqueristas in their drive for power" (page 171).
Presidential election (Gutiérrez / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal and one Conservative presidential candidates (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 1o de marzo de 1868 se reunió el Congreso Nacional con el objeto de hacer el escrutinio de los votos para Presidente de la Unión" (page 124). Gives the states that voted for each candidate. Gives the results of the popular elections for president in the states of Boyacá and Panamá (page 125).
State assembly election
Park 1985: "Gutiérrez Vergara entered office without difficulty and enjoyed a tranquil six months until mid-1868, when new elections for state assembly were won by the Liberals" (page 116).
Sowell 1986: Discusses the 1868 elections for state legislators (pages 226-228).
Election of presidential electors
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El día septiembre 8 de 1869 en la ciudad de Cartagena, se reunió la Asamblea Legislativa, con el objeto de proceder al escrutinio de las elecciones verificadas en los Distritos del Estado para Presidente de la Unión" (page 126). Gives the votes in the state for three presidential candidates.
Ortíz Mena 1985: "Elecciones del estado de Antioquia para poder ejecutivo de los E.U. de Colombia – 1869" (pages 81-82).
Sowell 1986: "The presidential election of 1869 did not result in coordinated efforts to recruit artisan voters" (page 238). Describes the election (pages 238-239).
Delpar 1981: "Voting requirements varied from state to state, but by the 1870s the earlier Liberal ideal of universal manhood suffrage had been considerably modified" (page 104). Gives information on voting requirements and electoral procedures in the different states (pages 104-109).
Presidential election (Salgar / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal and one Conservative presidential candidates (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El candidato de los radicales para suceder a Gutiérrez fue el General Eustorgio Salgar, los conservadores proclamaron como candidato a Tomás C. de Mosquera. Triunfó Salgar con el voto de seis Estados entre ellos Magdalena y Boyacá. Tomás C. de Mosquera sólo alcanzó el triunfo en 3 estados, entre ellos el de Bolívar y Tolima" (page 126).
Presidential election (Murrillo Toro / PL)
Arizmendi Posada 1989: Murrillo Toro "vuelve, reelegido, al mando ejecutivo de 1872 a 1874, después de ganar las elecciones a Mallarino y al general caucano Julián Trujillo" (page 123).
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal and one Conservative presidential candidates (page 290).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El señor Murillo triunfó por el voto de seis Estados" (page 127).
Park 1985: "Although Manuel Murillo, the Radical candidate, easily won election as president for the 1872-1874 term, Conservatives in general and the states of Antioquia and Tolima cast their ballots for Mallarino" (page 126).
Delpar 1981: "At times it seemed as if the electoral process were never ending…In 1873 an editorialist making an appeal for electoral reform observed that since each state held its presidential election at a different time, the Colombian people endured constant agitation for eight or ten months of every election year" (pages 97-98). "Although each of the nine states had its own constitution and electoral code, both of which were frequently modified, there was considerable uniformity in election procedure. Ordinarily popular elections were held for president of the Union, state president or governor, representatives to the lower house of Congress, and deputies to the state legislature. In some states senators were also chosen by popular vote; thus in the election year 1873 senators were popularly elected in Magdalena, Santander, Cauca, Antioquia, and Tolima, but were elected by the state assemblies in Bolívar, Boyacá, and Cundinamarca" (page 104).
Election of presidential electors
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "La votación para esas elecciones se hacía por representación de votos de los municipios que conformaban cada Estado como el caso del Cauca" (page 127). Gives the votes by municipality in Cauca for two presidential candidates.
Ortíz Mena 1985: "Elecciones del estado de Antioquia para poder ejecutivo de los E.U. de Colombia – 1873" (pages 83-84). "Elección para presidente del estado de Antioquia en1873" (pages 85-86).
Presidential election (Pérez / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal presidential candidates (page 290).
Election of presidential electors
Delpar 1981: "The elections of 1875 unfolded in a climate of abnormal tension and violence…Since neither Núñez nor Parra won the five state votes needed for election, the contest had be be decided by Congress" (page 117).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Las elecciones para Presidente de La Unión, Gobernador del Estado y Representantes al Congreso se realizaron en Cundinamarca el 1o de agosto de 1875" (page 128). Gives the votes for two presidential candidates by municipality in the state of Cundinamarca.
Oquist 1980: Describes the election (pages 67-68).
Park 1985: "The Costeño challenge to the Cachaco: the election of 1875" (pages 75-105). Detailed description of the campaign and election.
Park 1986: "Colombia's 1875 election was one of the most intensely fought and pivotal political contests in the nation's history. It has attracted well-deserved attention because it delineated factionalism within the Liberal party to the point of no return, and it marked the sudden emergence of Rafael Nuñez to national prominence as leader of one of the two contending Liberal factions" (page 453).
Posada-Carbó 1994: "The 1875 conflict was at least as much about elections as about war, and its study is useful in contributing to the neglected field of Colombian electoral history, and in appreciating under what circumstances electoral contests ended in military confrontations, to what extent civil wars and electioneering were inter-related" (page 623). This article includes a detailed analysis of the election. "By 1875, presidential elections were restricted but direct in Cundinamarca, Santander and Boyacá; restricted and indirect in Antioquia and Tolima; male universal suffrage had been introduced in Panamá, Bolívar, Magdalena and Cauca. In addition, elections were held at different dates throughout the year in an electoral calendar where States scrutinised each other's results while the centre followed developments closely in the hope of controlling the final outcome" (page 625).
Rausch 1999: "The disruptive election of 1875 shattered the uneasy consensus the Radicals had forged among Liberals" (page 13).
Sowell 1986: Describes the 1875 election (pages 252-254).
Deas 1993: "El período federal produjo cuarenta y dos nuevas constituciones estatales y antes de 1876 las elecciones fueron casi continuas, puesto que los distintos estados no votaban simultáneamente ni siquiera para la elección del presidente de la Federación" (pages 210-211).
Delpar 1981: "(G)reater uniformity was achieved by the constitutional reform of 1876, which provided that presidential elections be held on the same date throughout the country" (page 98).
Presidential election (Parra / PL)
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Por Aquileo Parra hubo 48 votos, por Rafael Núñez 18 y por el coterráneo de éste, el conservador Bartolomé Calvo, 18" (page 148).
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal and one Conservative presidential candidates (page 290).
Delpar 1981: "After three weeks of uncertainty and intrigue, the balloting took place on 21 February 1876 and resulted in a victory for Parra, who received forty-eight votes; Núñez received eighteen, as did Conservative Bartolomé Calvo" (page 117).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 21 de febrero de 1876 se reúne el Congreso con el objeto de hacer el escrutinio de los votos dados por los Estados, para Presidente de la República, para el período constitucional que comienza el primero de abril siguiente" (page 128). Gives the results of the state elections and the vote in congress (pages 129-130). Gives the results of the election for presidential designates
(pages 131-132).
Park 1986: Lists states who voted for each candidate (pages 470-471).
Park 1985: "War broke out in Cauca when Conservative forces attacked the municipal authorities of Palmira on July 11…The heaviest fighting of the war of 1876-1877 occurred in Tolima, Cauca, and Antioquia, where Liberal and Conservative armies of thousands of men maneuvered against each other" (page 147).
Park 1986: "The bitter factionalism within the Liberal party revealed by the [1875] election directly contributed to the costly civil war of 1876-1877 by leading Conservatives to the mistaken assumption that the defeated Nuñistas would tacitly support an insurrection against the Radicals" (page 453).
Rausch 1999: "The civil war of 1876-77 cost ten million pesos and hundreds of lives, and the Radical victory on the battlefield had the effect of further alienating their Independent and Conservative rivals" (page 13).
Oquist 1980: "The Conservative defeat led to sanctions against the church figures who had been conspicuous in the leadership of the rebel movement. The bishops of Santa Fé de Antioquia, Medellín, Popayán, and Pasto were exiled, and the church was subjected to stricter state control" (page 68).
Park 1985: "As an immediate result of the war the Liberals acquired a degree of political power they had not enjoyed since 1864 when Conservatives seized control of Antioquia. Following the end of hostilities the triumphant Liberals replaced the Conservative regimes of Antioquia and Tolima with military governments, enacted a law on religious inspection, and ordered the exile of the bishops of Cauca and Antioquia" (page 151).
Presidential election (Trujillo / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Liberal candidate Julián Trujillo wins nine state unit votes (page 290).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Los liberales moderados y los conservadores apoyaron la candidatura del General Julián Trujillo elegido popularmente como único candidato" (page 132).
Oquist 1980: "The presidential succession in 1878 went to the Liberal war hero General Julián Trujillo, who formed a mixed Independent-Radical cabinet, with the former group occupying the most important positions" (page 68).
Osterling 1989: "General Trujillo's administration marked the beginnings of a transition between the radical Liberal Party's policies, programs, and excesses of the 1850s, 1860s, and 1870s, and the return of the Conservative Party to power" (page 69).
Park 1985: "At the time of Trujillo's election the Radicals controlled the government of every state except Bolívar, where Núñez served as governor from 1876 to 1879" (page 160).
Abel 1987: "Los conservadores y la Iglesia consolidaron un sistema político durante la década de 1880 en el que las comunidades pequeñas tenían representación personal en las capitales departamentales (que eran a su vez representadas en Bogotá) donde la deferencia era el principal vínculo político" (page 78).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "1880 y 1886: número de senadores a elegir" (page 203). "1880 y 1886: composición numérica de la cámara" (page 225).
Presidential election (Núñez / PL)
Alexander 1973: "In spite of having been the Liberal candidate, however, Núñez turned quickly toward the Conservatives; and his inauguration marked the beginning of a long era of Conservative rule. The Liberals did not regain control of the government of Colombia until 1930" (page 22).
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for one Liberal and one Conservative presidential candidate (page 290).
Park 1985: "Rafael Núñez wrought a profound change in Colombian history after his election as president for the two-year term beginning in 1880. More than any other nineteenth-century Colombian, he transformed Colombia from a loosely bound association of regions into a nation-state" (page 189).
Peeler 1985: "By the 1880s growing sectors of the Liberal leadership had become convinced that no matter how open Colombia's trade policy might be, it had to have a government capable of maintaining order and promoting development. Much of the Colombian ruling class united behind dissident Liberal Rafael Núñez, who was able to capture the presidency in coalition with the Conservatives" (page 49).
February: presidential election (Zaldúa / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal presidential candidates (page 290).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Gives the names of the states that voted for Zaldúa (page 132) and the votes in congress for the three presidential designates (page 133).
Bushnell 1993: Otálora (Liberal), presidential designate, takes office at the death of Zaldúa (page 290).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: President dies on December 21, 1882 and his second designate governs until April 1884 (pages 132-133).
Presidential election (Núñez / PL)
Bushnell 1993: Gives state unit votes for two Liberal presidential candidates (page 290).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Realizadas las elecciones, Rafael Núñez obtuvo nuevamente la Presidencia de la República, por el voto de los liberales independientes y apoyo unánime de los conservadores" (page 133). "Ha sido imposible para el equipo investigador que acopió la información electoral anterior, obtener los resultados de la votación entre 1878 y 1886" (page 134).
Oquist 1980: "The Radical-Independent competition placed the country on the verge of civil war in 1884...A victorious Núñez attempted to defuse the explosive sitaution by forming a 'National Union' cabinet composed of three Independents, two Radicals, and two Conservatives" (page 69).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "Liberals and Conservatives…joined to form the National Party, a coalition that in February 1884 brought Núñez to the presidency for a second term" (page 26).
Bergquist 1978: "In 1885 Liberals lost control of politics to Conservatives, the liberal world view was repudiated, and a conservative political and economic philosophy consistent with Colombia's reversion to a relatively closed agrarian economy became dominant in Colombia" (page 8). "The Conservative party endorsed Núñez for the presidency in 1884 and rescued his government when the Radical Liberals revolted in 1885. Victorious in the war, the Independent Liberals and their Conservative allies organized themselves into a new party, the Nationalists, under the direction of Núñez and turned to consolidating their control" (page 15).
Deas 1993: "Los liberales perdieron su posición predominante en 1885, en parte debido a que su sistema electoral había llegado a ser demasiado herméticamente simple" (page 218). "(D)urante los cuarenta y cinco años que van de 1885 a 1930, la Iglesia fue el brazo electoral de los conservadores. El liberalismo era pecado: las pastorales colombianas eran intensas e insistentes sobre este punto" (page 219).
Henderson 1985: Rafael Núñez "struck down the Rio Negro constitution in 1885, after his election by a coalition of Conservatives and moderate Liberals. He announced a program of national 'regeneration' that returned the country to centralized, strong presidential rule" (page 46). Liberals "never resigned themselves to the defeat imposed by Rafael Núñez and the Conservatives, and on three occasions between 1885 and 1895 tried to regain power through the use of force" (page 50).
Horgan 1983: "Núñez's Nationalists took power in 1885 and ruled until 1889…The 1885-98 period, known as the Regeneration, began the Conservative hegemony" (page 11).
Angell 2001: "The 1886 Constitution reflected the history which had led to its formulation: a succession of civil wars over the nature of the six constitutions which had preceded it since 1821. It marked the definitive victory of centralism over the strongly federalist regimes of the period from 1858" (page 18).
Bergquist 1978: "The period of Nationalist hegemony, called the Regeneration in Colombian history, began with the writing of a constitution that the Nationalists considered appropriate to Colombian realities" (page 15).
Bergquist 1986: "The accession to power in Colombia in 1886 of a Conservative regime bent on restoring Church privileges and pursuing economic and monetary policies bitterly opposed by import-export interests and dramatically at odds with liberal economic orthodoxy in the Western world reversed the direction of nineteenteenth-century Colombian history. Thereafter, until the start of the twentieth century, Colombia followed a political course anamalous in the pattern of late-nineteenth-century developments in the other nations of the region" (page 290).
Bushnell 1993: The Constitution of 1886 "was rigidly centralist: the states, renamed 'departments,' retained elected assemblies with limited power to adopt local ordinances, but their governors were named by the national president, and the governors in turn named all the mayors. The party that controlled the presidency could thus wield an absolute monopoly of executive power at all levels…The new constitution further strengthened the national presidency by extending the term to six years and by authorizing immediate reelection. The suffrage was limited once again on a nationwide basis, by the imposition of a literacy requirement for national (not local) elections" (page 143).
Galbraith 1966: "The Constitution of 1886 was strongly centralist and pro-clerical; it declared Roman Catholicism to be the national religion under the protection of the government" (page 14).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El Consejo Nacional de Delegatarios formado por Plenipotenciarios de los Estados, expidió la Constitución de 1886 firmada por José María Campo Serrano. El Consejo Nacional de Delegatarios elige unánimemente por seis años al doctor Rafael Núñez; y para Vicepresidente al General Eliseo Payán (18 votos), también por unanimidad" (page 134). "1880 y 1886: número de senadores a elegir" (page 203).
Horgan 1983: "The 1886 charter gave the departmental assemblies…the right to elect senators" (page 25).
Kline 1995: "Under the stipulations of the Constitution of 1886, a change of party in the presidency inevitably led to a change in law-enforcement policy…In the highly partisan Colombian political world, Conservative police officers (appointed by Conservative mayors or governors) were more likely to apply the strict letter of the law to Liberals and vice versa" (page 41).
Martz 1997: "The two parties after 1886 assumed the guise, then, of regional federations of Conservatism and Liberalism. Hereditary hatreds inevitably grew deeper, political conflict degenerated into violence, and for many clientelistic followers the allegiance to party and patron was more basic than identification with an amorphous national entity known as Colombia. The resolution of disputes by armed contest grew even as the two parties were active in the national congress and sought to win electoral advantage whenever possible" (page 47).
Osterling 1989: On "5 August 1886, a new Constitutional Assembly met and adopted the sixth name, 'Republica de Colombia,' and the nation returned to centralism" (page 46). "The forty-four year period between the approval of the Constitution of 1886 and the 1930 election of Liberal Party President Enrique Olaya Herrera is known in Colombian history as the Conservative Republic. All the Chiefs of State of this period were members of the Conservative Party, and despite stringent and even violent efforts, the Liberal Party was unable to regain power until 1930" (page 72).
Posada-Carbó 1996: "Political centralization was a major goal of the 1886 constitutional reforms. Appointed by the President, governors were placed at the head of each 'departamento.' 'Alcaldes' in command of each 'municipio' were, in turn, appointed by these governors. In theory, presidents and governors alike had the right to appoint and replace their dependants at will. In practice, however, they could not ignore the political considerations which governed their relations with the elected bodies, the national 'Senado' and 'Cámara,' the departmental 'asambleas' and the municipal 'concejos'" (page 222).
Posada-Carbó 1997: "The regime that came to power in 1886 centralized the electoral system. Each of the nine states that had formed the union since 1863 had hitherto given themselves independent and diverse electoral laws, such as those regulating the qualification of voters. New legislation established two categories of voters and, for some posts, introduced a two-tier system of elections. All citizens—that is, every adult male, with the exception of vagrants—had the right to vote for 'concejeros municipales' and 'diputados,' municipal councilors and deputies in departmental assemblies. Literacy and property requirements…were established for voting to elect representatives for the lower chamber. This same restriction was imposed on voting for 'electores'—those who, in turn, elected the president of the republic. Finally, senators were elected by the diputados" (page 257).
Sowell 1986: "The Constitution of 1886…reversed many of the tenets of liberalism and federalism that had dominated the country since the 1850s. It established a centralized government in which the president had strong control over departmental authorities and was given extensive powers to be used in the case of internal emergencies...Núñez was selected by the Council of Delegates to seve a six-year presidential term, as allowed by the new document. Eliseo Payán was chosen vice-president, an office created by the constitution. The Radicals were decidely opposed to this extension of the Nuñez administration and to the new constitution itself, but as they had proven unable to maintain control by either legitimate or violent political means, they were forced to bide their time for the present. They acted as had Conservatives following their defeat of 1862—as an occasionally significant third political force" (pages 265-266).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "(T)he Constitution of 1886 [was adopted] by a national council made up of two delegates from each state…[It] renamed the country the Republic of Colombia and, with amendments, remained in effect in the late 1980s" (page 26).
Willis 1999: "The constitution recognized subnational governments as separate units with distinct functional responsibilities but granted the president the power to appoint departmental governors. They in turn appointed the mayors of all other municipalities except Bogotá. These appointed governors exercised effective veto power over popularly elected departmental assemblies and municipal councils" (page 30).
Galbraith 1966: "In 1887 President Núñez arranged a Concordat with the Papacy which gave back to the Church all the powers and privileges which it had enjoyed during the Colonial period" (page 15).
Horgan 1983: "Liberals left the Nationalist party in 1887 because of continued violence" (page 11).
Oquist 1980: "Carlos Holguín...was the acting chief executive from 1888 through 1892. Núñez, however, remained the ultimate power behind the throne" (page 72).
Delpar 1981: "According to Title 17 of the constitution and the basic election law (number 7 of 31 January 1888), presidential electors were to be chosen on the first Sunday in December of an election year; the following February they were to gather in electoral assemblies to cast their ballots for president and vice president" (page 148). Gives the qualifications to be an elector.
López-Alves 2000: In "May 1888, Congress granted extraordinary powers to the president…(I)t was not until after the defeat of the Liberals in the war of 1885 that the estados were transformed into departamentos, and the president could appoint governors and political chiefs" (page 102).
Departmental and municipal elections
Delpar 1981: Liberals abstained from these elections in 1888 (page 144).
Sowell 1986: In the 1888 election for deputies to the departmental assembly (Cundinamarca?) "Camacho and the National party slate won the context, with the carpenter/editor receiving 2,940 votes from the 4,319 participating voters" (page 269).
Deas 1993: "El alto mando conservador sin duda acogía con gusto el apoyo clerical, y en 1890 lo reforzaron con la vuelta definitiva de los jesuitas" (page 219).
Departmental and municipal elections
Delpar 1981: Liberals abstained from these elections in 1890 (page 144).
Presidential election (Holguín)
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Holguín is elected president by congress on July 26, 1890 with 70 votes against 14 votes for Vélez (pages 134-135).
Bergquist 1978: "The election of 1891 marked a turning point in Regeneration politics. The split that developed in that year between the governing Nationalists and the dissident Conservatives widened in subsequent years to a point of total estrangement" (page 42).
Sowell 1986: "The National party, whose unity had been strained for some time, was shattered by the presidential election of 1891" (page 271). Describes the December 1891 election (pages 271-272). "Of the 5,000 legal ballots cast in the capital, 3,357 went to the Nationalists, 1,350 to the Liberals, and only 150 to…Vélez. Throughout the nation, the voting easily returned a victory for the Nationalists, although the party remained divided by the presidential election" (page 272).
February: presidential election (Núñez / PN)
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for two National Party candidates (page 290).
Delpar 1981: "When the electoral assemblies met on 2 February, Núñez and Caro received 2,075 and 2,082 votes, respectively, and Vélez and Ortiz received 509 and 503, respectively" (page 152).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Resultado del escrutinio general de las votaciones para presidente y vicepresidente de la república – 1892-1898" (page 136-138). Gives by electoral district the votes for two presidential and two vice-presidential candidates. Source is "El Telegrama" of Bogotá, March 9, 1896.
Oquist 1980: Describes the 1892 presidential election (page 72).
Osterling 1989: "Nunez returned to power in 1892. In the presidential elections that took place that year, the Liberal Party abstained and a divided Conservative Party participated" (page 73).
May: election
Delpar 1981: "After the conclusion of the presidential contest, the Liberal Center began its preparations for the May 1892 elections for seats in municipal councils, departmental assemblies, and the Chamber of Representatives. All citizens were eligible to vote for municipal councilors and deputies to the assemblies, who served two-year terms. Voting qualifications for the Chamber of Representatives were the same as for presidential electors" (page 152).
Sowell 1986: "Liberals presented their own candidates for the May 1892 congressional elections" (page 272).
Bushnell 1993: "Caro (National), vice-president, completes term interrupted by death of Núñez" (page 29).
Oquist 1980: "Rafael Núñez's death in 1894 led to renewed opposition activity as 'La Regeneración's' opponents assumed that the Nationalists would soon lose their internal coherence" (page 74).
Bergquist 1976: "Although throughout the 1890's a majority of Liberal leaders and virtually all Historical Conservative leaders favored peaceful means to achieve their political and economic ends, a Liberal minority chose to revolt in 1895. The Nationalist government easily crushed the movement" (page 10).
April: election
Delpar 1981: "In 1896 elections for municipal councilors and deputies to the departmental assemblies were scheduled for Sunday, 26 April, and for members of the Chamber of Representatives for 3 May" (page 164).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "En este año hubo elecciones para Representantes a la Cámara el 26 de abril de 1896" (page 225).
Payne 1968: "An observer of the elections of 1896...noted that intimidation and fraud were extreme throughout the country, with the exception of Antioquia where the opposition Liberals were rather fairly treated (indeed, winning two seats in the House of Representatives in a strongly Conservative department)" (page 103).
December: election of presidential electors
Bergquist 1976: "The presidential election of 1897 was a focal point in an ongoing political struggle between Colombian elite factions which would culminate two years after the election in the outbreak of the longest and bloodiest of Colombia's nineteenth-century civil wars, the War of the Thousand Days" (page 3). "Occupational distribution by party of presidential electors and alternates for the district of Bogotá, 1897" (page 26).
Bergquist 1978: "Occupational distribution by party of presidential electors and alternates for the district of Bogotá, 1897" (pages 70-71). "On December 5, 1897, the long-awaited election finally took place. First returns indicated an incredible Liberal victory. Liberals hailed the election in Bogotá as one of the purest ever held in Colombia, and Liberal voting inspectors reported that 3,788 votes had been cast for Liberal electors versus 2,385 for the Nationalists and 1,162 for the Historical Conservatives. Returns from the provinces quickly changed the picture, however, as Nationalists triumphed over Historical Conservatives and Liberals in most areas and piled up a majority of the electors. Fraud, virtually absent in the capital, apparently was widespread in the provinces" (page 74).
Delpar 1981: The election for presidential electors is on December 5, 1897 (page 167). Gives the results of the election in Bogotá (page 168).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Los electores elegidos el 5 de diciembre de 1897 votaron posteriormente para Presidente y Vicepresidente" (pages 139-141). Gives the votes by electoral district for Nacionalistas, Radicales, and "disidentes." Source is "El Nacionalista" for January 9, 1898.
Sowell 1986: Describes the 1897 election (pages 279-280).
February: presidential election (Sanclemente / PN)
Bergquist 1978: "The final stage of the election took place on February 1, 1898. Historical Conservative leaders and Reyes instructed their electors to cast their votes for the Nationalist ticket. Final results gave Sanclemente 1,606 votes and Marroquín 1,693; Samper 318 and Soto 324; and Reyes 121" (page 74).
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for three presidential candidates (page 290).
Delpar 1981: "Although electors were chosen on 5 December, the winning presidential and vice presidential candidates would not be elected until the electoral assemblies met on 1 February 1898" (page 168). "According to the 'escrutinio' of votes cast in the electoral assemblies, Sanclemente received 1,606 votes, Samper 318 (two-thirds of them from Cundinamarca and Antioquia), and Reyes, 121, all of them from Cauca" (page 169).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Resultado general de las elecciones para presidente y vicepresidente: datos suministrados por los comités – 1898" (pages 142-143). Gives votes for each candidate by electoral district. "Resumen de la votación" (page 144). Source is "El Nacionalista" of February 21, 1898. Also gives total votes won by each of three candidates as reported by "La Crónica" of July 5, 1898.
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In 1898 Nationalist candidate Manuel Antonio Sanclemente was elected president. In ill health, Sanclemente left much of the governing to his vice president, José Manuel Marroquín" (page 27).
Bergquist 1976: "(T)he contention between Colombian political factions, exacerbated by deepening crisis in the coffee economy, would lead to a breakdown of constitutional political processes and the start of the War of the Thousand Days in October, 1899" (page 29).
Bergquist 1986: "A sharp decline in world coffee prices plunged the Colombian economy into crisis at the end of the 1890's. Moderate liberal reformers lost control of their respective parties to extremist sectarian leaders, and the nation was plunged once more into civil war. The great war that enveloped Colombian society between 1899 and 1902 was the largest civil conflict fought in Colombia or any other Latin American nation during the nineteenth century" (page 293).
McDonald 1989: "Liberal attempts to depose the Conservatives by force ended with the War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902), the longest and most destructive of Colombia's many nineteenth-century civil wars" (page 78).
Peeler 1985: "Colombia entered the twentieth century through the fiery baptism of the War of a Thousand Days, a destructive civil war between armies of Liberals and Conservatives which was an unsuccessful attempt on the part of the former to break the hegemony of the latter in the national government. The political system was at that time the preserve of a small elite based on coffee and trade and divided by traditional Liberal and Conservative party loyalties. Although political participation was the prerogative of the elite, large parts of the population were tied to one or the other party by means of patron-client ties, which made them available for either voting or fighting, depending on the circumstance" (pages 27-28).


text:
Real Intent and DeFacTo Deliver Combined RTL Sign-off Flow for Clock Domain Crossing and Design for Test
Integration of DeFacTo's SIGNOFF and Real Intent's Meridian CDC Accelerates Sign-off
Real Intent Inc., the leading provider of software products that accelerate early functional verification and advanced sign-off of electronic designs, and DeFacTo Technologies SA, whose breakthrough technology dramatically enhances the design for test (DFT) process and increases the testability of ICs and SoCs, today announced a combined RTL sign-off flow for both CDC and DFT that accelerates the sign-off process. The new flow resulting from their collaboration integrates DeFacTo's SIGNOFF solution with Real Intent's clock domain crossing solution, Meridian CDC, offering a best-in-class solution for SoC design teams worldwide. The companies will demonstrate the joint flow in DeFacTo's booth (#409) and Real Intent's booth (#1031) at the Design Automation Conference, in Austin, Texas, next month.
SIGNOFF is an RTL DFT evaluation and enhancement platform. It helps reach high DFT quality levels in a more predictable timeframe and allows earlier DFT analysis and enhancement at the block, the IP core and the top levels; and it makes possible RTL DFT exploration including test compression, memory/logic BIST and JTAG. Real Intent's Meridian CDC is the fastest, highest-capacity and most precise CDC solution in the market. It performs comprehensive structural and functional analysis to ensure that signals crossing asynchronous clock domains on ASIC or FPGA devices are received reliably. With a capacity exceeding 500M gates, Meridian CDC is the only solution to enable all aspects of CDC sign-off.
Dr. Chouki Aktouf, Ph.D., founder, president and CEO of DeFacTo, said, "Our collaboration with Real Intent is a natural outcome of our complementary product offerings that help eliminate complex failure modes of SoCs at the RTL stage of design. We are pleased to extend our reach through this partnership because Real Intent is a company known for serving design teams worldwide with best-in-class verification solutions."
Hamed Emami, vice president of worldwide sales at Real Intent, added, "DeFacTo offers unique technology for testability sign-off at the pre-synthesis stage of design. By partnering with DeFacTo, we bring design teams the best platforms in the market for RTL sign-off for both DFT and CDC issues."
About DeFacTo
DeFacTo Technologies SA, a chip design software company, develops technology to enhance design and DFT processes at RTL. The company offers a suite of tools for the planning, analysis, insertion, and debug needs of designers. Its products include SIGNOFF, an EDA tool that allows scan logic insertion at the RTL; and STAR, a customizable RTL-to-RTL editing tool for IP cores and SoC blocks.
About Real Intent
Companies worldwide rely on Real Intent's EDA software to accelerate early functional verification and advanced sign-off of electronic designs. Real Intent's comprehensive CDC verification, advanced RTL analysis and sign-off solutions eliminate complex failure modes of SoCs, and lead the market in performance, capacity, accuracy and completeness. Please visit www.realintent.com for more information.
Contact Information
Real Intent990 Almanor Ave
Suite 220
Sunnyvale,, CA , 94070
tele: 408-830-0700
fax: 408-737-1962

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Market research is the action or activity of gathering information about consumers' needs and preferences. Market research is often carried out, during the business planning stage of a business. However it's much more than that and it's an essential and ongoing component of all successful businesses and here are twelve ways to use market research for your business.
Discover Your Target Market
Too many people make products and then try and find a market for them, however this is completely the wrong way to do things, you should first find the market you want to work with and then create products for it. Market research allows you to find your target audience, even if you already have your product, so that you can get your marketing materials right.
Get to Know Your Potential Customers
When conducting your market research you'll get to know your potential customers better, when you know them better you will be able to create buyer personas that help you with all your marketing activities which really get results.
Develop New Products and/or Services
Once you get to know what is going on in your marketplace you'll get more ideas about products and services that you can offer your audience to solve their problems. You could also get ideas from reading industry news or from studying what your competition is doing.
Refresh Your Marketing Efforts
At times your marketing efforts might become stale and even though your audience doesn't change they can change how they feel about things. For example, what was considered acceptable marketing in the 1950's isn't acceptable today, you need to refresh and update your marketing as needed.
Determine Who Your Competitors Are
Do you know who your real competitors are? It's important to identify who your competitors are so that you can study them and keep your eye on them and what they are doing. Sign up for their newsletter and even purchase some of their products. You shouldn't copy them, but do use them as a standard bearer so that you can do better.
Educate Yourself to Become an Expert
The more information you learn about your industry and the market for your products and services, the closer you'll become to being an expert, it just naturally happens, especially if you read as much as possible to ensure your knowledge grows and is kept up-to-date.
Confirm Your Ideas
It's important that when you have an idea or assumption about anything to do with your business, you do the research to determine if it's actually right in the eyes of your audience. Sometimes anecdotal stories are wrong; sometimes a result is an outlier and not true. Only market research can help determine what is genuinely right and wrong.
Learn New Opinions
While carrying out your market research you'll also learn about totally new ideas and opinions you never considered before. You may find during your research that they are wrong or you may find out that they're right. Only proper research will help you determine this.
Keep Up with New Technologies in Your Industry
Keeping up with market research will also help you learn about technology as is released and developed. Every day new technologies are being discovered that can help you with your business. Without the proper research you won't know about it and it's all too easy to get trapped within your four walls and not realize what is happening outside.
Market Research Allows You To Identify New Trends
As you're doing your research, you'll start to be able to identify new trends that are happening right now. These trends are things that you need to jump on because as fast as they come, they change and be gone.
Avoid Marketing Mistakes
Business owners who avoid market research are prone to making horrible marketing mistakes. They are at risk of believing their own biases and their own propaganda. If you want a laugh and a cringe or two, see Ad Week's list of advertising and marketing fails, just make sure yours isn't the next one.
Link to Ad Week – http://www.adweek.com/topic/fail
Track Your Own Brand
Many people don't realize that during market research you'll also be able to determine how you're doing as a brand getting information out to the public. If you do not run into your own articles, interviews, blog posts and research while searching, then you need to start working harder because if you don't see them, how can anyone else.
The fact is simple, without market research your success is in jeopardy. Some business owners will achieve accidental success but it will be hard to continue this trend. If you plan for success by conducting market research for your business, you will be set up for success right from day one. If you've already started, it's not too late to conduct market research to ensure that you achieve and maintain success.


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Declare a numerical variable precise and initialize it to the value 1.09388641.
We have a soft spot in our heart for those looking to achieve the American dream. When you see what we offer and ou… https://t.co/qK2mOGQg9P Tweet URL
One meeting and your are guaranteed to understand what makes us different from every other marketer you have ever m… https://t.co/3ra231jRNP Tweet URL
Have you ever met a marketer that could themselves develop the software your business needs to automate its day to… https://t.co/8YvUr0bEcL Tweet URL
Popeye's creates "12-hour drive-thru" that no one will ever use https://t.co/9dzySKYdN3 Tweet URL
Well this is interesting... What's your thoughts on the new approach? https://t.co/FS8ALUY2kN Tweet URL


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Pelargonium is a genus of flowering plants which includes about 200 species of perennial, succulent, and shrub plants, commonly known as geraniums. Confusingly, Geranium is the correct botanical name of a separate genus. Both genera are in the Family Geraniaceae. Linnaeus originally included all the species in one genus, Geranium, but they were later separated into two genera by Charles L'Héritier in 1789. Gardeners sometimes refer to the members of Genus Pelargonium as "pelargoniums" in order to avoid the confusion, but the older common name "geranium" is still in regular use.The first species of Pelargonium known to be cultivated was Pelargonium triste, a native of South Africa. It was probably brought to the botanical garden in Leiden before 1600 on ships which stopped at the Cape of Good Hope. In 1631, the English gardener, John Tradescant the elder, bought seeds from Rene Morin in Paris and introduced the plant to England. The name Pelargonium was introduced by Johannes Burman in 1738, from the Greek πελαργός /pelargós/ (=stork), because part of the flower looks like a stork's beak.Other than grown for their beauty, species of Pelargonium such as P. graveolens are important in the perfume industry and are cultivated and distilled for their scent. Although scented Pelargonia exist which have smells of citrus, mint, or various fruits, the varieties with rose scents are the most important commercially. Pelargonium distillates and absolutes, commonly known as "scented geranium oil" are sometimes used to supplement or adulterate expensive rose oils.Pelargonium leaves are usually alternate, and palmately lobed or pinnate, often on long stalks, and sometimes with light or dark patterns. The erect stems bear five-petaled flowers in umbel-like clusters called pseudoumbels. The shapes of the flowers have been bred to a variety ranging star-shaped to funnel-shaped, and colors include white, pink, red, orange-red, fuchsia to deep purple.References : WikipediaHere is a collection of the hybrids i grow.
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How to Create an Un-Opened Mail Filter
Novell Cool Solutions: Tip
Digg This -
Slashdot This
Posted: 16 Sep 2004
Version: GroupWise 6.5
- In the upper-right corner of the Main Window or calendar view, double-click on the filter icon .
- Click Advanced Filter.
- In the first drop-down list, click Item Status
- Click the operator drop-down list, click ! Does Not Include.
- In the next drop-down list, click Opened.
- In the last drop-down list, click End.
- Click OK
- To save the filter, click Filter > Save > enter a name > click OK > OK.
Notice the filter icon has changed to indicating that a filter is on.
To clear the filter. In the upper-right corner, click on the filter icon > Clear Filter.
Additional Information:
- Creating an Un-Read Mail Folder - by Tay Kratzer
- Filtering Items in the GroupWise 6.5 Documentation.
- Filtering: Finding a Needle in a Haystack - by Kathy Frandsen
Novell Cool Solutions (corporate web communities) are produced by WebWise Solutions. www.webwiseone.com


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Muslims are becoming the new Jews.
The most hyped one is the Muslim teaching assistant that got sacked because she refused to take off her veil in the classroom. This came about because the pupils claimed they could not understand her and she refused to take the veil off.
Many politicians have had their say. All seem to say that the veil causes a rift between Muslims and everybody else. I would disagree there - wars in the middle east and hate stories like this do. I won't go in the right or wrongs if she deserved to be sacked.
This main issue for me, is WHY OH WHY has this made front page news for the past 4 days?? (It was the most popular story on BBC news from Friday to Sunday. Isn't there more REAL important issues to talk about??
Like the army chief being highly critical of our military operations in Iraq/Afghanistan?
BBC Story with comments from ministers
Minister calls from veil-wearing TA to be sacked
Tessa Jowell's opinion
This has snowballed even further. Now the veil is banned in hospitals:
Now another story, which proves the subject title that Muslims have become the new Jews.
|Universities urged to spy on Muslims.
Vikram Dodd
Monday October 16, 2006
The Guardian
Lecturers and university staff across Britain are to be asked to spy on "Asian-looking" and Muslim students they suspect of involvement in Islamic extremism and supporting terrorist violence, the Guardian has learned.
They will be told to inform on students to special branch because the government believes campuses have become "fertile recruiting grounds" for extremists.
The Department for Education has drawn up a series of proposals which are to be sent to universities and other centres of higher education before the end of the year. The 18-page document acknowledges that universities will be anxious about passing information to special branch, for fear it amounts to "collaborating with the 'secret police'". It says there will be "concerns about police targeting certain sections of the student population (eg Muslims)".
The proposals are likely to cause anxiety among academics, and provoke anger from British Muslim groups at a time when ministers are at the focus of rows over issues such as the wearing of the veil and forcing Islamic schools to accept pupils from other faiths.
Wakkas Khan, president of the Federation of Student Islamic Societies, said: "It sounds to me to be potentially the widest infringement of the rights of Muslim students that there ever has been in this country. It is clearly targeting Muslim students and treating them to a higher level of suspicion and scrutiny. It sounds like you're guilty until you're proven innocent." Yet our country is supposed to represent the "innocent until proven guilty" system.
Gemma Tumelty, president of the National Union of Students, said: "They are going to treat everyone Muslim with suspicion on the basis of their faith. It's bearing on the side of McCarthyism."
The document, which has been obtained by the Guardian, was sent within the last month to selected official bodies for consultation and reveals the full extent of what the authorities fear is happening in universities.
It claims that Islamic societies at universities have become increasingly political in recent years and discusses monitoring their leaflets and speakers. The document warns of talent-spotting by terrorists on campuses and of students being "groomed" for extremism.
So because Muslims have become more political, it makes them extremists??
In a section on factors that can radicalise students, the document identifies Muslims from "segregated" backgrounds as more likely to hold radical views than those who have "integrated into wider society". It also claims that students who study in their home towns could act as a link between extremism on campuses and in their local communities.
I claim and identify the above paragraph to be total cack
The government wants universities to crack down on extremism, and the document says campus staff should volunteer information to special branch and not wait to be contacted by detectives.
It says: "Special branch are aware that many HEIs [higher education institutions] will have a number of concerns about working closely with special branch. Some common concerns are that institutions will be seen to be collaborating with the 'secret police'.
"HEIs may also worry about what special branch will do with any information supplied by an HEI and what action the police may subsequently take ... Special branch are not the 'secret police' and are accountable."
The document says radicalisation on campus is unlikely to be overt: "While radicalisation may not be widespread, there is some evidence to suggest that students at further and higher educational establishments have been involved in terrorist- related activity, which could include actively radicalising fellow students on campus." The document adds: "Perhaps most importantly, universities and colleges provide a fertile recruiting ground for students.
"There are different categories of students who may be 'sucked in' to an Islamist extremist ideology ... There are those who may be new to a university or college environment and vulnerable to 'grooming' by individuals with their own agenda as they search for friends and social groups; there are those who may be actively looking for extremist individuals with whom to associate. Campuses provide an opportunity for individuals who are already radicalised to form new networks, and extend existing ones."
The document urges close attention be paid to university Islamic societies and - under the heading "inspiring radical speakers" - says: "Islamic societies have tended to invite more radical speakers or preachers on to campuses ... They can be forceful, persuasive and eloquent. They are able to fill a vacuum created by young Muslims' feelings of alienation from their parents' generation by providing greater 'clarity' from an Islamic point of view on a range of issues, and potentially a greater sense of purpose about how Muslim students can respond."
It suggests checks should be made on external speakers at Islamic society events: "The control of university or college Islamic societies by certain extremist individuals can play a significant role in the extent of Islamist extremism on campus."
The document says potential extremists can be talent-spotted at campus meetings then channelled to events off campus.
The document gives five real-life examples of extremism in universities. The first talks of suspicious computer use by "Asian" students, which was reported by library staff. In language some may balk at, it talks of students of "Asian appearance" being suspected extremists.
A senior education department source told the Guardian: "There's loads of anecdotal evidence of radicalisation. At the same time there are people who pushing this who have their own agendas, and the government has to strike the right balance."
|Times Online October 16, 2006
Teachers asked to root out Islamic extremists
By Lech Mintowt-Czyz and agencies
The Government today called on teachers, lecturers and council employees to help root out Islamic extremism in schools, colleges and universities.
In defiance of the growing anger of Islamic leaders, Ruth Kelly, the Communities Secretary, insisted that those at the grassroots of society must join the fight against those who would radicalise British youngsters.
She really needs to keep her mouth shut, the amount of garbage that comes out of it, is unbelievable!
In a meeting with key council leaders Ms Kelly demanded that they use their local knowledge to identify "hotspot" sections of the community which could be a breeding ground for extremists.
She also said that they needed to look at new ways they could tackle the threat of extremism within education.
As part of the campaign the Department for Education has prepared plans to ask university staff and lecturers to inform police of Muslim and "Asian-looking" students they suspect of involvement in supporting terrorists.
An 18-page document due to be sent to universities and colleges by the end of the year expresses concern over Islamic societies and students from "segregated backgrounds".
Ms Kelly said: "It is about protecting students. There is a need for the strong monitoring of activities to make sure individual students on campus are protected.
What!?!?! I'm a student and I know this spying would NOT help me feel protected! There is not a need for strong monitoring. That is called control.
"The world has changed since September 11 and 7/7. The Government has had to change and respond to that, and we appeal to local authorities to do the same."
The announcement comes after the revelation that new faith schools could be forced to offer a quarter of their places to pupils of other religions and amid continuing rows over the use of veils by Muslim women.
Alan Johnson, the Education Secretary, is expected to suggest that opening up admissions to faith schools would help to ease racial tensions and give parents more choice. The move comes after a proposal this month by the Church of England to open up voluntarily 25 per cent of places in all its new schools to children irrespective of their religious beliefs.
The changes are likely to prove more controversial with Roman Catholics and Muslims. Critics of faith schools have long complained that they are exclusive and divide society, rather than promoting cohesion. About a third, or 7,000, of all state schools in England have a religious ethos, mostly Christian. Four-fifths of the top 200 state secondaries are faith schools.
Mr Johnson will table an amendment to the Education and Inspections Bill when it returns to the Lords this week requiring new faith schools to reserve a quarter of their places for non-believers or children of other faiths. The change would place the initial decision about a school's intake in the hands of the local education authority (LEA), enabling it to demand that up to a quarter of its places are open to families of different or no faiths.
Controversy also still surrounds the case of a Muslim teaching assistant who has been suspended after refusing to remove her veil in the classroom.
The Government's race minister, Phil Woolas, accused 24-year-old Aishah Azmi of "denying the right of children to a full education" and demanded she be sacked.
The Muslim Council of Britain condemned Mr Woolas for his "outrageous" and "reckless" comments.
The head of the Council, Muhammad Abdul Bari, has written to Ms Kelly complaining that a recent "drip feed" of ministerial statements over the issue has "stigmatised" the entire Muslim community.
He said: "What is happening, especially in the last few months, has been a barrage of demonisation of the Muslim community to such an extent that the community is now scared and the whole community feels vulnerable.
"Ministers are not helping in this discourse within the Muslim community. What, simply, they are doing is trying to undermine and marginalise further Muslim community, especially those organisations which have been working so hard for community cohesion."
But speaking after her hour-long meeting with council leaders, which was also attended by senior Metropolitan Police officer Andy Hayman, Ms Kelly insisted it was essential for people to continue to speak out on the subject.
She said: "I think we need to be strong enough as a society to debate these issues and it is far more difficult if people feel there is an imposed sense of restraint.
"It's far better to debate the issues than sweep them under the carpet when the question of children's education is at stake."
Paul Mackney, the joint general secretary of the University and College Union, said that they were deeply concerned about the Government's plans.
"We expressed concern that we were being sucked into a kind of Islamic McCarthyism which has major implications for academic freedom, civil liberties, and blurring of the boundaries between the illegal and the possibly undesirable," he said. At least somebody can see the signs!
Muslims are being discriminated, demonisied and victimised like the Jews used to be. (or anybody that was 'soft' on USSR). University lecturers encouraged to spy on "Asian looking" students and report anything suspicious to the special branch.This is abhorrent . Again a place of education and learning is being turned into a prison-like environment.
They are really becoming the new Jews. The war on terror (specifically on Al - Qaeda ) has been blurred into a War on Islam .
Am I wrong in suggesting that the media is promoting classic division techniques between the UK population and alienating Muslims communities even further?
Am I wrong in suggesting that the government is promoting and producing new regulations that divide the Muslim community from the rest?


text:
James Augustus "Jim" or "Catfish" Hunter (April 8, 1946 – September 9, 1999) was a professional baseball player in Major League Baseball (MLB). From 1965 to 1979, he was a pitcher for the Kansas City Athletics, Oakland Athletics, and New York Yankees. Hunter was the first pitcher since 1915 to win 200 career games by the age of 31. He is often referred to as baseball's first big-money free agent. He was a member of five World Series championship teams.
Hunter retired in 1979 after developing persistent arm problems. He was inducted into the National Baseball Hall of Fame in 1987. He was diagnosed with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, also known as Lou Gehrig's disease, in his early 50s. He died of the disease about a year after his diagnosis. Hunter has been the subject of numerous popular culture references, including the Bob Dylan song "Catfish".
For more informations
Be the first one who uploadthe trail map
You can contribute to your community.Upload it! :-)Upload


text:
Sun coverage
Here's a transcript of a call between former Henderson City Councilwoman Kathleen Vermillion's 15 year-old daughter and 911 on February 3, 2012.
Sources close to Vermillion characterized the emergency as a suicide attempt involving pills. While she has admitted to a habitual use of pills and alcohol to relax, Vermillion has denied the medical emergency was an attempt to take her own life.
Dispatcher: This is Sandy from 911 what is the location of your emergency?
Caller: Henderson, NV
Dispatcher: Ok. Where in Henderson is this?
Caller: It's um, 1420 Clipperton Avenue
Dispatcher: Can you spell the street?
Caller: That's the, like, the house street.
Dispatcher: What is it? Spell the street?
Caller: It's C-L-I-P-P-E-R-T-O-N
Dispatcher: OK, and what's going on there?
Caller: Um, my mom is throwing up everywhere and she can't talk and she said she is having a diabetic something, and, I don't know, she's just not in a good condition.
Dispatcher: OK. How old is she?
Caller: Um, she's 33, 44.
Dispatcher: 44. I'm going to ask you some questions, ok?
Caller: OK.
Dispatcher: Someone else is already sending the paramedic. Is she awake?
Caller: Yeah, she's awake but she can barely talk.
Dispatcher: OK. Is she breathing?
Caller: Yes she's breathing
Dispatcher: Is she completely alert?
Caller: Not really.
Dispatcher: Ok, is she breathing normal would you say?
Caller: Not really because she has been throwing up.
Dispatcher: She's been vomiting?
Caller: Yeah
Dispatcher: OK. And why do you say she can barely talk? Is it because of the vomiting? Or...
Caller: I dunno, she is just kind of shaking and can't really speak or move.
Dispatcher: OK. Where is she in the house?
Caller: She's in her, um, bathroom.
Dispatcher: In the bathroom, ok. Alright I'm sending the paramedics up you just stay on the line and I'll tell you what to do next.
Caller: Alright
Dispatcher: Please remind her to do what her doctor has instructed her to for these situations as far as diabetes are concerned.
Caller: OK.
Dispatcher: And just let her rest in a comfortable position and wait for help to arrive.
Caller: OK.
Dispatcher: Watch her very closely. If she becomes less awake and vomits I want you to quickly turn her on her side.
Caller: OK.
Dispatcher: OK. I know she's vomiting now so if she continues and becomes unconscious or something...
Caller: OK. She's shaking really bad right now - what should I do?
Dispatcher: Well, I mean the shaking, there's nothing for the shaking that we can do right now. I don't know what her doctor has told her when she is having a diabetic episode what to do.
Caller: Uhuh.
Dispatcher: Has she ever been over the instructions with you? What...
Caller: No, no, I don't even know what's going on right now.
Dispatcher: OK, but is she still awake.
Caller: Yeah
Dispatcher: OK. Good. The shaking is part of what's going on with her and the paramedics will be able to help her with that. My concern is her breathing and to make sure she is awake. If she stops breathing you need to let me know.
Caller: OK.
Dispatcher: OK, can you unlock the front door?
Caller: Yeah I can. Alright thank you.
Dispatcher: OK, listen. Put away any family pets, gather up her medications and have someone meet the paramedics. If she gets worse in any way before we get there I want you to call me back for further instructions.
Caller: OK
Dispatcher: What's the phone number you are calling from?
Caller: xxx-xxx-xxxx
Dispatcher: And your name?
Caller: (Deleted)
Dispatcher: OK.
Caller: Alright thank you.
Dispatcher: OK, they're on their way. 1420 Clipperton Avenue, right?
Caller: Yeah
Dispatcher: OK, they're on their way
Caller: Alright, thank you.


text:
Haunt #1
Ongoing Series
Image Comics
This is one of the "Image Firsts" line of first issues for a dollar, and it's a dollar well spent. It avoids most of the first-issue pitfalls displayed by Sleepwalker #1 (looked at in the last post) -- the lead characters are actually interesting, for one, as the issue follows a pair of brothers, one involved in covert military ops in the Middle East, the other a priest who hears his brother' confessions and has personal demons of his own to deal with. The titular figure doesn't even appear until the final couple of pages, but the issue never feels lacking, slow-moving, or decompressed because of it.
The art is a three-man job, with pencils by Ryan Ottley over layouts by Greg Capullo, finished off by co-creator Todd McFarlane on inks, and it's about what you'd expect from that combination of names -- although the fact that the bulk of the issue focuses on normal humans keeps the Spider-Man/Spawn-style posing and webbing/cape-accoutrements to a minimum. The real strength of the issue, though, is Robert Kirkman's script; while not perfect, it does a good job of involving the reader and overriding the occasional weakness in the art.
I'm not sure how many places are like this, but my local shop still had this comic on the current issue racks rather than in the back issue bins, so you should be able to track it down without much fuss. I won't be looking for more issues at cover price on the basis of this one, but I'll definitely be open to following the series if I can find it at similar prices.


text:
meta: new "sport" classification
You'll notice a new "sport" field you have to fill in to post a diary or message board post. This does nothing right now, but is required. In the next couple months I intend on launching sport-specific drilldown pages that contain only posts/diaries/forum topics about that sport, so that people who care about baseball or hockey can quickly find everything that's going on about that sport and people who only care about football can excise everything else. Setting this up now will make those pages look not naked. Items given a "N/A" will appear on the homepage but not the drilldown pages. Same with "other." Please only file items about college sports under the sports above. It's okay if it's about a rival or even a relatively unrelated team, but no pro stuff. I started off with a subset of sports that MGoBlog covers regularly. If someone pops up to cover wrestling or women's BB or something else we can add those whenever said pages would not embarrassingly sparse.


text: Making your mobile life easier!The Targus PA243U Notebook Portable LapDesk is a folding tray that supports a notebook computer or PDA keyboard while on your lap, plane service tray or other surfaces that require more stabilization. The thin design allows the LapDesk to be packed easily in a notebook case along side the computer, while it is sturdy enough to support the heaviest of laptops. The PA243U LapDesk also comes with an adjustable foot that can improve the cooling efficiency of your notebook by raising the back edge and increasing the airflow around the computer. Keep your notebook running cool, order your Targus PA243U Notebook Portable LapDesk today!


text:
Quotes About a Failing Marriage
077c138d22733b0942e33b6a5ce12945 Term paper about broken family
If you find yourself stuck in a viscous cycle in your marriage
Kids Say The Darnedest Things: Math Edition » Penelopes Oasis
This quote successfully explains why Daisy and Toms marriage has
with failing marriages isnt very good incentive to work on your own
| Love Husband Quotes, Husband Quotes and Husband Wife Quotes
Exactly!!what I dont understand is you ask for me to leave you alone
Tough Words about My Marriage and Myself.
dont worry if youre single quotes girly positive quotes quote girl
Talk Radio Movie Quotes. QuotesGram
My favorites on Pinterest | Skylar Diggins, Dennis Rodman and Michael
My Husband on Pinterest | Things About Boyfriends, Cancer Zodiac Signs
Toughicult for England but players just avoid crucifixion
hope direction and encouragement ministries inc
Marriage Quotes | QuoteHD
Restored By Edwin Lester More
marriage more broken relationships quotes humor marriage fail fail
Ben Affleck Shirtless Argo