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2nd off the beach!! The only Mashura Berger home currently listed for sale on the beachblock. A Mashura Berger home just 1 off of the beach! Located at the highly desired southern end of the Promenade © couldn't ask for a better location!! Gorgeous and meticulously maintained 5 BR, 3.5 bath home with an ELEVATOR! Corner lot offers loads of off street parking, and this orientation makes the home feel like a single. Your decks are completely separate from your neighbors! Features low maintenance exterior including beautiful Cedar Impression siding, 3 spacious fiberglass decks. 3 living levels. Middle level Great Room with a beautiful center island kitchen © seating for 6, high end cabinetry, granite counters, stainless steel appliances, decorative tile back splash, and under counter lighting. Hardwood floors throughout. A large living room area with gas fireplace, vaulted ceilings, loads of windows and glass making a bright seashore feel, and large main deck. There are 3 bedrooms and 2 full baths on the first level including a junior master suite. The extra spacious master bedroom suite with luxurious bath and private deck are on the third level. Furnished and appointed tastefully, and of course the finishes are the quality you would expect from a Mashura Berger home!
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Thé dupe under all dupes of expensive products. Sleek Blush in Rose gold. A gorgeous warm pink blush with a golden undertone.
The packaging is simple. Matt black with shining black letters. The box is a perfect size to hold in your hand.
The ingredients. Pretty basic if you ask me. But what I also see on the list is: Dimethicone. What that means? Silicones. An ingredient that makes the product last longer but it can also block your pores if you are susceptible for it. So watch out if you are susceptible for it. Don't use it everyday and if you use it, know the consequences off the product.
The colour, the golden sparkle, the black complementing the blush. It is just gorgeous.
One swipe from the blush directly on my arm. The pigment is good. It fades really well into my skin and leaves a little bit of a gold sparkle.
Here you can see a better swatch. The pigment really pops here and if you look a bit better you can definitely see the gold sparkle.
And here you can see the product on my face. You need to be careful with loading up your brush. The pigment is really strong and if you don't watch out. You will look like a doll.
The blush is very pretty. The pigment is amazing. The golden sparkle is to die for. Beautiful blush for a good price.
You can buy the blush online at SleekMakeUp.com. The blush on the Sleek website is €5,49/£4,49/$6,99 excl. Tax.
Love, Yara

subset: commoncrawl


text: Ewan McGregor has secret new baby Celebrity news News & Gossip 0 Notoriously private actor lets slip that he and his wife have adopted another baby In an interview promoting his new film Beginners, Ewan McGregor unwittingly revealed that he and his wife, Eve Mavrakis, have adopted a baby girl. The comment that gave the game away came when Ewan told The New York Post about how he juggles family and work life. "My wife and four girls – 15, two 9-year-olds and a baby of four months – often come with me if it's a holiday or my locations and their schedules allow. Sometimes we uproot them and put them in another school." The Moulin Rouge actor and his production designer wife have two biological daughters, Clara, 15, and Esther, 9, as well as Jamiyan, 9, who they adopted from Mongolia in 2006. No details are known yet about the latest addition to the McGregor clan, other than she is a four-month-old girl. The lucky little girl appears to have been adopted into a very caring and hands-on family. In an interview earlier this year Ewan talked about the importance of spending time with children and giving them your full attention no matter how busy you are. "I recognise it can be boring to play with young children – to tell a story over and over again, let's say – but the secret is being there. If you've made a decision to play with your children, then play with them. Don't be looking through papers on your desk or sneaking off to the computer. Turn off your BlackBerry. Lose yourself in their world. Even if you do it for a short time, it will mean a lot to you and to them." Read more… Katie Price denies adoption rumours Celebrities talk adoption Adoptive parents "invest more" in their children By Ploy Radford 0 Comments Share Like this article? Showing of Uh-oh! You need to be logged in to do this... Sign In Sign Up Load more posts Write a comment


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Paterno remembers Kane
I recently received a letter from former Kane High School standout athlete Jim Chavez that I would like to share with you. I believe this really is a great little story for the community to share.Jim was a 1966 graduate of Kane and has had the great pleasure of being able to talk with Joe Paterno, the former head coach of the Penn State Nittany Lions football team who passed away recently.Two of Jim's classmates, George Kulka and Dave Rakecki, went on to play football for Paterno at Penn State. Jim went on to college at Kansas. After college he coached high school football in Colorado and had the pleasure to meet Joe Paterno when they came to Colorado to play the Air Force Academy. A few years later he took a football player with him to the Penn State-Nebraska game in Lincoln, Neb. After the game he was talking to former Penn State Heisman Trophy winner John Cappelletti whom he met when they played Air Force. Cappelletti was with the NFL Los Angeles Rams at that time but had a banged up ankle so he took time to come watch Penn State.Paterno came out of the locker room (PSU was up 14-0 at halftime and then got blown away in the second half). Joe said he remembered Chavez and so they had a nice chat. Chavez said, "I was amazed how calm he was and how he was able to put the game of football in a proper perspective to the reality of life."See full article by purchasing the Jan. 30 edition of The Kane Republican.


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It turns out that clean air is a really, really good investment. For every dollar that we put into cleaning our air, we get twenty five dollars back in return benefits.
According to a study by the EPA, we spent $53 billion in 2010 on the rules stipulated by the Clean Air Act and reaped $1.3 trillion in benefits from things like increased property values and avoided pollution-related deaths and doctors visits.
That is a hell of a return on investment, especially when you consider that a large chunk of the savings comes from the lives saved by cleaner air. It's not just the trillion dollars we're talking about, it's actually people who are not dying. 230,000 of them to be precise, at least according to the EPA.
Scott Holladay over at Fast Company wrote up a very comprehensive rundown on the math behind the figures, click over and give it a read.
Of course, those hypothetical savings aren't going into the pockets of Big Energy. The average oil executive would rather see a dollar go into his pocket than have the country save twenty-five. And he'll keep paying to elect politicians sympathetic to his
bank account cause.
Are you on Twitter? Follow me (@sheagunther) there, I give good tweets.
And if you really like my writing, you can join my Facebook page.


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See what questions
a doctor would ask.
Microscopy: application of microscope magnification to the study of materials that cannot be properly seen by the unaided eye.
Source: CRISP
Microscopy: The use of instrumentation and techniques for visualizing material and details that cannot be seen by the unaided eye. It is usually done by enlarging images, transmitted by light or electron beams, with optical or magnetic lenses that magnify the entire image field. With scanning microscopy, images are generated by collecting output from the specimen in a point-by-point fashion, on a magnified scale, as it is scanned by a narrow beam of light or electrons, a laser, a conductive probe, or a topographical probe.
Source: MeSH 2007
These medical condition or symptom topics may be relevant to medical information for Microscopy:
Source - MeSH 2007
Source - CRISP
Source - MeSH 2007
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Source: CRISP
Source: CRISP
The following list attempts to classify Microscopy into categories where each line is subset of the next.
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by Laura M.
I'm not a researcher. Nor do I claim to be an expert on anything. I'm like a lot of people: I know a little bit about a lot. So what I'm about to share is not scientifically proven. It's not backed up with statistics. It's just what works for me. Which I think is kinda the point of a blog – sharing personal stories in the hope that someone else can relate.
Here's the deal: If you've lost someone dear to you, especially if it's recent, the holidays can be rough. I don't think that bears further explanation. So I'm just going to jump into some creative things you can do (and not do) to lighten your spirit.
Holiday cards
You get a pass on sending out holiday cards. Hands down. I enjoy receiving the Christmas missives (see here for a creative way to display them!) But when I'm feeling blue I have to pay attention to the inward groan I hear that is conjured by the thought of having to send out Christmas cards. I mean, it's a lot of work. Picking out the cards, getting the address book and stamps out and then if you write a personal note – even more time! So I'm here to tell you: you're off the hook. If you're feeling heavy and writing cards doesn't lift your spirits – don't do it! No one's keeping tally. And if they are – you don't need those kinds of people in your life!
See the light(s)
My brother died 3 weeks before Christmas several years ago. On the anniversary of his death I was having a hard time. I mentioned it to a dear friend and she proposed what was probably the only thing that could have cheered me up: She offered to come pick me up and drive me around so that we could look at all the Christmas lights. With hot chocolate. And let me tell you what – it really did the trick. I highly recommend it. You could even bring along your holiday playlist that you made (see what I did there?).
photo credit: J. Proffitt
Forget telepathy
December is a busy time of year. Folks got some shopping to do, decorating, school plays, family dinners to plan, etc. It's perfectly understandable if they may not notice you moping in your cubicle. So, verbalize to others that you're having a hard time. Those closest to you will want to know and may offer a great diversion that will end up making you feel better. Maybe driving around looking at Christmas tree lights???
Everybody handles grief differently. Which means that those around you are kind of playing roulette in figuring out what the best things are to say and do for you. So if their actions/words don't hit the mark, forgive them. They're just trying their best. A dear friend of mine recently lost his wife of 50+ years. A friend of his has been sending him a 'thinking of you' card every month for the past few months. It's a beautiful gesture. Only, for him, it's yet another reminder that his wife is gone. But he's gracious about it. He understands the love and caring behind it. On the flip side, I got the nicest e-mail from a close friend, acknowledging that she remembered this was the time of Angus' passing. It meant the world to me that she was thinking of me.
When you're feeling blue, sometimes it's hard to think of anything that would make you laugh. But you should really take the time to search for it. My recommendations:
Mike Birbiglia – stand-up comedian, author, actor. I appreciate Birbigs' humor because it's always self-deprecating and never mean-spirited. He's got some Comedy Central specials (I think.) You could look for him on iTunes or Netflix, etc. Or check out another comedian at your local improv troupe.
Bill Bryson – author. My favorite book of his is titled "In A Sunburnt Country." I read it 2 weeks after my brother died. In a feat that I didn't think was possible, this book made me laugh.out.loud. I mean, think about it: If it could make me laugh at the worst time in my life, a regular person should be howling.
Elf – movie. Again, a personal favorite. Hopefully there's a funny movie that you love to watch over and over. Beethoven is a very close second for me.
This SNL skit. I've watched it over a dozen times, and each time it makes me cry with laughter. It feels good.
I'm actually serious about this. If you don't already have a pet, let me tell you what: there's nothing like caring for a furry critter to make you feel better. I adopted 2 kitties after my brother's death, and they saved me from the depths of my grief. Nothing else had worked. Not talk therapy, not art therapy, hoola hooping, or anti-depressants. But when I got those cats, man, my whole world turned around.
Lexie and Parker. My dearies who are quickly eclipsing me in the number of Facebook followers.
It's hard to be sad at a time of year that is supposed to be filled with joy. Just know it's ok to feel both. Once again: all of the above is what works for me. I would love to hear what works for you. Sharing is caring.


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Four years ago, ImmunoGen Inc. marked a significant achievement in the Waltham company's history with the market debut of Kadcyla, a breast cancer drug that uses innovative biotechnology to target cancer while sparing healthy cells.
The Genentech division of Swiss drug giant Roche AG won approval from US and European regulators to sell Kadcyla, but the "payload platform" that enables the drug to bind to tumors was painstakingly developed over three decades by ImmunoGen.
Kadcyla now generates more than $800 million in annual revenue, according to ImmunoGen president and chief executive Mark Enyedy.
On Tuesday, ImmunoGen announced its latest collaboration, with California-based Jazz Pharmaceuticals, to use the same technology — called antibody-drug conjugates — to treat acute myeloid leukemia and other cancers of the blood.
Jazz plans to pay ImmunoGen $75 million upfront for rights to two early-stage ImmunoGen drugs being developed for those types of cancers. The deal also includes a third ImmunoGen drug program that will be determined later.
Jazz will pay ImmunoGen up to $100 million more in development funding over seven years to support the three drug research programs.
ImmunoGen's stock price closed up more than 17 percent on the Nasdaq exchange Tuesday, to $7.58 a share, following the announcement of the deal.
Leaders of Jazz and ImmunoGen touted the mutual benefits of the partnership.
"The two companies are highly complementary to each other,'' said Enyedy, whose firm will be responsible for developing the three drug programs before Jazz decides whether to opt in.
Jazz's drug portfolio already includes treatments for blood cancers. "What they don't have is as deep a research arm as ImmunoGen," Enyedy said.
The arrangement will give ImmunoGen an infusion of cash to help it develop payload platforms, as well as an alliance with a larger pharma partner that has access to global markets, he added.
ImmunoGen has about 300 employees and is not expected to add any more as a result of the deal.
Bruce Cozadd, chairman and chief executive of Jazz, which is incorporated in Ireland, said he is looking forward to working with ImmunoGen, as "new therapeutic options for cancer patients are urgently needed."Jonathan Saltzman can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.com.


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Place-Based Policies * David Neumark UCI, NBER, and IZA 3151 Social Science Plaza Irvine, CA USA
- Cori Mathews
- 3 years ago
- Views:
1 Place-Based Policies * David Neumark UCI, NBER, and IZA 3151 Social Science Plaza Irvine, CA USA Helen Simpson University of Bristol, CMPO, OUCBT and CEPR 8 Woodland Rd Bristol, BS8 1TN UK Abstract: Place-based policies commonly target underperforming areas, such as deteriorating downtown business districts and disadvantaged regions. Principal examples include enterprise zones, European Union Structural Funds, and industrial cluster policies. Place-based policies are rationalized by various hypotheses in urban and labor economics, such as agglomeration economies and spatial mismatch hypotheses that entail market failures and often predict overlap between poor economic performance and disadvantaged residents. The evidence on enterprise zones is very mixed. We need to know more about what features of enterprise zone policies make them more effective or less effective, who gains and who loses from these policies, and how we can reconcile the existing findings. Some evidence points to positive benefits of infrastructure expenditure, and also investment in higher education and university research likely because of the public-goods nature of these policies. However, to better guide policy, we need to know more about what policies create self-sustaining longer-run gains. Keywords: place-based policies, employment, enterprise zones, discretionary grants, higher education, industrial clusters, infrastructure. * We are grateful to Gilles Duranton, Vernon Henderson, Patrick Kline, Stephen Ross, Kurt Schmidheiny, and Will Strange for very helpful comments.
2 1. INTRODUCTION Broadly speaking, place-based policies refer to government efforts to enhance the economic performance of an area within its jurisdiction, typically in the form of more job opportunities and higher wages. Best known, perhaps, are place-based policies that target underperforming areas, such as deteriorating downtown business districts, or within the European Union, relatively disadvantaged areas eligible for regional development aid. Alternatively, place-based policies may seek to enhance even further the economic performance of areas that are already doing well. Ladd (1994) distinguishes a subset of place-based policies or strategies that she labels placebased people strategies. These are policies that are geographically targeted, but with the intent and structure of helping disadvantaged residents in them for example, enterprise zone programs that seek to create jobs in or near areas where poor people live and job prospects are weak. In contrast, some placebased policies target areas irrespective of whether there are disadvantaged people living in those areas, or even many people at all, such as efforts to revitalize a downtown business district including real-estate development, or initiatives to help strengthen an industrial cluster in a region. Place-based people strategies, in particular, can be contrasted with people-based policies that try to help the disadvantaged without regard to where they live or how concentrated they are. Examples include welfare and working tax credits (such as the Earned Income Tax Credit in the United States). People-based policies are the more traditional purview of public finance, and are not covered in this chapter. Rather, the chapter focuses on a wide range of place-based policies including pure place-based policies as well as place-based people policies. Place-based policies that also focus on people can be categorized as direct or indirect. Direct forms of place-based policies seek to increase economic activity and strengthen labor markets where disadvantaged people currently live, while indirect policies may instead seek to increase access of those people to locations where labor markets are stronger. Enterprise zones can be viewed as direct, since they typically create incentives for hiring, or economic activity more generally, in or near areas where disadvantaged people live. The Gautreaux and Moving to Opportunity programs in the United States, as well as transportation-based policies intended to increase access to jobs outside of areas where the disadvantaged tend to reside (in the United States, the urban core) that is, intended to reduce spatial mismatch are examples of indirect policies. This chapter focuses on direct policies. 1 Place-based policies targeting the disadvantaged, including indirect policies, are often rationalized in part by hypotheses that seek to explain the overlap between areas with poor economic 1 There are many excellent summaries of the details of both the Gautreaux and MTO program designs, and a number of comprehensive reviews of findings of studies of either or both programs; see, e.g., Duncan and Zuberi (2006), Rosenbaum and Zuberi (2010), and Ludwig et al. (2013). 1
3 performance and disadvantaged residents, coupled with market failures of one form or another. The standard arguments considered in the urban economics literature to rationalize pure place-based policies are generally efficiency arguments pertaining to the existence of agglomeration externalities. But this literature also calls into question whether policies that aim to stimulate economic activity in one place rather than another deliver any aggregate benefits, and whether place-based people policies will ultimately help those individuals they target. In our view, other market imperfections that have been highlighted in the labor economics literature may also justify place-based policies of both types. One is the spatial mismatch hypothesis, according to which minorities or low-skilled workers in some urban areas may face long-term disadvantage spurred by declines in employment opportunities as manufacturing jobs left the cities, coupled with housing discrimination or other constraints that restrict their mobility to locations with better employment opportunities. A second is positive externalities stemming from network effects, whereby employment of residents can help other residents find jobs (e.g., Hellerstein et al., 2011). Either the externalities from network effects or the mobility constraints implied by spatial mismatch can potentially justify geographically targeted policies to increase employment. This chapter reviews evidence on these labor-market hypotheses that can potentially rationalize place-based policies, with a more cursory discussion of the standard urban economics hypotheses regarding agglomeration and spillovers, on which plenty of work already exists. The majority of the chapter focuses on the research evidence on impacts of place-based policies, and discusses issues arising in the empirical identification of causal effects in this setting. 2 In the remainder of this introduction, we provide more detail on the types of place-based policies we consider, and emphasize the intended recipients and the stated goals of these policies. Later in the chapter, in both the context of the theoretical basis for these interventions and the evidence on their effects, we consider whether these goals are met. Due to space constraints, we limit our coverage throughout to place-based policies in the United States and in Europe. This focus allows us to contrast evidence on similar types of policies implemented in both locations, and where the evaluation literature has examined comparable outcomes using similar empirical approaches, enables us to draw conclusions that are more general. In turn, this means that we necessarily exclude interventions in developing countries, such as Special Economic Zones in China (see Wang, 2013 and Alder et al., 2013) and India s National Manufacturing and Investment Zones. We also exclude policies that result from political or fiscal decentralization and which apply 2 Kline and Moretti (forthcoming) provide a very useful complementary review article on place-based policies, which focuses largely on a theoretical discussion of the welfare economics of local economic development programs, with a very limited discussion of the evidence. In contrast, our goal is to provide a comprehensive overview and evaluation of the evidence base. 2
4 across whole jurisdictions (and, therefore, without regard to the characteristics of the areas where the incentives apply, or the people who live in them), rather than to areas within a jurisdiction. Examples include discretionary programs, such as the Michigan Economic Growth Authority (MEGA) program, which provides tax credits to businesses in the state s export industries (Bartik and Erickcek, 2010), and broader policies on which jurisdictions may compete to attract businesses. There is large literature on tax competition between areas to attract firms such as through research and development tax credits (e.g., Wilson, 2009; Chang, 2013), covered by Brülhart et al. in this Handbook. And states and cities are often viewed as competing on a number of dimensions including taxes, regulations, quality of life, etc., which are often captured and summarized in business climate indexes (Kolko et al., 2013). Bartik (2003) also discusses the potential role of customized economic development services for businesses. Because these kinds of policies and dimensions of competition fall outside of the usual definition of place-based policies that try to reallocate economic activity across areas within a jurisdiction, or stimulate activity in very specific areas within a jurisdiction, they are not covered in this chapter. The place-based policy that has attracted the most attention from researchers is enterprise zones. In the United States, these exist at both the federal and state level. 3 For example, under the federal Empowerment Zone Program in the United States, authorized in 1993, local governments could submit proposals for zones made up of relatively poor, high-unemployment Census tracts. 4 The federal Enterprise Community program, also authorized in 1993, had the same criteria. Far more Enterprise Communities than Empowerment Zones were created. The former had much smaller benefits grants of just under $3 million, versus $100 million ($40 million) for urban (rural) Empowerment Zones (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2006) as well as much less generous hiring credits. 5 Spending in the first round of the federal enterprise zone program, through 2000, totaled nearly $400 million in block grants and $200 million in employment credits. Federal expenditures via hiring credits and block grants for the first six years of the program are estimated at about $850 per zone resident. There is a plethora of state enterprise zones programs in the United States 40 as of 2008 (Ham et al., 2011). These vary in size (some even cover the entire state!), the number of zones in each state, and the benefits available. As an example of targeting, however, consider the case of California, whose state 3 Bartik (2003) notes that earlier related programs focusing on distressed communities include Urban Renewal in the 1940s and 50s, Model Cities during the War on Poverty, and Community Block Development Grants. 4 All tracts in the zone had to have poverty rates above 20 percent, 90 percent above 25 percent, and 50 percent above 35 percent. In addition, unemployment rates in each tract had to exceed the 1990 national average of 6.3 percent (Busso et al., 2013; U.S. General Accounting Office, 2006). 5 The Enterprise Communities were created among applicant areas that did not receive Empowerment Zone designation, leading Busso et al. (2013) to characterize the Enterprise Communities as consolation prizes. The rejected status of these areas figures prominently in research discussed later. In 2000, an additional program (Renewal Communities), with related but different criteria, was established, offering a hiring credit and other benefits. See (viewed July 11, 2013). 3
5 enterprise zone program has been studied most extensively. In California, enterprise zones are supposed to be areas with job-creation potential that are near and can overlap with Targeted Employment Areas (TEAs), consisting of Census tracts where more than half the population earns less than 80 percent of median area income, according to the 1980 Census. 6 The most significant benefit is a hiring credit to businesses located in zones. A worker living in a TEA qualifies for the hiring credit regardless of their characteristics. Clearly both federal enterprise zone programs as well as this state program (and the same is true of many others) target areas based on the characteristics of people who live in them. Enterprise zone policies are also used in some European countries. France introduced an enterprise zone program in 1997 (Zones Franches Urbaines, or ZFUs), targeting municipalities or groups of municipalities facing acute unemployment, as well as high poverty and other economic challenges. The criteria used to define these areas included population, population aged under 25, unemployment rate, fraction of the population with no skills, and the fiscal potential of the area, which is related to income (Gobillon et al., 2012). The policy offered relief on property taxes, corporate income taxes, and wages, and aimed to increase local employment by making the wage tax relief conditional on hiring at least 20 percent of employees locally. The United Kingdom ran a program of enterprise zones from 1981 to the mid-1990s covering areas of derelict industrial land in locations that had been hit by industrial decline (Papke, 1993), and which aimed to create local jobs through new businesses and inward foreign direct investment. The policy offered incentives for business investment including more generous tax allowances for capital investment, exemptions from business rates (a local tax on commercial property), and relaxation of planning regulations. 7 A quite different type of place-based policy that also targets economically disadvantaged areas is a larger-scale government effort to help economic development through infrastructure investment. A prime example is the Tennessee Valley Authority, a federal initiative to modernize the economy of the Tennessee Valley region, encompassing most of Tennessee as well as parts of Kentucky, Alabama, and Mississippi. The program entailed large public infrastructure spending with an emphasis on hydroelectric dams to generate power sold locally to encourage manufacturing, as well as other spending on, for example, schools and flood controls (Kline and Moretti, 2014). Another example is the Appalachian Regional Commission (discussed by Glaeser and Gottlieb, 2008), provided assistance focused on transportation for a large swath of states extending from Mississippi to New York, beginning in Within the European Union (EU), Structural Funds comprising the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and European Social Fund (ESF) support a wide range of initiatives aimed 6 Other studies describe similar types of criteria for federal programs (e.g., Hanson, 2009), and programs in other states (e.g., Lynch and Zax, 2011). 7 During the 1980s Spain implemented a re-industrialisation zone policy and Belgium a program of employment zones. France also operated an earlier enterprise zone policy in the late 1980s. 4
6 at economic development and increasing labor market participation and skills; these policies also generally target disadvantaged areas. 8 Expenditure under the ERDF can include investment in transport or telecommunications infrastructure, or investment linked to innovation, the environment, or energy. The ESF is used to provide funding for programs aimed at reducing unemployment, increasing human capital, and increasing social integration of disadvantaged groups. The bulk of Structural Funds expenditure flows to the so-called Objective 1 Areas. These are regions within EU member states with GDP per capita less than 75 percent of the European Community average. For , many new member countries such as Poland and Romania were entirely classified as Objective 1 areas. Other examples include peripheral regions such as in Southern Italy, Southern Spain, and Portugal, as well as some lagging regions in the United Kingdom and (former East) Germany. Under EU legislation, European governments can also offer subsidies to private-sector firms within these areas. Since the 1970s, the United Kingdom has run a number of discretionary grant schemes (e.g., Regional Selective Assistance, Regional Development Grants, and Enterprise Grants) which subsidize new capital investment with explicit aims of creating or safeguarding jobs and attracting inward investment. The grants are available in designated, relatively disadvantaged Assisted Areas within the United Kingdom, with area eligibility determined by GDP per capita and unemployment rate indictors relative to the EU average. The subsidy rate allowable varies with area characteristics, with Objective 1 areas eligible for the highest subsidy rates. 9 A similar grant program has been in operation in France (the Prime d Aménagement du Territoire), and the Italian government operates a scheme known as Law 488. Although on paper the direct recipients of these subsidies are businesses, the ultimate intended beneficiaries are individuals residing in these lagging regions; hence these programs have a people-based flavor. There are other European place-based policies, directly aimed at firms, which do not necessarily have a people-based component: for example, support for industrial clusters outside of relatively deprived areas. The current U.K. enterprise zone policy, which began in 2011, aims to increase new business startups and growth, and to create new jobs. Within England there are now 24 designated areas offering some of the same tax incentives as the previous scheme, but also aiming to promote clusters of businesses within the same industrial sector, and emphasizing location-specific amenities including access to transport infrastructure such as rail and ports. The motivation for clusters policies often comes from evidence on productivity benefits arising from industry localization, or on the observed co-location of 8 For , expenditure on Structural Funds was 278 billion, a significant fraction of the European Community budget. (See viewed January 6, 2014.) 9 Eligible areas are revised every seven years. The precise set of economic indicators and geographic units used to define eligible areas have varied over time. 5
7 some high-tech clusters with higher-education institutions. In Sweden, the government has explicitly tried to use the location of new universities as a regional policy tool to both increase local labor force skills and potentially exploit knowledge spillovers from university research as a means of attracting private-sector activity to an area and boosting local productivity. As this discussion suggests, there is a large variety of policies that can be considered under the general rubric of place-based policies. Table 1 provides summary information on the general types of place-based policies that exist, as well as some details on specific examples. Some have been mentioned already, and others will be discussed in the sections that follow. [Table 1 here] 2. THEORETICAL BASIS FOR PLACE-BASED POLICIES In assessing the welfare effects of place-based policies, theory highlights some important factors, which in turn can be used to direct empirical analysis of policy effects. Key questions include: Can policy exploit agglomeration externalities or solve other market failures to generate long-term gains for targeted areas? If so, does intervention come at a cost to other areas, and are there any aggregate, national benefits of location-specific interventions? Does policy that targets specific places create distortions to capital and labor mobility, lowering efficiency by reducing incentives of firms or individuals to move to other more productive locations? And how does geographic mobility affect outcomes for those originally resident in the targeted areas, as well as the eventual incidence of a place-based policy? In short, can intervention be justified, and what potential effects of place-based policies should empirical analysis aim to identify? Before considering potential efficiency rationales for intervention, it is worth starting from the benchmark of the absence of market failures. With perfect labor mobility combined with inelastic housing supply in the targeted area, theory implies that, as a result of in-migration and increased demand for housing, landowners benefit from a location-specific policy, rather than local residents, with the benefits being capitalized into rents. With less than perfect labor mobility, local residents may benefit, but these benefits should be weighed against any costs to non-targeted areas, and the deadweight costs of taxation. Place-based policies may be justified in the context of market failures that have a spatial dimension. In the rest of this section, we outline possible arguments why place-based policies may help overcome specific market imperfections or take advantage of externalities, and consider the case for redistribution, or equitymotivated policies that target disadvantaged areas, and not just disadvantaged people Agglomeration economies The efficiency-related argument for place-based policies that is most central to urban economics is that there are agglomeration economies, in which the dense population of urban areas has an independent effect on the productivity of resources. Agglomeration economies may arise via a number of mechanisms, which Duranton and Puga (2004) categorize as sharing, matching and learning. Moretti 6
8 (2010) emphasizes the role of thick labor markets, which can lead to better worker-firm matches, inducing more investment by workers and firms. Thick labor markets can also provide better insurance against local demand shocks by reducing the risk or cost of unemployment, which can act as a compensating differential that lowers labor costs. Moretti also emphasizes thick markets for intermediate inputs, especially those that are specialized and non-tradable. Examples are professional services, such as computer programming, legal support, or venture capital. 10 If a firm needs these inputs from other companies, it has an incentive to locate in a city with other firms that use the same inputs. Agglomeration economies imply positive externalities, because bringing additional people or firms to an urban area increases the productivity of other individuals or firms in that area, but these gains are not captured by those deciding whether to move to that location. Thus, there may be a rationale to subsidize in-migration or growth, to raise the private returns closer to the social returns. 11 Moretti (2010) argues that the rationale for place-based policies to exploit agglomeration economies may be quite strong, especially in a dynamic setting with multiple equilibria, in which externalities can generate benefits from drawing economic activity to any single one of a set of ex ante similar locations. In such cases the gains from moving from a low-employment, low-density equilibrium to a high one at a particular location may far exceed the costs of the policy (such as a temporary, but large-scale intervention as in Kline, 2010). Hence, there may be a case for place-based policy to jump-start growth in a specific area. Nevertheless, two further questions need to be addressed: Which areas should policy target? And will the gains to those areas be offset by losses to others? As Glaeser and Gottlieb (2008) emphasize, in choosing between locations in which to encourage growth, policymakers should do so in areas where the elasticity of productivity with respect to agglomeration is higher (which may well not be the most deprived areas), exploiting spatial variation in the relationship between productivity and size or density. In practice, they argue given the challenges in estimating how the magnitude of agglomeration economies varies across regions policymakers may have little or no knowledge of how this elasticity varies spatially, and hence little basis for preferring one place over another. In addition, if there is no variation in the elasticity across areas, then there will be no aggregate benefits from re-distributing activity geographically. Moretti, however, suggests that when there is spatial heterogeneity in the value of this externality, competition among local governments can be an efficient source of place-based policies. He argues that when local governments know the value of the 10 Zhang (2007) suggests that venture capital, which might be thought as supplying capital in a national market, actually tends to favor local industry looking at the specific context of Silicon Valley. 11 Place-based policies that aim to address a co-ordination failure and target city size may still only be a second-best response, even in the best-case scenario in which policy makers know the optimal size to capture, for example, the externalities between firms from co-location in the same area. It is more difficult to imagine a policy that fully addresses inefficiencies conditional on location, for example due to un-internalized increasing returns such as through spillovers, which may depend on the scale or type of firms investment. 7
9 local externality and set locally-financed incentives based on it, competition to attract businesses may increase national welfare, despite the potential zero-sum game of attracting businesses to one location rather than another. The reason is that this local policy competition may ultimately arrive at the correct valuation of the externality. Of course, there may be reasons for scepticism about local government motivations and incentives to attract businesses, as other factors such as the salience of attracting new businesses for winning elections can easily come into play Knowledge spillovers and the knowledge economy A frequently posited source of agglomeration externalities, which has a long history in urban economics (e.g., Marshall, 1890; Jacobs, 1961), is knowledge spillovers or learning in the Duranton and Puga (2004) typology. The hypothesis is that densely populated, diverse urban areas foster experimentation and innovation, and facilitate face-to-face interactions that aid the spread of new ideas. More generally, the human capital of others in close proximity can raise everyone s human capital and increase firm productivity, through sharing of knowledge and faster adoption of innovations (Moretti, 2010). Because knowledge is more likely to spill over from more highly-educated workers, due to the knowledge they possess and perhaps the work they do, knowledge spillovers can have more specific predictions than agglomeration economies per se in particular, that locations more dense in educated workers will be more successful. 12 Knowledge spillovers can provide a rationale for local policymakers to try to produce or attract skilled workers for example, through creating or supporting educational institutions, perhaps in particular universities. The public-good characteristics of basic knowledge rationalize public subsidies to research universities in general, but the potential for local knowledge spillovers can rationalize placebased policy. If spillovers increase with geographic proximity, and firms are aware of this, then investment in universities may serve to attract innovative firms to the locality. Local governments may take additional steps to increase knowledge spillovers from publicly financed research, such the creation of business incubators and science parks near research universities, or encouraging interactions between universities and businesses, potentially overcoming information or coordination failures. In addition to the potential value of generating knowledge spillovers from attracting high-skilled workers, Moretti (2012) argues that attracting skilled workers in the knowledge-intensive high-tech sector has large local multipliers relative to other industries. This can occur because of high pay in these jobs, because of demand for business services from this industry, and because high-tech firms appear to attract other high-tech firms. Moreover, there are gains to earnings of others, according to Moretti, from human capital externalities, faster technology adoption, and complementarity with less-skilled labor. 12 In that sense, knowledge spillovers are viewed as a particular type of agglomeration externality. But the hypothesis has received enough attention in the literature that it merits separate consideration. 8
10 Echoing the discussion of agglomeration economies generally, Glaeser and Gottlieb (2008) raise questions about the aggregate welfare implications of policies to try to exploit knowledge spillovers by encouraging moves of educated workers from one place to another, or the creation of educated workers in one place rather than another. The argument is similar; there has to be a non-linear relationship between the density of skilled workers and productivity, so that moving skilled people from one location to another increases productivity more in the target area than it decreases productivity in the origin area, and policymakers must know the nature of this relationship. In addition, worker mobility can dissipate the effects of some local policies to exploit human capital spillovers, such as subsidizing education. This may be particularly problematic for higher education as more-educated workers are more mobile Industry localization Many of the arguments about matching, sharing, and learning can be applied, and may even be more persuasive, at the industry level, in particular since the localization of industry employment has been systematically documented for specific tradable sectors for a number of countries. For example, knowledge spillovers may actually have to do more with the presence of workers in the same, or related industries, rather than skilled workers, per se, in the locality. Other sources of agglomeration economies may be stronger within industries, because the thick labor markets or thick intermediate input markets that may be the engine of agglomeration may operate more within than across industries. Such industry-level externalities may rationalize government policy to try to establish or enhance industry clusters. 14 However, the observation that such industrial clusters exist, and the potential presence of externalities, is not sufficient to justify intervention. For example, for some sectors access to natural resources rather than the presence of agglomeration economies may drive the location of clusters. Duranton (2011) analyzes the theoretical basis for industrial cluster policies, and questions the magnitude of the returns to clustering for local welfare. His argument that the case for policy is weak rests on the complex nature of the agglomeration externalities, as well as on the costs and benefits of intervention in practice (i.e., on the potential weakness of policy levers if firm and worker mobility is limited, and on the evidence of only small-scale effects of clustering on local productivity and wages). Moreover, the optimal size of a cluster, which policy would want to target, is hard to determine in practice and would require knowledge of both the higher benefits from increasing returns as the cluster grows and the increased costs due to limits on land availability and externalities such as congestion. On the other hand, if a cluster 13 In this chapter we do not review the evidence on general education subsidies (see, e.g., Bound et al., 2004, and Bartik, 2009). One might imagine mobility to be less of a problem for education policies that target provision of skills specific to a local industry, such as at the community-college level. 14 Bartik (2003) and Matouschek and Robert-Nicoud (2005) discuss market imperfections in investment in training that might occur when firms are clustered, noting that in some cases government involvement in the provision of (industry-specific) training may be justified. 9
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Investment banks left out in the cold
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* Govt looking to boost revenue from coal sector
* Firms to pay 13.5 pct royalties on coal sales as a cash lump sum
* Mineral resources min hopes other firms will sign by year-end (Adds comment from Bumi)
By Wilda Asmarini
JAKARTA, Nov 15 (Reuters) - Indonesia has amended contracts with 13 coal mining companies, including some of the country's biggest producers of the fossil fuel, as part of a shift towards a new mining permit system it expects to boost government revenues.
Indonesia's 2009 mining law requires companies to transfer from so-called contracts of work, long-term agreements with specific rules including on taxes, to newer special mining permits that generally follow prevailing law.
The changes are intended to simplify regulation of the sector, but the transition has proven complicated and legally difficult with some companies, like U.S. giant Freeport, threatening international arbitration.
Among the coal miners that signed contract amendments at an event in Jakarta on Tuesday were PT Bumi Resources Tbk units PT Kaltim Prima Coal (KPC) and PT Arutmin Indonesia, as well as PT Berau Coal Energy Tbk and PT Kideco Jaya Agung.
Under the amendments, coal mining companies agreed to pay 13.5 percent royalties on coal sales as a cash lump sum.
The firms will be allowed to apply to extend their current contracts by up to two years.
Amendments for so-called 'generation 1' contracts of work also increase land rent to $4 per hectare from $1 per hectare previously, and will take effect immediately.
For later generation contracts used by companies including PT Barasentosa Lestari, PT Intitirta Primasakti, PT Juloi Coal, PT Kalteng Coal, PT Lahai Coal, PT Maruwai Coal, PT Pari Coal, PT Ratah Coal and PT Sumber Barito Coal, the changes come into effect in 2018.
Dileep Srivastava, a spokesman for Bumi Resources, Indonesia's biggest coal miner by output, confirmed the contract amendments by the firm's two subsidiaries, noting that Arutmin's contract would expire in almost two years, while KPC's contract is due to end in 2021.
Srivastava said the amendments were a precursor to "continued exploitation of our vast unmined reserves".
A spokesman for Berau did not respond to a request for comment on the matter. A spokesman for PT Kideco Jaya Agung declined to comment.
According to Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Ignasius Jonan, the government expects an increase in state revenue of $68 million from the amendments.
There were still another 18 coal mining companies using contracts of work that had not yet signed amendments, Jonan said.
"I hope this year they are all completed." (Reporting by Wilda Asmarini; Writing by Fergus Jensen; Editing by Louise Heavens, Mark Potter and Joseph Radford)


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Hi im flying into Melbourne on July 7th next year but only plan on staying for roughly 5 weeks (although this is flexible). We want to travel up the East coast to Queensland, stopping at all the places of interest along the way. We also wanna see aires rock of course, then we fly out of Melbourne again when we leave.
Any suggestions of what to see along the way???
Any idea of how much time to spend in each place???
SAME QUESTION FOR NZ!!! We fly into Queenstown and out of Auckland approx. 5-6 weeks later....
All help/advice/tips/stories to share would be much appreciated!!


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Specifications of negotiation:
A seller launches a negotiable deal, buyers can bid for it freely, the deal will be made if the seller accepts one of the offers; if the seller doesn't agree, buyers can bid again.
A buyer can bid 10 times for one domain, if the seller still don't accept the offer till the 10th time, the order will be closed.
Both the seller and the buyer have one chance to change their quote and message before the other party's seeing.
Once one party agrees with the quote, the other party should make confirmation to make the deal.
Order time:
The seller has 7 days to response after the buyer's first bid. If the remaining time is less than 3-day, it will be prolonged 3 days more every time the seller responses.
The service fee for negotiation should be paid by the buyer, if the transaction fails, then it should be paid the the party who defaults.
Transfer fee for third-party's domains should be paid by the seller.


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At Cornerstone Wealth Management, we understand that getting acclimated to independence does not just happen overnight. This is why new advisors joining CWM are given an experienced transitioning and onboarding team to make their move easier and more efficient.
For the first three months, these teams help with opening new accounts, transferring assets to LPL Financial, establishing account service needs and training advisors on how business is conducted at Cornerstone Wealth Management. CWM has found that offering these services helps relieve new advisors' stress and helps them better transition into private practice.


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Hours: M-F 8 am - 5 pm AZ Time
Phone: (928) 227-0432
We have finally gotten back to a point where can can offer some other products besides our Simply Rugged Gunleather... Cold Steel Knives are one of the first products we offered while still in Alaska. We all use these blades they have proven themselves in the field, time and again. Nothing in my experience tests a blade like the processing of very large game. Several times while butchering and skinning moose MY Cold Steel knives were borrowed by everyone involved.
Add our leather belt Sheath for 30.00
Lynn Thompson bought the first knife that custom maker, Lloyd Pendleton ever made in 1973. Now the two friends have collaborated to produce two of Lloyd's most popular knives, we call them the Lloyd Pendleton Hunter and Mini Hunter.
In fabricating these knives, we have tried to duplicate Lloyd's work as accurately as possible. Both the Pendleton Hunter's hollow ground blade and the Mini Hunter's flat ground blade are honed to perfection. The handle's cross sections and contours match Lloyd's handmade knives exactly.
Pendleton Custom Classic:
Whether you're hunting the Big Five in Africa, Elk in Colorado, Moose and Bears in Alaska, or Whitetail deer in the North Forty, there aren't many things that will enhance your hunting experience more than carrying and using this superb custom-quality hunting knife. Our Pendleton Custom Classic is a handsome reproduction of Lloyd Pendleton's Drop Point Hunter. It has a 3 1/2" blade with a sharp yet sturdy point for piercing and a truly razor sharp edge with plenty of belly. Its hand crafted polished blade is hollow ground from 5 mm thick VG-1 San Mai III® blade construction and boasts state of the art vacuum heat treatment, a sub zero quench and multiple tempering. With its tapered full tang construction and extra stout "spine" it's virtually indestructible and, in a pinch, can double as a life saving survival knife. Lloyd's guard and integral bolster have been exactly duplicated. Precision machined from stainless steel and skillfully polished, it features a single short quillon and a unique "thumb print" on the bolster to help protect the fingers and allow any number of grip options. The handle is also a faithful copy of Lloyd's original. Featuring a red fiber liner that accents the tapered tang, and twin contoured handle scales made of highly polished black linen micarta with six stainless retaining pins. A heavy pouch style sheath is included. It's made from brown cowhide with a thick welt and sturdy stitching and is wet molded to fit each knife. It covers two thirds of the handle so your knife is held secure and won't "pop out" inadvertently.


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The belief that everything in the universe happens for a reason, one which may be unapparent, but present nonetheless.
If something happens to you, whether its bad or good, there was a reason behind it. Usually something bad is actually the start of something better, or the avoidance of something worse.
by Michael/Mathew/David/Hans/MB/X August 04, 2005
buy the domain for your pet blog


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Thanks but no thanks is Gov. William Donald Schaefer's response to a luncheon set up for him and the highest bidder in a charity auction for Center Stage.
Schaefer announced today that he will not dine with Douglas Scott Arey, whose $1,750 bid was the top amount in Sunday's WBAL Radio Auction for a lunch with Schaefer.
The reason for Schaefer's refusal? Arey, 42, is serving a life sentence at the Maryland Correctional Institution in Jessup for a 1973 homicide. Arey shot a Baltimore man three times in the chest and dumped the body in Pennsylvania.


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Waters is also the last unabashed admirer of Sigmund Freud. Waters writes that he made "friends with his neuroses through psychiatry." In person, he riffs, "Freud was wrong about a couple of things, but he was right about a lot, and he got a lot of ideas all at once. I love what I quote in the book, where he says psychotherapy is 'turning hysterical misery into common unhappiness.' They don't do that any more! I know pills make you 'even,' which saves peoples' lives, I know. But many people don't need them. It's appropriate to be depressed sometimes. You just killed somebody in a DWI accident, you should be depressed. You're not supposed to never feel sad."
One wonders what Freud would have made of this book's panoply of mothers, who often raised healthy children in spite of themselves. Waters' own mother seems terrific. He writes, "My mom used to drive me down from our safe, then almost country-like neighborhood to Martick's, a bar known (at the time) for its bohemian customers. 'Well,' she'd sigh as she dropped me off outside, knowing I couldn't get in because the owner was aware I wasn't twenty-one, 'at least here you might meet some people you could get along with.' "


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Project Linus Project Linus
Here's a sample of our volunteer opportunities:VIEW AS
Mission Statement
First, It is our mission to provide love, a sense of security, warmth and comfort to children who are seriously ill, traumatized, or otherwise in need through the gifts of NEW, HOMEMADE, WASHABLE blankets and afghans, lovingly created by volunteer blanketeers.
Second, it is our mission to provide a rewarding and fun service opportunity for interested individuals and groups in local communities, for the benefit of children.
Project Linus began in Denver on Christmas Eve 1995 when an article appeared in Parade Magazine entitled, "Joy to the World". Written by Pulitzer Prize-winning photojournalist Eddie Adams, it featured a petite downy-haired little girl who had been undergoing intensive chemotherapy. The article stated that her security blanket helped her get through treatments. Karen Loucks read the article and decided to provide homemade security blankets to Denver's Rocky Mountain Children's Cancer Center. The idea grew, Charles Schultz's family gave permission to use the blanket-toting Linus as the logo, and Project Linus was born. PROJECT LINUS is a 100% volunteer non-profit organization.
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Do you work for this organization?
Request administrator status and update its information!


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Around the Tubes
Yesterday new comics came out, what looked interesting? What did you pick up? While you think about that, here's the news you might have missed.
Around the Blogs:
MSN.com – Graphic novel offers child's-eye view of communism – I'm reading this now, it's very good so far.
Comics Alliance – Lego's Upcoming Batcave Adds 'The Dark Knight Rises' And '60s TV Show Elements – Didn't they already have a Batcave set?
Kotaku – Batman: Arkham City's Weird "Bitch" Fixation – Where's the outrage!?
Con Coverage:
Examiner – New York Comic Con 2011 Report: The Best Of The Rest of The News!
CBR – NYCC: Marvel Television Has Big Plans
MTV Geek – Find Out What's Next For The X-Men With Our NYCC Panel Recap!
CBLDF – CBLDF Raises Over $12,500 at NYCC!
Kotaku – New York Comic-Con In Three Minutes
Around the Tubes Reviews:
ICv2 – MetaMaus


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Stonegate XY18806AA Laguna Fire Pit
- 23.5 " H x 25.75 " W x 25.5 " D
- Includes mesh cover and fire poker
- Realistic stone appearance using glass reinforced concrete
- Reviews
- Description
- Specifications
- Benefits
Stonegate XY18806AA Laguna Fire Pit
Always wanted the beauty of an outdoor stone fire pit but couldn't quite justify the costs and difficulties of assembly and installation? Dream no more! With the Stonegate XY18806AA Laguna Fire Pit, you can get all the benefits of a beautiful stone fire pit without any of the drawbacks. It's constructed from a unique glass reinforced concrete which perfectly emulates the look of natural stone but comes at a fraction of the weight and cost. The included mesh and fire poker will keep you and your guests safe from the fire and help to prevent any accidents during usage. Finally, you can enjoy those wood fires in your outdoor gathering place like you've always wanted to with the Stonegate XY18806AA Laguna Fire Pit.
Beautiful design complements outdoor furniture
The Stonegate XY18806AA makes for a fantastic centerpiece to your outdoor gathering spots. Place it amongst a few chairs and tables and you instantly have a place where you can relax with friends and family while keeping warm on those colder nights. Enjoy the outdoors with both the looks and warmth of the Stonegate XY18806AA!
Easily enjoy wood fires
There's nothing better on a cold night than a natural wood burning fire. Get straight to the point with the simplicity and ease of setup offered by the Stonegate XY18806AA. No costly modifications with lengthy installations - simply assemble your new firepit and you're ready to get great wood fires.
- Realistic stone appearance
- 23.5 " H x 25.75 " W x 25.5 " D
- Includes mesh cover and fire poker
- Low cost and simple assembly
- Conservative dimensions make for easy placement
- Provides great ambiance for your outdoor gathering places
Realistic stone appearance
Get all the benefits of a stone fire pit without any of the associated costs or hassle! The Stonegate XY18806AA is constructed out of glass reinforced concrete, making for a beautiful and realistic stone appearance but keeping it lightweight and easy to move and assemble.
Includes mesh cover and fire poker for safe burning
When you're enjoying your time with your family or friends in your outdoor gathering area, you don't want to be worrying about a hazardous fire pit. Luckily, the Stonegate XY18806AA comes with a mesh cover so that you can easily prevent any accidents with your fire pit. It will make sure that nothing unintended falls inside or touches the flames and that rogue sparks don't fly out to cause problems. It also comes with a fire poker so that you can safely tend to the fire. Put your feet up and enjoy the cozy and safe warmth provided by a beautiful wood fire.
Low cost, simple assembly
Utilizing an innovative poly resin design, the Stonegate XY18806AA stays low cost, lightweight, and easy to assemble without sacrificing looks or durability. Other outdoor fire pits require a lot of work and high installation costs, sometimes even necessitating the hiring of workers. Skip all the hassle and the cost and take advantage of the unique design of the Stonegate XY18806AA!
Guaranteed Satisfaction.
- Up To 30 days to return your purchase
- Money back guaranteed
- Free return shipping
- No restocking fees
- Model: XY18806AA
- Product Type: Fire Pit
- Product Dimensions: L: 25.75" x W: 25.50" x H: 23.50"
- Product Weight: 56.00 lbs.
- Application: Outdoor heating
- Construction: Caste Concrete , Glass
- Finish: Natural Stone
- Assembly Required: Yes
- Requires Venting: No
- Requires Gas Hook-Ups: No
- Safety Features: Includes mesh cover and fire poker
- Beautiful stone appearance without the weight or cost
- Conservative dimensions make for easy placement
- Enjoy the beauty and heat of wood fire
- Includes mesh cover and fire poker for safety
- Low cost and simple assembly
- Provides great ambiance for your outdoor gathering places


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PEKIN — A local small-business owner acknowledged Monday that dumping tons of trash on a private driveway is not a "civil matter," but a crime.
Drew Vice, 35, pleaded guilty to illegal dumping on private property. He'll pay a $500 fine and court costs totaling $1,032 and serve a year of court supervision.
Vice, also a Pekin firefighter, had employees of his Dragon Dumps business dump more than 2 tons of construction refuse and other rubbish onto the driveway of Ed Tarpley's home at 912 N. 12th St. on Sept. 11.
In a video he recorded of the event, Vice boasted he was turning Tarpley's property into a "landfill" because Tarpley had not paid him about $2,550 in dumpster rental fees.
He later said he was simply returning garbage that Tarpley had not paid him to remove. Any legal issue arising from the act would be a "civil matter," he said.
Two days later, after Tarpley called the police and the Tazewell County State's Attorney's Office reviewed the case, Vice returned and removed the garbage.
The Police Department called Tarpley in advance. "They told me he was on his way and he'd be there in 10 minutes," and he was, Tarpley said.
A police spokesman said Vice was not arrested the day of the dumping because the officer who responded to Tarpley's call could find no state law or city ordinance that applied to the case.
State's Attorney Stewart Umholtz replied that state law "clearly provides that a person cannot dump garbage on another person's property without their consent." The criminal charge was filed against Vice the following week.
While Vice targeted Tarpley's home, it was Tarpley's son, whose family siding business he now owns, who owed Vice for several dumpster rentals, though the elder Tarpley had arranged for them.
"Even if I owed the guy $1 million, you can't throw a dumpster of junk on somebody's driveway and get away with it," said Chad Tarpley.
Vice said it would be a "waste of time" to sue the Tarpleys over his overdue bill issue in small claims court. Chad Tarpley said he won't pay Vice after the dumping incident. That part of the business feud remains unresolved.
Vice's conviction in the case won't be formally entered in court records if he successfully completes his court supervision.