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Executive Superstars, Peer Groups and Over- Compensation. Cause, Effect and Solution. Charles M. Elson 1. Craig K. Ferrere 2
- Augustine Townsend
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1 Executive Superstars, Peer Groups and Over- Compensation Cause, Effect and Solution BY Charles M. Elson 1 Craig K. Ferrere 2 The authors wish to thank the IRRC Institute for its generous financial support for the research culminating in this paper. 1 Edgar S. Woolard, Jr., Chair in Corporate Governance and Director the John L. Weinberg Center for Corporate Governance, University of Delaware;; Director, HealthSouth, Corp. 2 Edgar S, Woolard, Jr., Fellow in Corporate Governance, John L. Weinberg Center for Corporate Governance, University of Delaware. Electronic copy available at:
2 2 Contents INTRODUCTION... 3 I. PEER BENCHMARKING: THE PROCESS... 9 A. Historical Origins B. The Problem II. EVALUATING MARKET BASED PAY RATIONALIZATIONS A. Athletes, musicians, and corporate superstars B. The Firm & Industry Leaping Superstars C. CEO Skills: The Generalist D. Evidence on CEO Skill Transferability: Performance E. Evidence on CEO Skill Transferability: Turnover III. THIN LABOR MARKETS: ROOM FOR PEER GROUP INFLUENCE ON PAY A. The Definitive Peer Benchmark B. Balancing Costs in Setting Pay C. Board Guidance CONCLUSION Electronic copy available at:
3 3 INTRODUCTION The dramatic rise in CEO compensation over the past three decades has resulted in tremendous popular and shareholder discord. 3 Two distinct theories have long framed the analysis of this disconcerting trend. The first emphasizes board dynamics, alleging that management- dominated passive boards have allowed powerful executives to extract rent in the form of excessive compensation or perks at the expense of shareholders. 4 The 3 For long-run trends in executive compensation levels, see Carola Frydman and Dirk Jenter, CEO Compensation, 2 ANN. REV. FIN. ECON. 75, 79 (2010) (showing that during the period prior to the 1970s and after the Second World War, executive pay remained modest and the trend was approximately flat. After 1970 the pay of top executives began a sustained dramatic growth. During the 1990s the annual growth rate in median pay reached about 10%. The median compensation rose from a median level of $2.3 million in 1992 to $7.2 million by 2001). A significant portion of corporate earnings are paid out to top executives, see Lucian Bebchuk and Yaniv Grinstein, The Growth in Executive Pay, 21 OXFORD REV. ECON. POL Y 283, 297 (2005) (showing that the top five executives earned 5.0 percent of aggregate corporate earnings in the period and to 9.8 percent during ). Issues involving executive compensation have captured the public s attention, commonly addressed in newspapers and public hearings, see Kevin J. Murphy, Executive Compensation, in 3B HANDBOOK OF LABOR ECONOMICS 2485, 2845 (Orley Ashenfelter and David Card, Eds., 1999) (Observing that few issues in the history of the modern corporation have attracted the attention garnered by executive compensation in United States companies executive pay has become an international issue debated in Congress and routinely featured in frontpage headlines, cover stories, and television news shows );; U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Executive Pay: The Role of Compensation Consultants, Hearing. Washington: Office of the Clerk (December 7, 2007) (Chairman Henry Waxman s opening remarks read, Reports of astronomical payouts to corporate CEOs have led many to question the fairness and effectiveness of the system for setting executive pay. ) Academics have certainly shown interest, the growth in executive pay research vastly out clipped that in executive pay itself during the late-1980s and early 1990s, Kevin F. Hallock and Kevin J. Murphy, Introduction in THE ECONOMICS OF EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION (1998). 4 For descriptions of management dominated boards following Berle & Means, see generally MELVIN A. EISENBERG, THE STRUCTURE OF THE CORPORATION: A LEGAL ANALYSIS (1976) (describing passive boards which are dominated by management);; MYLES L. MACE, DIRECTORS: MYTH AND REALITY (1971) (delineating myth from reality in regards to board conduct, he concludes that at the time the President exercised the real power of control while boards did very little of substance). The management capture theory was naturally applicable to the study of executive compensation, see e.g., GRAEF S. CRYSTAL, IN SEARCH OF EXCESS (1991) (describing how directors and managers had taken control of executive compensation, decoupling management s pay from their performance);; Charles M. Elson, Executive Overcompensation-A Board-Based Solution, 34 BOSTON COLLEGE LAW REVIEW , 937 (1993) (arguing that the compensation problem is not responsive to a market-based solution and the best way to encourage more reasonable compensation was through more effective internal corporate oversight. The recommended solution was that independent directors be paid in company stock in order to overcome the captured board syndrome). Financial economists have identified empirically several common but incongruous compensation practices which they attribute to management skimming or rent capture, see e.g. Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan, Do CEOs Set Their Own Pay? The Ones Without Principles Do, 116 Q. J. ECON. 901 (2001) (finding that CEOs in poorly governed firms are more likely to be paid for lucky returns and be charged less for option grants);; for a contemporary account of the management-capture arguments see LUCIAN A. BEBCHUK & JESSE M. FRIED, PAY WITHOUT PERFORMANCE: THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE OF EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION (2004). For a formalized model of rent-seeking executives, see Camelia M. Kuhnen and Jeffrey Zwiebel, Executive Pay, Hidden Compensation and Managerial Entrenchment (Rock Center for Corporate Governance, Working Paper No. 16, 2008).
4 second describes the operation of an efficient market for scarce and valuable executive talent. The level of pay observed among executives is then an unavoidable consequence of exogenous market forces and necessary for the retention of rare and able managers. 5 In essence, the theories describe the capture of boards by overbearing management in the former, and by omnipotent markets in the latter. 6 However, the cause of the problem, as we argue in this paper, is not fully susceptible to either explanation. 4 5 This paper abstracts away from the extensive literature on the optimal structure of compensation and incentives. We choose to focus on the overall a priori level of expected compensation. Or, in agency theoretic terms, we restrict our attention to the participation constraint, and whether it is binding. For views expressing the perceived binding nature of this constraint as determined within the economic environment, see e.g. Eugene F. Fama, Agency Problems and the Theory of the Firm, 88 J. POL. ECON. 288, 292 (1980) (viewing the pricing mechanism of the external labor market as critical to managerial discipline and incentive structures within the firm, given a competitive managerial labor market, when the firm s reward system is not responsive to performance the firm loses managers, and the best are the first to leave );; Robert Gibbons and Kevin J. Murphy, Optimal Incentive Contracts in the Presence of Career Concerns: Theory and Evidence, 100 J. POL. ECON. 468 (1992) (an explicit treatment of Professor Fama s conception of the effects of a market s valuation of current performance on future pay);; and, Charles P. Himmelberg and R. Glenn Hubbard, Incentive Pay and the Market for CEOs: An Analysis of Pay-for- Performance Sensitivity (Columbia University, Working Paper, 2000) available at ( (arguing that a shock to the aggregate demand for an inelastic supply of CEOs increases the marginal value of those CEOs services and hence their outside pay opportunities). If a CEO s skills are not valuable elsewhere they have few external options, the following papers argue for generalist CEOs who can be valued in exchange;; Kevin J. Murphy and Ján Zábojník, CEO Pay and Appointments: A Market-Based Explanation for Recent Trends, 94 AM. ECON. REV. 192 (2004);; Carola Frydman, Rising Through the Ranks: The evolution of the market for corporate executives (Harvard University, Working Paper, 2005). The superstar CEO market theory is a derivative of early attempts to explain peculiarly skewed income distributions generally. A binding participation constraint may also be determined by sorting in markets where firm size and CEO skill are complementary, see Sherwin Rosen, Contracts and the Market for Executives, in MAIN CURRENTS IN CONTRACT ECONOMICS (1992);; Steven N. Kaplan and Joshua Rauh, Wall Street and Main Street: What Contributes to the Rise in the Highest Incomes?, 23 REV. FIN. STUDIES 1004 (2010) (analyzing top corporate executive incomes along with the income earned by financial service employees, corporate lawyers, athletes, and entertainment stars);; Xavier Gabaix and Augustin Landier, Why has CEO Pay Increased so Much?, 123 Q. J. ECON. 49 (2008) (they develop a competitive assignment model in which the growth in firm market capitalization explains the rise in CEO pay since 1970). Legal scholars and other industry practitioners are often persuaded by these arguments from the economics and management sciences professions. They also question the assumption that executives are in fact overcompensated, Mark J. Loewenstein, The Conundrum of Executive Compensation, 35 WAKE FOREST L. REV. 1 (2000);; see also IRA T. KAY, CEO PAY AND SHAREHOLDER VALUE: HELPING THE U.S. WING THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC WAR 147 (1998) ( While total CEO compensation is high by regular people s standards, it is at a suitable level given the risks under which CEOs operate and the tremendous value they can create. ). 6 Where executive compensation levels are viewed as inevitable market consequences a board has as much discretion as a trader buying a commodity has in influencing its price. In the nineties and today, scholars have debated whether rising compensation was simply a market consequence or a symptom of a board failure to negotiate effectively, Charles M. Elson, Executive Overcompensation A Board-Based Solution, 34 BOS. C. L. REV. 937, 949 (1992). For contemporary reviews of these two competing theories, see Marianne Bertrand, CEOs, 1 ANN. ECON. REV. 121, 133 (2009);; Robert J. Gordon and Ian Dew-Becker, Controversies about the Rise of American Inequality: A Survey 21, ( Nat l Bureau Econ. Rev., Working Paper No , 2008). For a description of the contentious debate between the two competing hypotheses, see William W. Bratton, The Academic Tournament over Executive Compensation, 93 CALIF. L. REV. 1557, 1558 (2005) ( Bebchuk and Fried confront these titans [of contemporary
5 The theory of management capture, vis- à- vis compensation, argues that the directors of large public companies allow rent- seeking executives to exert an outsized influence over the compensation negotiation process. Directors are inhibited from engaging in effective and autonomous oversight because of significant personal and professional connections with the management and a lack of meaningful incentive to do so. It was argued that executive compensation escalated unchecked, because boards failed to negotiate rigorously with executives. But, calls for reform in the early nineties from scholarly 7, professional and popular commentators, 8 a concerted effort by institutional investors 9, regulatory agencies 10, and the Delaware judiciary 11 led to the reformation of modern corporate boards; they called for equity- holding, independent directors, and open elections as the mechanisms for improving board performance and corporate accountability while concomitantly remedying the executive compensation conundrum. These reforms quickly became accepted standards of practice. 12 Nonetheless, despite the promise that better boards would negotiate more reasonable remuneration, financial economics] And the titans have responded );; and the debate in the CHICAGO LAW REVIEW: Lucian Bebchuk, Jesse Fried and David Walker, Managerial Power and Executive Compensation, 69 U. CHIC. L. REV. 751 (2002);; Kevin J. Murphy, Explaining Executive Compensation: Managerial Power versus the Perceived Cost of Stock Options, 69 U. CHIC. L. REV. 847 (2002). 7 Elson, Executive Overcompensation supra note 6 at 939 ( [M]ost commentators examining the compensation issue have not focused on reform of the internal corporate governance procedures that created the problem. Rather they have proposed externally-based solutions The problem of executive overcompensation is best dealt with not at the regulatory or even shareholder level, but by focusing on that body traditionally charged with corporate oversight- the board of directors ) 8 See e.g. Breeden, R. C., J. Hinsey, C. Wohlstetter, D. M. Hanson, D. J. Cornwall, J. W. Lorsch, M. Lipton, et al., The Fight for Good Governance, 71 HARVARD BUSINESS REVIEW 76 (1993). 9 Bernard S. Black, Agents Watching Agents: The Promise of Institutional Investor Voice, 39 UCLA L. REV. 811 (1991);; John C. Coffee, Jr., Liquidity Versus Control: The Institutional Investor as Corporate Monitor, 91 COLUM. L. REV (1991);; Mark J. Roe, A Political Theory of American Corporate Finance, 91 COLUM. L. REV. 10 (1991). For a present day reflection on these efforts, see INSTITUTIONAL SHAREHOLDER S SERVICES, OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE OF CORPORATE GOVERNANCE (2011). 10 Ian L. Dew-Becker, How Much Sunlight Does it Take to Disinfect a Boardroom? A Short History of Executive Compensation Regulation (CESifo Working Paper Series No. 2379, 2008);; Kevin J. Murphy, The Politics of Pay: A Legislative History of Executive Compensation, (Marshall School of Business Working Paper No. FBE 01.11, 2011). 11 For a discussion of judicial standards for compensation see Charles M. Elson, The Duty of Care, Compensation, and Stock Ownership, 63 U. CIN. L. REV. 649 (1994);; A roundtable moderated by Charles M. Elson, What s Wrong with Executive Compensation?, 81 HARV. BUS. REV. 68 (January 2003) (Delaware Supreme Court Justice E. Norman Veasey said that if in exercising bad judgment in awarding executive compensation, directors claim to be independent [and are] disingenuous or dishonest about it seems to me that the courts in some circumstances could treat their behavior as a breach of the fiduciary duty of good faith.") 12 NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF CORPORATE DIRECTORS, DIRECTOR PROFESSIONALISM REPORT OF THE NACD BLUE RIBBON COMMISSION (1996, 2001, 2005);; BUSINESS ROUNDTABLE, PRINCIPLES OF CORPORATE GOVERNANCE (2002, 2005, 2010, 2012);; NEW YORK STOCK EXCHANGE, FINAL NYSE CORPORATE 5
6 the rise in executive pay persisted. 13 We will argue that the successes of such improvements in corporate governance were not alone adequate to rationalize this upward trend in median pay figures. The strengthening of oversight was successful in increasing managerial accountability for poor performance while also reducing the incidence of flagrantly high compensation awards because of an invigorated sensitivity to shareholder concerns. Nonetheless, while effective at reducing the ability of some managers to subsume rents relative to other managers, the reforms were unable to address that absolute, though possibly benign, ability of managers as a class to do so through institutional factors and norms. The problem is the standard practice of benchmarking pay to that of peers. While the directors may be well- intentioned, the consistent use of this simple referential process, which we later describe and critique, may better explain the persistent continuation of the systemic rise in pay. On the other hand, many scholars, particularly financial economists, have derived a powerful ought from the empirical observation of what is by ascribing the cause of rising pay wholly to the operation of a competitive market the market for scarce and valuable managerial talent. This is the school of thought broadly classified as the theory of optimal contracting. 14 The operation of large and complex business enterprises is a difficult task. Those who can do it well are exceedingly rare and sought after for the value they can create for investors in doing so. Consequently, wages are seen to merely respond to the demand for and value of such skills, while competition precludes the involvement of rents for either party. High wages are the outcome of an efficient bidding for talent and the resultant 6 GOVERNANCE RULES (November 4, 2003);; COLUMBIA BUSINESS SCHOOL AND THE WEINBERG CENTER FOR CORPORATE GOVERNANCE, BRIDGING BOARD GAPS - REPORT OF THE STUDY GROUP ON CORPORATE BOARDS (2011). 13 Kevin J. Murphy, Explaining Compensation (2002) supra note 6 at 852 ( This trend toward more independent boards, coupled with the simultaneous escalation in CEO pay seems directly inconsistent with the hypothesis that CEO pay patterns and practices are driven by managerial power considerations );; Randall S. Thomas, Explaining the International CEO Pay Gap: Board Capture or Market Driven?, 57 VANDERBILT L. REV. 1171, 1198 (2004) ( All available evidence seems to show independent directors getting stronger and more numerous, CEO tenure declining and CEO turnover increasing during the same time period. );; Bengt R. Holmström, Pay Without Performance and the Managerial Power Hypothesis: A Comment, 30 J. CORP. L. 703, 705 (2005) ( Why did the problems with executive pay arise in the 1990s, but not earlier? If anything, executives seem to have been robbed of some of their power since the 1980s The power theory on its own fails the timing test ). 14 This methodology is not only used to describe the level of pay, but also the many anomalies in observed pay practices, see e.g. Alex Edmans and Xavier Gabaix, Is CEO Pay Really Inefficient? A Survey of New Optimal Contracting Theories, 15 EUR. FIN. MGMT. 486 (2009) (arguing that simple models do not capture the complexities of real-life settings along with the rapid increase in pay these include: the low level of incentives, pay-for-luck, the use of options rather than stock, severance payments, and debt compensation. These, among the many other puzzles, they and the authors of the studies they surveyed believe can be explained in terms of efficiency contracting). It has otherwise been given cause, effect and sufficient reason that if Columbus had not contracted syphilis during his foray into the New World there would not have been chocolate in the Old. The authors though, fail to give due account for the Lisbon earthquake in support of their Panglossian proposition that Everything is for the best in this best of all possible worlds.
7 sorting of managers to firms, which is consistent with maximizing shareholder value. This view has become quite popular, especially subsequent to Xavier Gabaix and Augustin Landier s calibrated general equilibrium model and the explanatory power they claimed it possessed. 15 We question, however, the legitimacy of relying upon such a conception of a competitive market for talent and as a result the related efficiency claims in explaining the rising pay of executives. We criticize the competitive markets approach mainly on the basis of market frictions and the characteristics of thin labor markets. Specifically, we will address the question of executive transferability and the implications for any notion of a centralized market exchange for talent. A more recent approach has sought to explain the cause of rising pay from a sociological or an institutional context. 16 The proponents of this view see overwhelming ambiguity as essential to the nature of any appraisal of executive worth and to the corresponding negotiation of compensation amounts. As a result, rather than being founded upon fundamental economic values, the amounts of pay awarded is simply determined through reference to the normative practices within a topography of local networks in a large part as a response to the need to provide legitimacy to external constituents - and pay is therefore in fact largely unrelated to traditional economic marginal value. Related research has examined the process by which boards then reconcile this inherent ambiguity through the use of a convenient rule of thumb in arriving at a judgment of what they view to be fair, reasonable, and necessary remuneration. In particular, the use of formal targeting of compensation to that of peer companies is addressed Xavier Gabaix and Augustin Landier, Why has CEO Pay Increased so Much?, 123 Q. J. ECON. 49, 84 (2008) ( CEOs are no supermen or women, just slightly more talented people who manage huge stakes a bit better than the rest and, in the logic of the competitive equilibrium, are still paid hugely more. );; see Gregory L. Nagel, The Effect of Labor Market Demand on U.S. CEO Pay Since 1980, 45 FIN. REV. 931, 932 (2010) ( The model has had a profound impact, perhaps because [of] its rigorous derivation results [and] intuitively compelling predictions. He cites instances where it has caught the attention of the public;; the paper was referenced by Towers Perrin principal John England as well as the Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke);; David Wessel, With CEO Pay, Size Does Matter, THE WALL ST. J. (November 2, 2006) (discussing the paper and the associated popular reaction to its findings). 16 Thomas A. DiPrete, Gregory M. Eirich and Matthew Pittinsky, Compensation Benchmarking, Leapfrogs, and the Surge in Executive Pay, 115 AM. J. SOC (2010) (they argue that rent extraction resulting from governance failures at individual firms causes pay escalations throughout the market by spreading through the network of compensation peer group comparisons);; see also James B. Wade, Joseph F. Porac and Timothy G. Pollock, Worth, words, and the justification of executive pay, 18 J. ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAV. 641 (1997) (examining the means by which compensation committees provide justification for their compensation practices to shareholders in regards to pay decisions and company returns). 17 Financial economists typically ask whether (a) the peer groups are manipulated so as to create an upward or aspirational bias, and (b) whether the practice of targeting to median or higher levels creates an asymmetric upward-ratcheting effect in the levels of compensation. The null result is that peer groups simply reflect and enable companies to be responsive to an efficient and competitive market for CEO talent. John M. Bizjak, Michael L. Lemmon and Lalitha Naveen, Does the use of peer groups contribute to higher pay and less efficient compensation?, 90 J. FIN. ECON. 152 (2008);; see Gregory L. Nagel, Persistently Underpaid CEOs and their Influence on Pay Benchmarks (Unpublished manuscript, 2007);; Ana M. Albuquerque, Gus De Franco and Rodrigo S. Verdi, Peer Choice in CEO
8 In setting the pay of their CEO, boards invariably reference the pay of the executives at other enterprises in similar industries and of similar size and complexity. For this, compensation consultants are retained to construct a peer group of such companies and survey the pay practices which are prevalent. Then, in what is described as competitive benchmarking, compensation levels are generally targeted to either the 50 th, 75 th, or 90 th percentile. This process is alleged to provide an effective gauge of the market wage which is necessary for executive retention. 18 In essence, this process creates a market for executives where it otherwise does not exist. As we will describe, this conception of such a market was created purely by happenstance, and by its uniform application across companies the effects of structural flaws in its design can have potentially compounding macro- effects on the level of executive compensation. It has been observed in both the academic and professional communities that the practice of targeting the pay of executives to median or higher levels will naturally create an upward bias and movement in total compensation amounts. Whether this escalation has been dramatic or merely incremental, the compounded effect has been to create a significant disparity between the pay of executives and what is appropriate to the companies they run. This is not surprising. By basing pay primarily on external comparisons, a separate regime which was untethered from the actual wage structures of the rest of the organization was established. Over time, these disconnected systems were bound to diverge. Unfortunately, the pay of the executive has a profound effect on the incentive structure throughout the corporate hierarchy. Rising pay thus has costs far greater than the amount actually transferred to the CEOs themselves. To mitigate this, pay must be more consistent with internal corporate wage structures. An important step in that direction is to diminish the focus on external benchmarking. We will argue that: (I) theories of optimal market- based contracting are misguided in that they are predicated upon the chimerical notion of vigorous and competitive markets for transferable executive talent; (II) that even boards comprised of only the most faithful fiduciaries of shareholder interests will fail to reach an agreeable resolution to the compensation conundrum because of the unfounded reliance on the structurally malignant and unnecessary process of peer benchmarking; and (III) that the solution lies in avoiding the mechanistic and arbitrary application of peer group data in arriving at executive compensation levels. Instead, the independent and shareholder- conscious compensation committee must develop internally created standards of pay based on the individual nature 8 Compensation (Forthcoming in J. FIN. ECON.);; Michael Faulkender and Jun Yang, Inside the black box: The role and composition of compensation peer groups, 96 J. FIN. ECON. 257 (2010);; IRRC INSTITUTE, Compensation Peer Groups at Companies with High Pay (June 2010);; John Bizjak, Michael Lemmon and Thanh Nguyen, Are all CEOs above average? An empirical analysis of compensation peer groups and pay design, J. FIN. ECON. 538 (2011);; ISS CORPORATE SERVICES, EXECUTIVE PAY THROUGH A PEER BENCHMARKING LENS (July, 2011);; Brian Cadman and Mary Ellen Carter, Compensation Peer Groups and their Relation with CEO Pay (Boston College, Working Paper, 2011);; Michael Faulkender and Jun Yang, Is Disclosure an Effective Cleansing Mechanism? The Dynamics of Compensation Peer Benchmarking, Under Review at REV. FIN. STUD.(2012). These studies are referenced later in more detail. 18 See Bruce R. Ellig, THE COMPLETE GUIDE TO EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION (2002).
9 of the organization concerned, its particular competitive environment and its internal dynamics. Relevant considerations include the executive s current and historic performance based on a variety of factors and the specific nature of the company or industry, but they must also inculcate the notion of internal pay equity in their formulations. Some casual reference to peer groups may be warranted, though the process must maintain the flexibility necessary to arrive at a reasonable approximation to what is absolutely necessary to retain and encourage talent. Admittedly, our prescription is not concrete or easily implemented, but as the shareholder value movement has empowered directors as never before to act in their investors interest, any solution to the compensation conundrum must be founded upon their expert judgment and discretion I. PEER BENCHMARKING: THE PROCESS The boards of most U.S. public companies set executive compensation through the use of a mechanistic process referred to as peer grouping. Typically, boards engage compensation consultants who aid in the structuring of the pay package to be negotiated with the executive concerned. 20 These consultants, advising the board s compensation committee, are asked to put the proposed pay package into some perspective vis- a- vis the overall competitive job market. To do so, they construct a framework of comparative metrics based on the level and structure of pay at companies deemed similar 21 as selected by the compensation committee and consultants, often with varying degrees of input by management. 22 The executive s proposed compensation is based on this comparison. Generally, after the peer group market analysis is completed, the board will 19 For a related approach to board authority and an argument for Director Primacy in board/shareholder engagement, see Stephen M. Bainbridge, Director Primacy: The Means and Ends of Corporate Governance, 97 NW. U. L. REV. 547 (2003) (in public companies shareholders should and do prefer to delegate decision-making authority to a small centralized group of directors so as to avoid collective action problems. In the U.S. system of corporate law the agency problems which necessarily result because discretion can be used irresponsibly are balanced against the virtues of giving directors this discretion);; Stephen M. Bainbridge, Executive Compensation: Who Decides?, 83 Tex. L. Rev. 1615, 1643 (2004) (book review). 20 E.g, Ellig, GUIDE TO COMPENSATION supra note The main criteria for a company s inclusion in a peer-group typically involves whether the firm is in a similar industry and of a similar size. Peers tend to also be comparable in accounting performance, market-to-book ratios, credit ratings, geographic or product diversity, and visibility (as proxied by S&P 500 membership), see Bizjak, Are All Above Average (2011) supra note 17 (analyzing explicit disclosure of company peer group composition following a 2006 Securities and Exchange proxy disclosure requirement);; Faulkender, Black Box (2010) supra note Murphy, Executive Compensation (1999) supra note 3 (a thorough and authoritative discussion of the compensationsetting process and the elements of compensation).
10 choose to create a package that is usually targeted at the 50th, 75th, 23 or 90th 24 percentile of their target peer comparison group. Targeting levels below the 50th percentile is rarely, if ever, done. 25 But, why these levels? It is because any other action would seemingly place the board in an uncomfortable and disadvantageous position. In the current construct, pay below the 50th percentile does not simply send a message of the relative performance and merit of an executive, as embodied in one s compensation relative to one s peers. Instead, such board action may raise concerns over the executive s position within the company, possibly undermining that individual s ability to lead effectively. Additionally, boards seemingly use the 75th and 90th percentiles as a common method to signal institutional aspiration and standards, 26 in the same way that the terms better and best are designed to enhance product differentiation. 27 In a similar sense, pay below the median would consequently signal worse. After the compensation committee selects the appropriate percentile level, a package is then designed by the consultant to meet the specified numerical goal. This is typically accomplished by using a mix of salary, bonus and long- term incentives usually restricted stock or stock options. The package so created and recommended by the compensation committee is then approved or ratified by the full board E.g., Peter Whoriskey, Cozy relationships and peer benchmarking send CEOs pay soaring, WASH. POST (October 3, 2011) (Kevin W. Sharer of Amgen s stock compensation was targeted at the 75th percentile in 2011, he receiving a 37% raise to $21 million in compensation in 2011 despite poor recent performance). 24 Id., Angelo Mozilo of Countrywide Financial earned more than $180 million during the five-year period before the housing bust of , his pay was at times targeted at the 90th percentile of peers. 25 Bizjak Peer Groups (2008) supra note 17 at 153 (the vast majority of firms that use peer groups target pay at or above the 50th percentile of the peer group ). 26 A roundtable moderated by Charles M. Elson, What s Wrong with Executive Compensation?, 81 HARV. BUS. REV. 68, 72 (January 2003) (Edgar S. Woolard, Jr., a former DuPont CEO, said, Most boards want their CEO to be in the top half of the CEO peer group, because they think it makes the company look strong. );; Executive Pay: Fat Cats Feeding, ECONOMIST (October 9, 2003) ( No selection committee wants to award their new choice less than the industry average. That will, they feel, not attract the best man to the job, and it will also suggest that their company has settled for someone less than average );; Rachel M. Hayes and Scott Schaefer, CEO pay and the Lake Wobegon Effect, J. FIN. ECON. 280 (developing a model where CEO compensation serves as an external signal of matchsurplus and hence firm value). 27 This is, however, often unrelated to the executives themselves. It is an interesting phenomenon when a company will revise its compensation from the 50 th to a higher percentile under the guise of attracting talented executives and positioning themselves to be industry leaders while the executive remains the same as before. To our knowledge, additional cash or stock does not augment ability or talent.
11 11 A. Historical Origins The origins of this benchmarking process have been, unfortunately, obscured from the academic and popular commentary for some time. Few either inside or outside the compensation industry when asked can identify the precise origins of this approach. However, an understanding of its history is particularly important for evaluating its validity and acceptance by the industry. After noting this absence of a scholarly historical account of the process origins, we reviewed a variety of related publications and consulted with a number of long- time industry participants. 28 All paths eventually led to Milton L. Rock, the former managing partner of the Hay Group consulting firm one of the original compensation consultancies. In 1949, when Rock joined Edward N. Hay at his consultancy, 29 the traditional business environment had been disrupted by the Second World War and was in a process of transformation. In earlier times, businesses had operated in a more localized manner. Labor markets, especially so, were locally oriented. In this environment, an employee would base comparisons of the relative standing and perceived equity of his or her compensation to what other local professionals were earning. The compensation of company presidents was likewise determined in a similar localized context. But, the global war effort had convinced Rock that corporate demands and managerial skills were no different from locale to locale or even country to country. With this in mind, Rock and Hay developed a uniform, systematic method for evaluating and classifying the nature and demands of specific jobs in order to facilitate broad comparisons. 30 This approach, called the Hay Point system, was said at one point to have been used in setting the compensation of eighty percent of the global managerial market. The Hay system ascribed points to jobs based on such categories as revenue, reporting employees, and industry groups. These indicated the relative complexity of the position, and suggested the appropriate compensation level, thereby making jobs comparable both within and outside a company or industry For this section we rely on interviews {find date of interviews} with Frederic W. Cook (date), Bud Crystal (date), Michael Davis (date), Bruce R. Ellig (date), Ira T. Kay (date), Pearl Meyer (date), Milton L. Rock (date), Robert Rock (date), and David Swinford (date). We are grateful for their knowledge and assistance. 29 Hay Group, Hay Group through the years: , accessible at (May 16, 2012). 30 Id. ( Hay started the Hay Compensation Survey Comparisons (HCC) with eight companies [in 1954] ). 31 Interestingly, the Hay Group never focused on the value of individuals in the labor marks, choosing rather to base comparisons on a job classification system which measured the relative worth and nature of similar jobs roles or positions, Arianne Minch, Executive Compensation: Woolard Fellow presents research, ignites debate at Weinberg Center event, UDAILY (May 14, 2012) ( At first peer groups were formed to weigh the value of a job not the individual, said [Robert] Rock. The goal was to create a universal measurement that could be a benchmark throughout the world. ).
12 And, so evolved the framework of analysis to support the developing conception that workers and managers were participating in a global exchange of talent. This idea was naturally applicable to the top of the corporate hierarchy as well. It was, therefore, an easy leap for the Hay Group to attempt to apply such a metric for determining the appropriate compensation of top executives as well. Consequently, Rock then asked the top executives at his client companies to share their confidential compensation information with him in order to facilitate an exchange of information amongst the business executive community. They provided the data, and his firm would supply the industry- and market- level analytics. His firm formalized these peer comparisons, which then worked their way into the standard practices for formulating the pay of top executives throughout the country. Along with internal human resources departments, other consultants emerged who also used this comparison- based analysis. By the late 1990s, peer group comparisons were ubiquitous to the formulation of executive compensation. Hence peer group metrics were born; they were not established through academic study, theory or concentrated industry deliberation on the matter but had simply evolved from what was merely a valuable commercial tool. This approach was eventually formally institutionalized in 2006 when the Securities and Exchange Commission required proxy disclosure of the precise composition of company peer groups used in public company executive compensation formulations. 32 Further, the two major institutional investor voting advisory services, Institutional Shareholder Services (ISS) and Glass- Lewis, have recently began to create their own concurrent peer groups to aid in their evaluation of executive pay at those companies they rate for voting on compensation- based issues B. The Problem with Peer Group Analysis While we have witnessed a dramatic rise in the levels of executive compensation over the past several decades, the peer grouping process itself, by which pay is actually set, has remained largely unexamined. Rather, pay critics instead focused their attention on what they termed the management captured board which they believed was responsible for this phenomenon. Boards which were appointed and dominated by corporate management and advised by management- selected compensation consultants had little incentive or ability to negotiate effectively over pay. This one- sided bargaining process was one explanation for the rise in executive pay. For this and other reasons, reformers called 32 SEC Final rules a Item 402(b)(2)(xiv) (August 29, 2006) (recommended disclosure in the Compensation Discussion and Analysis includes whether the company engaged in any benchmarking of total compensation or any material element of compensation, identifying the benchmark and, if applicable, its components (including component companies) 32) 33 Emily Chasan, Watchdog Challenged Over Pay Benchmarks, WALL ST. J. CFO REPORT (May 8, 2012)
13 for changes in board composition 34 and the alignment of the compensation consultants with the boards which retained them. 35 The demands for equity- holding, independent board members advised by pay consultants who were solely retained by and responsible to the board have largely reshaped standard practice. 36 In terms of legal standards, regulatory guidelines and investor expectations, the board- room has changed dramatically in the past decade. Independence and equity- ownership are the watchword of the contemporary directorship. The independent, shareholder- focused board is central to the Sarbanes- Oxley and Dodd- Frank federal reforms as well. Yet, the increase in executive pay and the coincident controversy continue nonetheless. The real problem with the compensation process that is unaffected by board compositional- based reform is the use of comparable data to set pay. These metrics were originally used by the Hay Group and others as a way to simulate the operation of a competitive labor market where, in fact, the effective operation of that market was impaired by the nature of executive ability. Executives have many firm- specific skills and attributes which constrain the free flow of human capital. As such, without the possibility of centralized exchange based valuation, boards have long struggled to define an executive s worth. Because boards may have very different views of the intrinsic value of an individual they are forced to rely on extrinsic comparisons between companies as, they believe, a necessary step for retention. This is the reasoning behind and the origin of the peer grouping process which today is central to pay design. There are problems with this use of peer groups that have led to the ratcheting up of pay in a fashion which is seemingly unrelated to the performance rendered. Traditionally, critics have argued that the manipulation of the selected peer comparison companies distorts the pay process. Where boards are dominated by management, there is a natural incentive to pick as peers companies with significant compensation, despite differences in size, scope, pay and performance from the company in question. 37 The higher the E.g, JAY W. LORSCH AND ELIZABETH MACIVER, PAWNS OR POTENTATES: THE REALITY OF AMERICAN CORPORATE BOARDS (1989) (advocating various board compositional reforms);; Elson, Duty of Care (1994) supra note 11 35THE CONFERENCE BOARD, EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION CONSULTING: A RESEARCH WORKING GROUP REPORT ON BEST PRACTICES (2005);; Executive Pay: The Role of Compensation Consultants;; Hearing Before the H. Comm. On Oversight and Government Reform;; 110 th Cong. (2007) (statement of Charles M. Elson) (advocating independent compensation consultants). 36 E.g NYSE, Listing Standards;; NACD, DIRECTOR PROFESSIONALISM;; CBS & WCCG BRIDGING BOARD GAPS, supra note For evidence of bias in the selection of larger and higher paying peer firms, see IRRC, High Pay (2010) supra note 17 (finding that though all companies in their study tended to select larger and better performing peers, This bias was particularly pronounced in high paying companies);; ISS, Lens (2011) supra note 17;; Faulkender, Black Box (2010) supra note 17;; Bizjak, Are All Above Average (2011) supra note 17;; Matthew Pittinsky and Thomas A. DiPrete, Peer Group Ties and Executive Compensation Networks, (Working Paper, June 3, 2011) available at ( Several studies have found either mixed or no evidence
14 compensation of one s peers, the higher the consequent compensation of the target company executives. The process, at its core, is vulnerable to such manipulation by the consultant, the board and the executive because there is no real objective standard in existence to precisely identify an appropriate peer given the significant and multiple variables involved in selection. 38 Reform efforts have attempted to remedy this problem by focusing on disclosure, more independently comprised boards and greater independence from management on the part of the compensation consultants. The idea is to provide the proper incentive and structure to create more realistic and unbiased peer groups. The 2006 SEC peer group disclosure requirements and the recent Dodd- Frank independence mandates attempted to mitigate this opportunistic peer selection. 39 Manipulation of the peer group sampling is a real problem. But simply fixing the alignment of those involved in the peer group selection process will not ultimately solve the pay issue. First, as discussed, boards typically gravitate in setting compensation to a set of arbitrary targets i.e. the 50th, 75th and 90th percentiles of peer group pay. A blind reliance on these pay targets has resulted in a mathematically based upward pay spiral. 40 This dynamic is popularly referred to as the Lake Wobegon effect 41. If all aspire to pay at or above the median, it is clear that pay will continue to rise significantly and indefinitely; there is an obvious upward bias. This median adjustment is justified in two ways. From a theory of pay equity, it is seen as a necessary means of redressing perceived pay inequity and the consequent effect on motivation. Market- based theories of executive pay assert that such adjustments are necessary for retention. For example, Mahmoud Ezzamel and 14 of biased selection, See Albuquerque Peer Choice (2009) supra note 17;; Cadman, Relation (2011) supra note 17. For earlier evidence of manipulation in the selection of performance peer groups, Joseph F. Porac, James B. Wade and Timothy G. Pollock, Industry Categories and the Politics of the Comparable Firm in CEO Compensation, 44 ADMIN. SCI. Q. 112 (1999). 38 Consider the dialogue between voting services and corporate boards, there is enough flexibility to allow the voting services to present widely different peer groups than the companies. While the company s consultant presents the peer group suggesting the highest pay, the advisory services seek the lowest. This insight was drawn from a conversation with Michael Faulkender at the University of Delaware. 39 Faulkender, Disclosure (2012) supra note 17 (finding evidence that manipulation became more severe following the SEC mandate). 40 The theoretical literature on this effect is sparse, but, see Hayes, Wobegon Effect (2009) supra note 26 (modeling the assumption that a CEO s wage provides external signals about match-surplus and firm value they derive conditions where equilibrium wages are distorted upwards). Intuitively though, it is clear that where median and above targets are strictly applied pay cannot, in the very least, be revised downward. Where median wages are exclusively targeted and peer groups are properly centered, hence targeted and current compensation are closely aligned without bias, a mechanical escalation may then be located in the ramps used by consultants to adjust prior year pay data for trends and inflation. 41 Gretchen Morgenson, Peer Pressure: Inflating Executive Pay, N. Y. TIMES (November 26, 2006).
15 Robert Watson found that asymmetric responses 42 to pay anomalies resulting from these external pay surveys resulted in a bidding- up of executive cash compensation in U.K. companies which explained changes in executive pay during the sample period. They argue, however, that irrespective of firm performance, for motivational, recruitment, and retention reasons, a firm's compensation committee has to ensure that its senior executives are paid at least the going rate. They conclude that the potential costs involved with paying an executive significantly below the levels suggested by market surveys preclude even independent and effective boards from avoiding this ratchet effect. 43 Though the pay of other executives may provide a beneficial indication of the outside compensation opportunities available and the necessary retention wages, the external references can have perverse systemic effects on the aggregate level of compensation where even only a few executives are overpaid. Thomas DiPrete and Gregory Eirich argue that excessive pay increases for even a relatively small proportion of CEOs can have a significant effect on the pay of the remaining executives. This leapfrog effect propagates through the networks constructed by the peer grouping process. As a result, one firm s overpayment affects all the connected firms for which they are a peer. 44 Whether the excess compensation is awarded for merit or otherwise, a talented individual who is paid on a scale deserving of their abilities should not, through the peer group mechanism, be allowed to bolster the pay of less able executives; particularly when those executives would be paid less if serving in a similar fashion. An individual executive may deliver phenomenal performance and be likewise compensated, but why should that individual s contribution to their company be relevant to another individual s actions at That is, the sensitivity to year-to-year changes in cash compensation to underpayment is greater than the sensitivity to overpayment. 43 Mahmoud Ezzamel and Robert Watson, Market Comparison Earnings and the Bidding-Up of Executive Cash Compensation: Evidence from the United Kingdom, 41 ACAD. MGMT. J. 221, 221 (1998). Other empirical studies have found a similar significance of pay surveys and the pursuit-of-the-median inflationary effect, Bizjak, Use of Peer Groups (2008) supra note 17 (finding that CEOs paid below the median receive pay raises which are $1.3 million more than those with above median pay. They conclude that the asymmetric adjustments are consistent with retention objectives rather than rent-seeking executive behavior);; Nagel, Underpaid CEOs (2007) supra note 17 (presents evidence that board reactions to CEO underpayment had a significant effect on the upward trend in compensation which is also consistent with the increased availability of external pay data from compensation consultants starting in the 1980s). 44 DiPrete, Leapfrogs (2010) supra note 16. See also Jerry Kim, Bruce Kogut and Jae-Suk Yang, Executive Compensation, Fat Cats, and Best Athletes (Columbia Business School Research Paper April 24, 2012) (finding empirical support for network contagions through peer groups. This effect has been theorized to occur even within perfectly competitive executive markets, see Gabaix and Landier, (2008) supra note 15, see also Frederick L. Bereskin and David C. Cicero, CEO Compensation Contagion: Evidence from an Exogenous Shock, forthcoming the J. FIN. ECON., (January 31, 2012) (providing empirical evidence of this compensation contagion effect).
16 another company. Pay and opportunity wages should reflect and adjust to this evaluation of an individual merit. 45 Regardless of whether the mechanical aspects of peer benchmarking are labeled efficient or not, it is clear that the comparative peer metrics and median targeting at the very least sustain the current pay levels. If we concede that high- pay is a problem, obviously the only corrective response is to award less in compensation than we currently do. This cannot and will not be accomplished under the current regime. Simply put, peer group comparisons and median targeting are a central part of today s mega- pay machine. 46 Any executive compensation reform must start there. 16 II. EVALUATING MARKET BASED PAY RATIONALIZATIONS Many scholars, particularly financial economists, have attempted to explain the trends in executive compensation by referencing the free operation of efficient, competitive markets. In this section, we critique that line of argument and suggest that the mechanical operation of the peer grouping process better explains the rise in executive pay. Traditionally peer groups are seen as a tool used either for enabling the extraction of rent by managers through the manipulation of their composition or, alternatively, for simply allowing boards to match and respond to competitive market demand. We attempt to drive a wedge between these opposing theoretic descriptions of improper versus proper use. We argue that the process itself has in fact the means to drive rising pay without reference to either alternative theory of rising pay. Regardless of board intentions, as long as peer group analysis continues to be relied upon, pay will continue to rise. We assert that the use of peer groups is problematic in and of itself determining whether they are used in a manner consistent with the competitive markets or the management capture theory is not necessary or essential. Even perfectly comprised boards will fail to solve the problem of rising pay unless the structural bias created by peer- group mechanics is addressed. A. Athletes, musicians, and corporate superstars In 1981, Sherwin Rosen addressed what was at the time a recent trend towards the concentration of output and income amongst a small selection of individuals in certain occupational. He described and gave economic justification for this phenomenon of 45 Taekjin Shin, Peer Comparisons of CEO Compensation: Fair Pay of Power Play? Under review at ACAD. MGMT. J. 6,7 (2010). 46 Geoffrey Colvin, The Great CEO Pay Heist, FORTUNE, (June 25, 2001) (he outlines the operation of the machine which he argues is rigged so as to award higher and higher pay.)
17 superstars. 47 It was becoming increasingly apparent at the time that a relatively small proportion of the population, comprised of the most talented market participants, was dominating the markets for their respective professions and receiving a substantial and growing amount of the total rewards for talent. Other individuals were seemingly left out of what was later described as the winner- take- all society. 48 Rosen s key insight was that a joint consumption technology combined with imperfect substitution in demand had together enabled this development, and indeed the outcome was, economically speaking, efficient. In other words, the ability of a musician to sell their product, a musical performance or recording, to a large audience with little additional effort on their part combined with the consumers preference for hearing the best musicians among them, to the exclusion of lesser abled performers, meant they could capture most of the market. While star performers had always been able to fill large venues with paying customers, improvements in this joint consumption technology, especially in the area related to mass media, had added fuel to this market- dynamic. This allowed the best products and performances to occupy the record players, bookshelves, and television programming of millions of consumers to the exclusion of lesser substitutes. 49 And, the few who produced them were able to receive tremendous rewards. It was argued that this phenomenon of superstars was similar to the economic dynamics which characterized the market for executives. Indeed the rapid growth in their compensation levels as well as the increasing skew was suggestive of such a dynamic. 50 It was argued that a chief executive s talent for implementing corporate operations, Sherwin Rosen, The Economics of Superstars, 71 AM. ECON. REV. 845, 845 (1981) 48 Robert H. Frank and Philip J. Cook, THE WINNER-TAKE-ALL SOCIETY: WHY THE FEW AT THE TOP GET SO MUCH MORE THAN THE REST OF US (1996). However, Thomas Sowell has pointed out a common misconception about the distribution of income. Commentators too often focus on statistical categories rather than flesh-andblood people. While there exists a disparity between the incomes contained in upper and lower quintiles where actual people are concerned mobility between groups is high. If one tracks actual individuals rather than categories, the results are less surprising. Across time, the lower income bracket has been overwhelmingly comprised of years olds, but actual people do not stay years old for long, Thomas Sowell, Income Distribution in THE THOMAS SOWELL READER 98 (2011). The intuitive explanation for income statistics is that people work their way up the income ladder as they get older. There is a reason only old people go on cruises, Thomas Sowell, Who s in the Top 1 Percent, NAT L. REV. (November 8, 2011). 49 Recent evidence suggests, however, that in the movie industry the ability of movie stars to exclude lesser substitutes has waned. Low budget films with lesser known, and significantly cheaper actors, are able to achieve Oscar and box office success. Perhaps scale effects were in part drawn not from the ability to satisfy many consumers simultaneously, but also the economic infeasibility of differentiating between the many consumers. As a result, large upfront salaries to stars, like the $20 million earned by Julia Roberts in Erin Brockovich, are becoming rare. See Michael Cieply, For Movie Stars, the Big Money is Now Deferred, N. Y. TIMES (March 3, 2010);; Dorothy Pomerantz, Death of the Movie Star? Sandler and Cruise Flop at the Box Office, FORBES (June 17, 2012). We suggest later that the excludability of CEO talent may also be recently diminishing. 50 E.g. Kaplan, Wall Street and Main Street (2012) supra note 15. It has also been suggested by some scholars that the rise in pay for executives was in part directly attributable to the comparisons with newly-minted millionaire athletes.
18 providing inspiring leadership, or for pursuing effective investment strategies is made more valuable by the fact that their actions can be rolled out to effect the entire firm. 51 Marginal returns to an executive s talent could effectively be leveraged through the corporate structure and hierarchy. Analogous to the musician s ability to sell millions of CDs, an executive could impact the return received on billions of dollars of corporate assets through their choice of strategy or through the quality of its implementation. The firm became their Madison Square Garden. Further, improvements in communication technology, data storage, and data retrieval substantially broadened the executive's potential sphere of influence and enhanced this "scale of operations" effect. 52 Executives were then seen to be a class of superstars. Though perhaps only marginally better than the rest, they were highly valuable and sought after for the incremental returns they could produce. With so much value at stake and under their control, they were purportedly worth every dollar they were paid to deliver such large potential gains in corporate wealth. 53 Recently, Xavier Gabaix and Augustin Landier made explicit use of this effect in a competitive assignment model, claiming that because of a multiplicative production function the increase in compensation since the 1970s can be explained by the coincident growth in firm size. 54 But, as Robert Gordon and Ian Dew- Becker argue, this analysis is not obviously applicable to CEO and managerial compensation. 55 The original paper by Rosen specifically addressed top billing comedians, classical musicians, textbook authors and the like, to which Gordon and Dew- Becker are comfortable adding investment bankers, consultants and lawyers. They distinguish between these occupations, where compensation is clearly market- driven, and the compensation of executives, where pay levels are determined by non- market based considerations. 56 For the former group, their rewards are ultimately determined by the indubitable operations of a market. No independent judgment of value and therefore appropriate compensation, as necessarily done by boards of directors in deciding executive rewards, is necessary. Rather, profits and pay for these marketable Alex Edmans, Xavier Gabaix, and Augustin Landier, A Multiplicative Model of Optimal CEO Incentives in Market Equilibrium, 22 REV. FIN. STUD. 4881, 4882 (2009) 52 Luis Garciano and Esteban Rossi-Hansberg, Organization and Inequality in a Knowledge Economy, 121 Q. J. ECON.1383 (2006). (presenting an equilibrium model of wages and organization where knowledge is levered through hierarchical management structures.) 53 Supra note Gabaix, Why has Pay Increased? (2008) supra note Robert J. Gordon and Ian Dew-Becker, Selected Issues in the Rise of Income Inequality, BROOKINGS PAPERS ON ECON. ACTIVITY 169, 176 (2007) 56 See also Robert S. Gordon, Has the Rise in American Inequality Been Exaggerated?, 52 CHALLENGE 92, 105 (2009) ( While superstars and top professionals have their incomes chosen by the market, CEO compensation is chosen by their peers, a system that gives CEOs and their hand-picked boards of directors, rather than the market, control over top incomes. )
19 professions are dependent on the preferences of consumers, derived from their resultant demand and subject to a related market- driven discipline. Although one may disagree as to who is most talented in a particular field, their ex post economic value is laid bare and clearly discernible. The net of these consumer preferences is expressed in the revenue generated from ticket billings, book sales, or services demanded. On the other hand, an executive s marginal productivity is not so unambiguously separable from the organization they run. While the athlete, musician or author is the product, which is central to a multibillion dollar industry, the executive s role is less direct, being charged with such tasks as organization, motivation, or the responsibility for strategic decisions. Rather than being a factor of production an executive directs and organizes other factors. It is precisely this ambiguity that suggests the involvement of non- economic considerations related to board- management dynamics, as the management capture literature suggests. The amount and structure of an executive s remuneration is ultimately subject to the discretion of the board of directors, and all their attendant biases, limitations of faculty, and common misunderstandings. Nonetheless, the market is still seen by many to be critical to understanding the level of and the trends in executive compensation. Demand for scarce human capital dictates a competitive outcome and, as many believe, is capable of explaining most observed compensation practices 57. Through the operation of a market, it is argued, wages are bid up to an executive s outside opportunities. Actual wages are simply the product of the board of director s need to retain and motivate an executive. 58 Casual inference should inform us otherwise. When buying goods and services both price and quality are considered concurrently. A lesser quality product may be preferred to one of better quality if the equalizing difference in price is sufficient. In a similar manner, a company seeking to acquire a new CEO from an open market would consider the trade- off between expected future performance and the required wage amongst various alternative candidates. This is simply not how this market works. In most regressions, performance explains less than five percent of pay 59 hardly the expected effect of equalizing differences. There is a consensus that the single variable which possesses the most substantial explanatory value is the size of the firm. 60 The reason for this puzzling discrepancy is the process of chief executive selection, and then the peer process used subsequently in setting pay. In a CEO succession, the next executive is picked by the board Edmans, A Survey of Optimal Contracting Theories (2009) supra note See Paul Oyer, Why Do Firms Use Incentives That Have No Incentive Effects?, 59 J. FIN (2004) (presenting a model of equity compensation which focusses on participation constraints rather than incentive compatibility by introducing the assumption that outside opportunity wages are correlated with firm performance.) 59 Henry L. Tosi, Steve Werner, Jeffrey P. Katz, and Luis R. Gomez-Mejia, How much does performance matter? A Meta- Analysis of CEO Pay Studies, 26 J. MGMT. 301 (2000). 60 David R. Roberts, A General Theory of Executive Compensation Based on Statistically Tested Propositions, 20 Q.J. Econ. 270 (1956)
20 largely without consideration of price beyond what is generally affordable. 61 Price enters into the decision only when the compensation package is negotiated, after the successor CEO has been selected 62 and largely without regard for the additional cost of inducing a move. In contrast to other typically understood markets, equalizing differences are not allowed to promote price competition. Finally, the pay level determination is accomplished through the use of the peer analysis. The well documented pay- size correlation is likely a self- perpetuating artifact of these size- based regressions 63 and is rooted as well in the general mechanics of hierarchical wage structures 64. The reason why executive compensation does not conform to market- based expectations and that alternative institutions are utilized is simple: the necessary skills to successfully run a company cannot be acquired besides through actual experience at the company; therefore, executives are not typically transferable between firms. Hence simple market pricing mechanisms are ineffective. 20 B. The Firm & Industry Leaping Superstars The notion of market driven executive compensation is derived from a false conception of executives possessing transferable management abilities. In a market where management talent is largely homogenous, firms and managers could meet in the market just as they can for other conventionally understood products. Naturally, and coincident with the insights about returns to scale from the superstar theory, a sorting of the best managers to the largest firms in this marketplace would produce the most substantial gains in wealth. Therefore, through this operation, it is believed that prices are driven to efficient levels where executive wages then equate with marginal productivity. 65 Yes, they argue, pay is high and rising, but efficiently so. If a manager s skills are valuable to other companies, boards must meet this exogenously determined outside opportunity or reservation wage as a necessary means of 61 This point was raised by Jon Lukomnik, Managing Partner, Sinclair Capital, LLC, at the University of Delaware Conference Punting Peer Groups (May 14, 2012) (transcript on file with the Weinberg Center for Corporate Governance, University of Delaware). 62 See Stewart J. Schwab and Randall S. Thomas, An Empirical Analysis of CEO Employment Contracts: What Do Top Executives Bargain For?, 63 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 231, 236 (2006) 63 George P. Baker, Michael C. Jensen and Kevin J. Murphy, Compensation and Incentives: Practice vs. Theory, 43 J. Fin. 593, 610 (1980) ( Results from widely accepted surveys are ultimately self-perpetuating. ) 64 The pay-size correlation is a long established relationship, predating the widespread use of compensation surveys, this was originally attributed to a structural necessity, Herbert A. Simon, The Compensation of Executives, 20 SOCIOMETRY 32, 34 ( salaries are determined by requirements of internal consistency of the salary scale with the formal organization and by norms of proportionality between salaries of executives and their subordinates ). Accord. id., Pay surveys have likely only reinforced this relationship. 65 Gary S. Becker, A Theory of Marriage: Part I, 81 J. POL. ECON. 813 (1973).
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text:
Across India, new roads built with modern technology, proper signage and safety features have failed to bring down accident rates.
But according to analysts of human behaviour, this is not surprising at all. "The smoother, wider and better a road is, the more accidents there are likely to be -- and this is because of natural human behaviour," said Biju Dominic, chief executive officer of Final Mile, a consultancy firm that uses behavioural science to solve problems for clients.
Dominic and Final Mile's co-founder Ram Prasad explained the link between good roads and higher accident rates through the concept of risk compensation: the safer the situation, the greater the tendency of people to take risks.
The theory of risk compensation also holds true for the kind of vehicles being used -- high-end cars with sophisticated features are more likely to have accidents than simpler cars, says Prasad. If a car has an anti-lock braking system, the driver knows he can bring the car to a halt in a microsecond, so his mind automatically compensates and he is likely to apply the brakes later than usual.
So, going by this theory, we are at more risk today than previous years and the risks will be far greater in future as the human mind offsets the security offered by technology. Hence, the only solution that can provide safer roads & security to life is the Human Mind itself and the constraints practised on it while driving, caution being the most important element

subset: commoncrawl