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United Ireland
A united Ireland is a movement for a sovereign state covering all of the thirty-two traditional counties of Ireland.[1] The island of Ireland currently includes the territories of the Republic of Ireland, which covers 26 counties, and the area of the United Kingdom that is Northern Ireland, which covers the remaining six. A united Ireland, fully independent of the United Kingdom, is supported by Irish nationalists.[2] Conversely, unionists oppose this and support Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom.
Several different models for reunification have been suggested; the three most common include: a system of government akin to the federalism practiced in Switzerland which was a model entitled Éire Nua ("New Ireland"),[3][4] a confederation and a unitary state. Article 15.2 of the Constitution of Ireland (enacted in 1937) provides for the possibility of devolution within the present unitary Irish state,[5] originally intended to absorb the old Parliament of Northern Ireland institutions.
In demographic terms, the six counties of Northern Ireland taken as a whole contain a majority of Ulster Protestants[6] who almost all favour continued union with Great Britain, although individually four of the six have Irish Catholic majorities and majorities voting for Irish nationalist parties.[7] The religious denominations of the British citizens in Northern Ireland are only a stereotypical guide to their likely political preferences, as there are both Protestant nationalists and Catholic unionists.[8] Surveys identify a significant number of Catholics who favour the union without identifying themselves as unionists or British. Some surveys show a majority of Catholics favouring the union.[9] Recent immigrants, and their descendants, some of whom are neither Catholic nor Protestant, have differing views on the issue.
Taken as a whole, the majority of people on the island of Ireland had rejected British rule by the last all-Ireland election, in all 32 counties, where all-Ireland independence was heavily endorsed in the UK general election of 1918 in Irish constituencies that resulted in overwhelming support for the full independence party, Sinn Féin. This election result led to the founding of the nascent all-Ireland Irish Republic state which fought the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921). The war ended with the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. These terms resulted in the dissolution of the Irish Republic, which had received little recognition internationally, and acceptance of partial independence for 26 counties, known as the Irish Free State. These 26 counties finally achieved full independence in 1949, forming the Republic of Ireland.
In political terms, the British monarch and government were reluctant to withdraw their jurisdiction from the whole of the island; for example, to serve as a politician (TD) in the Free State all elected officials were required, under the Treaty, to pledge fidelity to the British monarch. British policy since 1949 has been to agree to Irish unity only by voluntary consent of a majority in Northern Ireland.
While the 26-county Irish governments, particularly under Éamon de Valera, pursued the goal of a united Ireland throughout the 20th century, the prospect of a united Ireland assumed particular importance following the outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. All major political parties in Britain and in both parts of Ireland now accept the principle that a united Ireland can be achieved only with the consent of the majority of the people of Northern Ireland, known as the principle of consent. Sinn Féin, as well as the major political parties in the Republic, favour a united Ireland,[citation needed] as does the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) in Northern Ireland. In 1999 Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution were amended to abandon the territorial claim on Northern Ireland.[10]
A united Ireland outside of the UK is opposed by all unionist parties and the Ulster loyalist paramilitary[11] groups in Northern Ireland. The UK government is committed under the Northern Ireland Act 1998 to following the wishes of the majority of the Northern Ireland population, a position accepted by all other signatories to the Good Friday Agreement and now enshrined in the Irish Constitution.
- 1 History
- 2 Public opinion
- 3 Political support and opposition for unification
- 4 See also
- 5 References
- 6 Further reading
Kings and High Kings
Before the coming of the Normans, there existed the title of Ard Rí (High King), usually held by the Uí Néill, but this was more of a ceremonial title denoting a sort of "first among equals", rather than an absolute monarchy and unitary state as developed in England and Scotland. Most were described in the records as king "with opposition". Nevertheless, several strong characters imbued the office with real power, most notably Máel Sechnaill mac Maíl Ruanaid (845–860), his son Flann Sinna (877–914) and Flann's great-grandson Máel Sechnaill mac Domnaill (979–1002; 1014–1022), Brian Boru (1002–1014), Muircheartach Ua Briain (1101–1119), and Toirdhealbhach Ua Conchobhair (1119–1156).
What prevented the consolidation of truly national power even by the Ard Rí was the fact that the island was divided into a number of autonomous, fully independent kingdoms ruled by rival dynasties. The most powerful of these kingdoms in the immediate pre-Norman era were Aileach, Brefine, Mide, Leinster, Osraige, Munster and Connacht. In addition to these, there were a number of lesser subject kingdoms such as Airgialla, Uladh, Brega, Dublin, Desmond, and Uí Maine. Many of these kingdoms and lordships retained, at the very least, some degree of independence until the 17th century.
In 1168–72, the Norman invasion of Ireland ended with the acceptance by some of the Gaelic kings and bishops of the unitary rule of Henry Plantagenet as Lord of Ireland. In 1297 the first Parliament of Ireland sat, modelled on the Norman–English parliament but only representing large landowners and merchants. However, by 1300 the Norman system was breaking down and Norman lords and the former Gaelic dynasties reasserted local control in their areas. By 1500 the area directly controlled by the Lordship had reduced to the Pale. The power of the lords deputy had become similar to the former high kings "with opposition", and they could only succeed in alliances with the local dynasties.
Under King Henry VIII, the Tudor conquest of Ireland included the establishment of the Kingdom of Ireland in 1541–42. The dynasties were to be included in the system and use English law, and the process took decades of treaty negotiations and wars, ending with the Plantation of Ulster that started in 1607.
Confederate Ireland 1642–49
The next significant moment occurred in 1642 when the Confederate Association of Ireland – an Irish Catholic government formed to fight the Irish Confederate Wars, assembled at Kilkenny and held an all-Ireland assembly. The Confederates did rule much of Ireland up to 1649, but were riven by dissent in later years over whether to ally themselves with the English and Scottish Royalists in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Ultimately, they dissolved their Association in favour of unity with the Royalists, an alliance that was in an agreed upon return for religious toleration and political autonomy for Ireland. The royalists however were defeated in the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland, and from 1653 to 1660 Ireland was united for the first time under a British parliamentary government, ruling from London.
Although ruled by Britain, Ireland was a united political entity from the end of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms in 1653 until 1921. Until the Constitution of 1782, Ireland was placed under the effective control of the British-appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland due to restrictive measures such as Poynings' Law. From 1541 to 1801, the island's political status was that of the Kingdom of Ireland in personal union with the English (and later the British) Crown. Under the leadership of Henry Grattan, the Parliament of Ireland (still dominated by the Ascendancy) acquired a measure of autonomy for a time. After the UK Act of Union, of 1800, Ireland became part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, a single entity, with the act removing the powers of the Parliament of Ireland, upon which time only one, consolidated, UK Parliament sat in London.
Ireland was last undivided at the outbreak of World War I after national self-government in the form of the Third Home Rule Act 1914, won by John Redmond leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party was placed on the statute books, but suspended until the end of the war. It was amended to partition Ireland for six years following the objections of Irish Unionists.
In the Irish general election, 1918, the republican Sinn Féin political party won the vast majority of seats in Ireland. The newly elected Sinn Féin candidates did not take their seat in Westminster; instead they formed a republican assembly in Dublin called Dáil Éireann which declared Irish independence in January 1919. Its claims over the entire island were, however, not accepted by northern Unionists. Under the Anglo-Irish Treaty the Irish Free State became in 1922 the name of the state covering twenty-six counties in the south and west, replacing the Irish Republic, while six counties in the northeast remained within the United Kingdom under the Government of Ireland Act 1920. According to some historians, Sinn Féin had no special policy towards Ulster despite its different religious and political make-up, regarding it as an integral part of an Irish republic.
By the end of the First World War, several moderate unionists came to support the Home Rule movement, believing that it was the only way to keep a united Ireland in the United Kingdom. The Irish Dominion League opposed partition of Ireland into separate southern and northern jurisdictions, while arguing that the whole of Ireland should be granted dominion status with the British Empire.[13]
This section requires expansion. (August 2013)
In 1925, the Boundary Commission that was established to fix the future line of the border had to be rescued by an intergovernmental deal signed on 3 December. Essentially the Irish Free State's share of the UK national debt was waived by Britain in exchange for the border remaining as defined in the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. Winston Churchill told the Irish Ambassador to London in 1946: "I said a few words in parliament the other day about your country because I still hope for an united Ireland. You must get those fellows in the north in, though; you can't do it by force. There is not, and never was, any bitterness in my heart towards your country". He later said "You know I have had many invitations to visit Ulster but I have refused them all. I don't want to go there at all, I would much rather go to southern Ireland. Maybe I'll buy another horse with an entry in the Irish Derby".[14] Subsequently, but without reference to the financial aspect of the deal, the Free State, and its successor, the Republic of Ireland (declared in 1949), both claimed that Northern Ireland was part of their territory, but did not attempt to force reunification, nor did they claim to be able to legislate for it. In 1998, following the Good Friday Agreement (also known as the Belfast Agreement), the Republic voted to amend Articles 2 and 3 of its constitution so that the territorial claim was amended with a recognition of the Northern Ireland people's right to self-determination.
Present day
The leading political parties in the Republic of Ireland, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael (more so the former however), have often made a united Ireland a part of their political message. It is also a main focus of Sinn Féin and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) in Northern Ireland.
In contrast, the Unionist community – composed primarily of Protestants in the six counties that form Northern Ireland – opposes unification. All of the island's political parties (except for tiny fringe groups with little electoral representation) have accepted the principle of consent, which states that Northern Ireland's constitutional status cannot change without majority support in Northern Ireland.
Many Unionist Protestants in Northern Ireland argue they have a distinct identity that would be overwhelmed in a united Ireland. They cite the decline of the small Protestant population of the Republic of Ireland since independence from the United Kingdom, the economic cost of unification, their place in a key international player within the UK and their mainly non-Irish ancestry. Unionist people in Northern Ireland primarily find their cultural and ethnic identity from the Scottish and English planters, whose descendants can be found in the three counties of Ulster which are governed by the Republic of Ireland. Such individuals celebrate their Scots heritage each year like their counterparts in the other six counties. While Catholics in general consider themselves to be Irish, Protestants generally see themselves as British, as shown by several studies and surveys performed between 1971 and 2006.[16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23] Many Protestants do not consider themselves as primarily Irish, as many Irish nationalists do, but rather within the context of an Ulster or British identity. A 1999 survey showed that a little over half of Protestants felt "Not at all Irish", while the rest "felt Irish" in varying degrees.[24]
Given that all significant political parties and both the UK and Irish governments support the Principle of Consent the final choice is one for the people of Northern Ireland, alone, to decide. Meanwhile, in certain instances there is already a degree of Irish unity. For example, the Church of Ireland and the Roman Catholic Church are both organised on an all Ireland basis. The Irish rugby football, cricket and international rules teams are drawn from both north and south. Members of the Irish Defence Forces are drawn from north and south of the border.[citation needed]
Currently, both the Irish and British governments are creating a number of all-island bodies and services, such as the all-island electricity network from November 2007, to be followed by the all-island gas network.[25] Besides these services, governmental bodies such as The Loughs Agency, Waterways Ireland, InterTradeIreland and the North/South Ministerial Council have been set up; with more planned in the near future.[26] Recently, politicians have called for there to be an all-island corporation tax of 12.5% (currently the Republic's corporation tax – the lowest in the European Union), to boost Northern Ireland's economy.[27] Other politicians have called for an all-island telecommunications network, especially within regard to mobile phones.[28] The Irish government are currently investing over €1 billion in Northern Ireland as well, especially in the West, around Londonderry. Investments include upgrading City of Derry Airport (at a cost of €11 million), building a Letterkenny/Derry–Dublin motorway or high-quality dual carriageway, reopening the Ulster Canal, and improving cancer services in the region for those in the region itself, but also people from County Donegal in the Republic.[29]
Public opinion
In Northern Ireland
Opinion polls of the Northern Ireland population have consistently shown majorities opposed to a United Ireland and in support of Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom. For example, the 2013 annual Northern Ireland Life and Times survey conducted by the Queen's University Belfast and Ulster University found that a United Ireland was the favoured long term option of 15% of the population while remaining part of the United Kingdom was the favoured long term option of 66% of the population.[30]
In 1973, the population of Northern Ireland was granted a referendum on whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the United Kingdom or join with the Republic of Ireland to form a United Ireland. The result was 98.9% in favour of union with the rest of the UK, but the poll was overwhelmingly boycotted by nationalists, and the turnout was therefore 58.7%. The pro-UK vote did however represent 57.5% of the entire electorate, notwithstanding the boycott.[31][32]
A possible referendum on a united Ireland was included as part of the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. Currently about 40% of the Northern Ireland electorate vote for Irish nationalist parties that oppose the union with Great Britain and support a united Ireland as an alternative, although it is not the only issue at election time so it is difficult to take this figure as a direct indication of levels of support for a united Ireland.[citation needed]
A 2011 survey by Northern Ireland Life and Times found that 52% of Northern Irish Catholic respondents favoured union with Great Britain over a united Ireland.[33][34] This is despite the fact that most Catholics who vote do so for political parties that are Nationalist.
In 2013 an Ipsos Mori poll asked "If there was a referendum tomorrow would you vote for...?" and the answers for different regions of Northern Ireland were as follows,[36][37]
|Belfast City
|Greater Belfast
|Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom
|Northern Ireland to be joined with the Republic of Ireland outside of the United Kingdom
|Would not vote
|Don't know
The same poll recorded answers from people in different age groups as follows.[38]
|Age band
|Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom
|Northern Ireland to be joined with the Republic of Ireland outside of the United Kingdom
|Would not vote
|Don't know
Answers from people of different religious backgrounds were as follows.[39]
|Community background
|Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom
|Northern Ireland to be joined with the Republic of Ireland outside of the United Kingdom
|Would not vote
|Don't know
Another opinion poll of 1,089 people conducted by LucidTalk in 2014 around the time of the Scottish Referendum posed several questions, one of which was "If a referendum on Irish Unity was called under the Good Friday Agreement would you vote: Yes for unity as soon as possible, Yes for unity in 20 years, or No for Northern Ireland to remain as it is". The results were as follows.[40][41]
|All persons
|Age band
|Yes, for unity as soon as possible
|Yes, for unity in 20 years
|No for Northern Ireland to remain as it is
|No opinion / would not vote
In the Republic of Ireland
Support for Irish unity is a feature of all major political parties in the Republic of Ireland. Some very small pressure groups do exist, such as the Reform Movement and lodges of the Orange Order in the Republic of Ireland, that are sympathetic to Northern Ireland remaining within the UK for the foreseeable future, but their impact on the broader political opinion is negligible. A Dublin riot in 2006 prevented a march organised by "Love Ulster", though the rioters did not have a wide support base. A minority of politically conservative Catholic writers from the Republic of Ireland, such as Mary Kenny and Desmond Fennell have expressed misgivings about a United Ireland, fearing the incorporation of a large number of Protestants would threaten what they see as the Catholic nature of the Republic.[43] A Red C/Sunday Times poll in 2010 found that 57% are in favour of a united Ireland, 22% say they are opposed, while 21% are undecided.[44] A 2006 Sunday Business Post survey reported that almost 80% of voters in the Republic favour a united Ireland: 22% believe that "achieving a united Ireland should be the first priority of the government" while 55% say they "would like to see a united Ireland, but not as the first priority of government." Of the remainder 10% said no efforts should be made to bring about a united Ireland and 13% had no opinion.[45] This poll was markedly up from one year earlier when a Sunday Independent article[46] reported that 55% would support a united Ireland, while the remainder said such an ambition held no interest.
In October 2015 an opinion poll commissioned by RTÉ and the BBC and carried out by Behaviour & Attitudes asked those in the Republic of Ireland the question "There are a number of possible options for the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. In the short to medium term, do you think Northern Ireland should…" with the following responses,[47]
|In the short to medium term, do you think Northern Ireland should…
|Remain part of the UK, with direct rule from Westminster
|Remain part of the UK, with a devolved assembly and Executive in Northern Ireland (the current situation)
|Unify with the rest of Ireland
|None of these
|Don't know
The same poll also asked "Thinking of the long-term policy for Northern Ireland, would you like to see a united Ireland in your lifetime?" with the following responses,[48]
|Would you like to see a united Ireland in your lifetime?
|Yes – would like to see a united Ireland in my lifetime
|No – would not like to see a united Ireland in my lifetime
|Don't know
The poll then asked a further question concerning the influence of the tax consequences of a united Ireland on support for it,[49]
|Would you be in favour or against a united Ireland if it meant ...
|You would have to pay less tax
|There would be no change in the amount of tax you pay
|You would have to pay more tax
|In favour of a united Ireland
|Against a united Ireland
|Don't know
In Great Britain
There has been significant support in Great Britain for Ireland to reunify as a political entity. The last British Social Attitudes Survey to ask the question in 2008 found that 34.94% supported Irish reunification while 44.30% supported Northern Ireland remaining part of the UK.[50] The poll was run 19 times between 1983 and 2007, with each result being in favour of Irish unity, then again in 2008 with the result being against Irish unity for the first time. The highest support for unity came in 1994 with 59.36% of the respondents supporting Irish reunification, while 24.09% supported Northern Ireland remaining in the UK.
Political support and opposition for unification
Northern Ireland
Opposition to reunification comes mainly from Unionist political parties in Northern Ireland, particularly the Ulster Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party. It also comes from loyalist paramilitary groups such as the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Volunteer Force.
Nationalist parties in Northern Ireland support the independence of Northern Ireland (and of Ireland as a whole) from the United Kingdom and all nationalist parties support a united Ireland in some form. Sinn Féin is currently the largest nationalist party in the Northern Ireland Assembly (and the fourth largest in the Republic's Dáil).[53] Until recently, it had a policy of violent intervention through the Provisional Irish Republican Army but since the mid-90s had adopted a policy of achieving a united Ireland through constitutional means only. It supports integration of political institutions across the island of Ireland. For example, the party has proposed that Northern Ireland should have some form of representation in the Dáil, with elected representatives from either the Northern Ireland Assembly or the British House of Commons able to participate in debates, if not vote. The major parties in the Republic have rejected this notion on a number of occasions. Should Irish reunification ever occur, Sinn Féin has stated that it would wish to amend the Irish constitution to protect minorities, including the Protestant and Ulster Scots communities, that are already protected by the European Convention on Human Rights.
The Social Democratic and Labour Party had previously been the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland, but has suffered in elections since Sinn Féin abandoned armed politics. As with Sinn Féin, it is committed to achieving a united Ireland. However, throughout its history, it has believed that reunification should be accomplished through constitutional means only. It would support a united Ireland only if a majority of both parts of Ireland voted for it in a referendum. In a united Ireland, the SDLP would support the continuation of a devolved Northern Ireland, governed by a local assembly. Aside from the major parties, Northern Ireland has several minor Nationalist parties. Among these, some parties are tied to paramilitary organisations and seek the reunification of Ireland through armed politics. These include the Irish Republican Socialist Party, which supports a united socialist Irish state and is affiliated with the Irish National Liberation Army. Another such party, Republican Sinn Féin, linked to the Continuity IRA, does not believe that the Irish government or the Northern Ireland Executive are legitimate as neither legislates for Ireland as a whole. Its Éire Nua (in English, New Ireland) policy advocates a unified federal state with regional governments for the four provinces and the national capital in Athlone, a town in the geographic centre of Ireland. None of these parties has significant electoral support.
Republic of Ireland
Historically the largest party in the Republic, and the governing party for most of the last 80 years, Fianna Fáil has supported reunification since its foundation, when it split from Sinn Féin in 1926 in protest at the party's policy of refusal to accept the legitimacy of the partitioned Irish state. However, in its history since, it has differed on how to accomplish it. Fianna Fáil rejected the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, which gave the Republic of Ireland an advisory role in Northern Ireland, claimed the agreement was in conflict with the then Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland because it recognised Northern Ireland as part of the United Kingdom. It later oversaw the removal of these articles from the constitution and today fully supports the Good Friday Agreement, which it negotiated in coalition with the Progressive Democrats (see below). On 17 September 2007 Fianna Fáil announced that the party would, for the first time, organise in Northern Ireland. Ahern said that, "it is time now for this Party to play its full role, to take its proper place, in this new politics – in this New Ireland."[citation needed] By 2009 Martin Mansergh accepted that a United Ireland was not a major priority.[54]
Historically, the second-largest party and, following the 2011 General Election, the largest party in the Dáil, Fine Gael, a descendent of the pro-Anglo-Irish Treaty section of Sinn Féin upon the partition of Ireland, has also supported reunification as one of the its key aims since its foundation. It supports the Good Friday Agreement and had previously negotiated the Anglo-Irish Agreement.
The Labour Party, likewise, has also supported reunification since the foundation of the state, although it has always considered this aim secondary to social causes. It also fully supports the Good Friday Agreement, and supported the Anglo-Irish agreement. The former President of Ireland, Mary Robinson, resigned from the Irish Labour Party because she objected to the exclusion of unionists from the talks that led to the 1985 agreement.
The now defunct Progressive Democrats, a liberal party, which split from Fianna Fáil in the mid-1980s, supported reunification since its foundation, but only when a majority of the people of Northern Ireland consent to it. The party fully supported the Belfast Agreement. Former party leader, Mary Harney, was expelled from Fianna Fáil for supporting the Anglo-Irish agreement. The party was one of the key negotiators of the Belfast Agreement.
The Green Party support the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, which takes the possibility of Irish unification into account as the basis of simultaneous referendums on the issue being successful in the Republic and in Northern Ireland. The Green Party are active in both the Republic and Northern Ireland. It currently has no TDs in the Dáil and one MLA in Stormont.
Sinn Féin is also an active party in the Republic, where its policies towards a united Ireland are the same as in Northern Ireland.
Great Britain
In Great Britain, all major parties support the Good Friday Agreement. Right-wing groups tend to be Unionist in outlook. Left-wing and liberal groups have traditionally been more open to a united Ireland.
Historically, there has been strong support for a united Ireland within the left of the Labour Party, and in the 1980s it became official policy to support a united Ireland by consent.[55] The policy of "unity by consent" continued into the 1990s, eventually being replaced by a policy of neutrality in line with the Downing Street Declaration.[56] The current Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn, supports a united Ireland.
The Conservative Party has traditionally taken a strongly unionist line in relation to the United Kingdom as a whole by opposing nationalism in Scotland and Wales as well as Northern Ireland. Until 1974 they had a parliamentary alliance with the Ulster Unionist Party and the two parties retained formal ties until 1985. The Conservatives' current position is to "[work] in Northern Ireland to restore stable and accountable government based on all parties accepting the principles of democracy and the rule of law.".[57] The Conservative Party is the only main UK party to contest elections in Northern Ireland.
The Liberal Democrats have a close relation with the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland and share their policy of supporting the Belfast Agreement whilst expressing reservations about what they perceive as its institutionalised sectarianism.
See also
- Politics of Northern Ireland
- Demography of Northern Ireland
- Protestant Irish Republicans
- The Troubles
- Éire Nua
- Partitionism
- Scottish independence
- ↑ CAIN: Politics – An Outline of the Main Political 'Solutions' to the Conflict, United Ireland Definition.
- ↑ McGarry, John; Brendan O'Leary (2004). The Northern Ireland Conflict: Consociational Engagements. Oxford University Press. p. 243. ISBN 978-0-19-926657-9.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "CAIN: Events: Abstention: Extract from Presidential Address by Gerry Adams on the Issue of Abstentionism, Dublin, (1 November 1986)". Cain.ulst.ac.uk. 1 November 1986. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Éire Nua – A new Ireland". Rsf.ie. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ The Constitution of Ireland, Article 15, section 2, subsection 2 on 18 August 2010. Extract: "Provision may however be made by law for the creation or recognition of subordinate legislatures and for the powers and functions of these legislatures. " This theoretically provides that sub-national legislatures may be established by the Oireachtas.
- ↑ "CAIN: Background Information on Northern Ireland Society – Religion". Cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Northern Ireland Elections". Ark.ac.uk. Retrieved 4 February 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "NI Life and Times Survey 2006". Ark.ac.uk. 17 May 2007. Retrieved 26 September 2011.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Paula Devine. "NI Life and Times Survey - 2013: NIRELND2". ark.ac.uk.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Tanner, Marcus (3 December 1999). "The devolution of Ulster: After a long struggle, Ireland's claim to the North passes peacefully away". The Independent. London.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Home Office, Government of the United Kingdom – Proscribed Terrorist Groups. Retrieved 10 January 2010.
- ↑ Patrick Weston Joyce (1911). The Lia Fail or Coronation Stone of Tara. Retrieved 10 January 2011.
The third of Tara's wonders was the Lia Fail or Coronation Stone, on which the ancient kings were crowned; and the wonder of this was that it uttered a shout whenever a king of the true Scotic or Irish race stood or sat on it. And it was from this stone that Ireland received the old poetical name of Inisfail, that is, the Island of the (Lia) Fail. ... The story of the removal of the Lia Fail to Scotland rests entirely on the authority of the Scottish historians. The oldest Scottish document to which it can be traced is the Rhythmical Chronicle, written it is believed at the close of the thirteenth century, from which it was borrowed later on by the two Scottish writers, John of Fordun and Hector Boece, and incorporated by both in their chronicles—those chronicles which are now universally rejected as fable. Our own countryman Geoffrey Keating, writing his history of Ireland in the seventeenth century, adopted the story after Boece (whom he gives as his authority for the prophecy); and it has been repeated by most other writers of Irish history since his time. But in no Irish authority before the time of Keating is there any mention either of the removal of the stone, or of the prophecy concerning it.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ John Kendle, Ireland and the Federal Solution: The Debate over the United Kingdom Constitution, 1870-1920 (McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 1 Jan 1989), 231.
- ↑ "Winston Churchill spoke of his hopes for a united Ireland". The Irish Times. 17 November 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Thomas Davis – Dame Street (2012-03-17). "90,000 Photographs By William Murphy - 90,000 Photographs By William Murphy". Dublinstreets.osx128.com. Retrieved 1 March 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Breen, R.; Devine, P.; Dowds, L. (June 27, 1996). "2". Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland: The Fifth Report. ISBN 0-86281-593-2. Retrieved 24 August 2006.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> Summary: In 1989–1994, 79% Protestants replied "British" or "Ulster", 60% of Catholics replied "Irish."
- ↑ Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:NINATID. Summary:72% of Protestants replied "British". 68% of Catholics replied "Irish".
- ↑ Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey. Module:Community Relations. Variable:BRITISH. Summary: 78% of Protestants replied "Strongly British."
- ↑ Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:IRISH. Summary: 77% of Catholics replied "Strongly Irish."
- ↑ "National identities in the UK: do they matter? Briefing No. 16, January 2006" (PDF). Institute of Governance. 2006. Retrieved 24 August 2006. line feed character in
|title=at position 48 (help)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> Extract:"Three-quarters of Northern Ireland's Protestants regard themselves as British, but only 12 per cent of Northern Ireland's Catholics do so. Conversely, a majority of Catholics (65%) regard themselves as Irish, whilst very few Protestants (5%) do likewise. Very few Catholics (1%) compared to Protestants (19%) claim an Ulster identity but a Northern Irish identity is shared in broadly equal measure across religious traditions."Details from attitude surveys are in Demographics and politics of Northern Ireland.
- ↑ [1][dead link]
- ↑ [2][dead link]
- ↑ "A changed Irish nationalism? The significance of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, by Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd" (PDF). Ucd.ie. Retrieved 4 February 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:IRISH". Ark.ac.uk. 9 May 2003. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "'All Island Gas Plans Welcomed'". BreakingNews.ie. 15 June 2007. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Irish Government – 'North / South Institutions'". Irlgov.ie. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "'Paisley urges lower corporation tax'". Irish Times. 6 June 2007. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "'SF calls for single Irish phone tariff'". BreakingNews.ie. 7 June 2007. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Fianna Fáil 2007 Election manifesto – 'Peace and Unity'
- ↑ "Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 2013. "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it ... to reunify with the rest of Ireland?"". Ark.ac.uk. 2 June 2014. Retrieved 24 June 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "CAIN Web Service". Referendum ('Border Poll') (NI) – Thursday 8 March 1973. Retrieved 17 February 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "BBC On This Day". BBC News. 9 March 1973. Retrieved 17 February 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Henry McDonald (17 June 2011). "The Kingdom will remain United – in Ireland, at least". London: Guardian. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Over half Catholics surveyed want North to stay in UK". The Irish Times. 6 June 2011. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey Homepage". ark.ac.uk. Retrieved 18 August 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "BBC Spotlight Ipsos Mori Poll". BBC. 5 February 2013. Retrieved 17 January 2013.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Ipsos Mori Poll, page 20" (PDF). BBC. 5 February 2013. Retrieved 17 January 2013.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Ipsos Mori Poll, page 17" (PDF). BBC. 5 February 2013. Retrieved 23 October 2013.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Ipsos Mori Poll, page 18" (PDF). BBC. 5 February 2013. Retrieved 23 October 2013.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Full Results of 2014 Belfast Telegraph Poll
- ↑ "Northern Ireland says 'yes' to a border poll... but a firm 'no' to a united Ireland". Belfast Telegraph. 29 September 2014. Retrieved 30 December 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ John Mooney and Sarah McInerney (2010-10-17). "Smaller majority in republic supports united Ireland". The Sunday Times. Retrieved 4 February 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Fennell, Desmond. Heresy:The Battle of Ideas in Modern Ireland. 1993.
- ↑ "Smaller majority in republic supports united Ireland". The Sunday Times. 17 October 2010. Retrieved 21 December 2013.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Majority want a nation once again". Sunday Business Post. 2 April 2006. Retrieved 26 January 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ Jerome Reilly, "Almost half of us would reject united Ireland: poll", Sunday 18 September 2005
- ↑ "Behaviour & Attitudes Poll, page 402" (PDF). BBC. 16 October 2015. Retrieved 12 November 2015.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Behaviour & Attitudes Poll, page 406" (PDF). BBC. 16 October 2015. Retrieved 12 November 2015.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Behaviour & Attitudes Poll, page 410" (PDF). BBC. 16 October 2015. Retrieved 12 November 2015.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "NIRLNDSC by COUNTRY". British Social Attitudes Survey. 2008. Retrieved 19 December 2013.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>(registration required)
- ↑ "BritSocAt". BritSocAt. Retrieved 4 February 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "BritSocAt". BritSocAt. Retrieved 4 February 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ See: Irish general election, 2007
- ↑ "United Ireland less compelling now, says Mansergh". The Irish Times. 6 June 2009. Retrieved 2 September 2012.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "The New Hope For Britain". Labour Party. 1983. Retrieved 12 September 2007.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Britain will be better with new Labour". Labour Party. 1997. Archived from the original on 25 May 1998. Retrieved 12 September 2007.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- ↑ "Built to Last: The Aims and Values of the Conservative Party" (PDF). Conservative Party. 2006. Retrieved 12 September 2007.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
Further reading
- Geoffrey Bell, Troublesome Business : the Labour Party and the Irish Question. Pluto Press, London 1982. ISBN 0861043731
- Ronan Fanning, Independent Ireland. Helicon, Dublin, 1983.
- Bob Rowthorn and Naomi Wayne, Northern Ireland : The Political Economy of Conflict. Polity Press, Cambridge,
- Daltún Ó Ceallaigh, Labour, Nationalism and Irish Freedom. Léirmheas, Dublin, 1991. ISBN 0951877704
- Vincent J. Delacy Ryan, Ireland Restored : the New Self-determination. Freedom House, New York, 1991. ISBN 0932088597
- David McKittrick, Through the Minefield. Belfast, Blackstaff Press, 1999. ISBN 085640652X
- Patrick J. Roche and Brian Barton, The Northern Ireland Question : Nationalism, Unionism and Partition Ashgate, Aldershot, 1999. ISBN 1840144904
- Catherine O'Donnell, Fianna Fáil, Irish Republicanism and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968–2005.
Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 2007. ISBN 9780716528593
- Richard Humphreys, Countdown to Unity : Debating Irish Reunification. Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 2008. ISBN 9780716533474
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- Articles containing Irish-language text
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- Politics of Ireland
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According to my dad, I've been to the Grand Canyon, camped overnight and spent a day exploring it with him, my brother, and my mom when I was five. I have no memory of our Canyon excursion. Until this past April, when I flew to Phoenix to spend a few days hanging out with my dad, stepmom, and sister Abby during their vacation, I thought I'd never been to Arizona at all. When someone mentions the Grand Canyon I always think of that scene from Thelma & Louise, when they're driving through the desert on the run from the cops and Louise suddenly realizes what's ahead and says to Thelma, "It's the goddamn Grand Canyon!"
Turns out the scene was actually filmed in Utah, but that's beside the point. It was an at-the-edge-of-death moment undoubtedly more dramatic (and clearly more memorable) than my own Canyon experience, in part because of the intense bond between these two women, but also because the scene was preceded by those ones featuring Brad Pitt as J.D., the hitchhiker who showed Thelma/Geena Davis how to rob a bank . . . among other things. I think I was about 12 when I first saw the film. Afterward I swore to myself I would watch every Brad Pitt movie that came out from then onward in the theatre (instead of just on VHS). It's a commitment I haven't kept up but one I still think was worth trying for. My pre-teen movie star crush. He deserved the big screen.
So in my mind, Arizona was a first for me this spring. We stayed an hour outside Phoenix, at my aunt Nita's house, a two-bedroom bungalow in a gated community landscaped with palm trees and cacti. Mornings were spent poolside, drinking coffee with my stepmom Colleen while my dad puttered around the property and my sister—thrilled to be out of the Saskatchewan winter for a week (because April in Saskatchewan is still winter)—worked on her tan.
We also wore muumuus.
I felt a little like Helen Roper (sans Stanley) in a good way. If you don't know what I'm talking about, you are clearly either much younger than I am or didn't feel the need to watch Three's Company reruns every evening of your early childhood.
We didn't go to the Grand Canyon this trip (not enough time to do it justice). But we did head into the city for a baseball game—my first MLB game ever—on a Sunday afternoon, where we sat in the sun sipping beer out of ridiculously oversized cups and watched the Arizona Diamondbacks lose 2-0 to the Philadelphia Phillies.
The next day, we drove to Sedona, a town a couple hours north of Phoenix known for its galleries, crystals and vortexes…
and then hiked for a couple hours in Red Rock State Park.
The Park views were Canyon-esque. On a much smaller scale, of course.
The thing about Arizona is that the landscape is so dramatic—the red rock, the cacti looming every few metres along the highway like lone soldiers guarding the horizon, the massive sky—but it's also so dry.
Don't get me wrong, I love experiencing terrain that's vastly different from what I grew up in (and I'm a huge fan of cactus plants) but on this hike it struck me how much the lush vegetation of the Pacific Northwest has shaped my sense of beauty. It's why I like jungles, why I always stop to touch the moss carpeting the sides of trees. I felt dazzled by the natural environment in Arizona—it's stunning. But while walking this trail I kept finding myself thinking, 'the scenery is so cool, but I don't think I could live here.' It was a such a strong sense of feeling separate from my surroundings, as if I didn't totally align with the landscape.
Have you ever felt that way in a place you've visited? It fascinates me what creates the connection between a person and place. When I look back, the parts of the world I've always been happiest living in are near forests and the ocean. But I wonder if I would feel that way if I hadn't grown up on Vancouver Island, if that draw to coastal elements would be less prevalent.
Arizona's purple cacti was particularly amazing, and new to my eyes. And how about that yellow flower, bursting out the side?
That's my dad, Curtis. Not sure why I was hiking in a sundress, other than we didn't really plan to walk a long trail, it just kind of happened. It's my dad's birthday tomorrow. He probably wouldn't want me throwing numbers around here on the blog, but let me just say this guy does not let age, the fact that he's had a hip replacement, or the blazing Arizona sun slow him down. He has instilled his love of travel in me since I was a kid, and I can't thank him enough for it. Happy Birthday, Dad!
I've been strongly urging him and my stepmom to take a trip to Indonesia ever since Joe and I went two years ago, and this July, they're flying to Bali for a month. They've got their first two nights of accommodation booked, and then they're going to 'wing it' as my dad would say. I've really talked the place up, so I'm hoping they love it as much as we did. If I know my dad, he'll be daydreaming about buying land and starting a business there within the first couple days.
Well that's it, friends, my April Arizona Adventure. I leave you here, with way too much alliteration and a little more cacti…
Those spikes are nuts.
Highway scenery, en route to Sedona.
I have a feeling I'll be back to this part of the country one day, maybe with a kid in tow, showing them the Grand Canyon and hoping they'll remember it.
Have a wonderful weekend, everyone.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
HealthAid HaemoVit Liquid Gold 200ml
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Who Needs To Use Haemovit Liquid Gold?
- Vegetarians - may suffer from Vitamin B12 deficiencies, as B12 is found in meat, particularly liver.
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text:
APRIL 26, 2016 — As the Korean Government's Financial Services Commission announced its plans for restructuring vulnerable industries, including shipbuilding, Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI), reported that, after nine consecutive red-ink quarters, it had returned to profit in first quarter 2016.
HHI, the world's largest shipbuilder, reported an operating income of 325 billion won (about $283 million). At 10.2782 trillion won (about $894 million), sales were down 7.8 percent.
An HHI officer said, "For 1Q 2016, we have returned to the black mainly due to the following reasons; the phase-out of low-price shipbuilding contracts, stabilization of manufacturing processes for offshore and industrial plant business, reduced material costs, the weakening won and noticeable performance improvement of non-shipbuilding businesses including Engine & Machinery, Electro Electric Systems and Construction Equipment."
HHI also attributed the turnaround to a series of restructuring measures launched in 2014 by management in an effort to tide over the protracted crisis.
An HHI officer said, "From now on, we will assess each division's performance by its level of competitiveness in the respective business fields. Although we have turned a profit in the first quarter of this year, we will concentrate more on cutting costs in case of a falling order backlog. Moreover, under the leadership of each division heads, we will continue to exert our utmost efforts to recover the competitive edge by realigning businesses and organizational structure."
The Financial Services Commission looks to be prescribing bigger and nastier tasting doses of this sort of medicine — which it calls "self-rescue plans" — for the sector as a whole, rather than looking to force any mergers.
It announced the following plan for the big three shipbuilders:
Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering (DSME) will be required to submit to creditors a stronger self-rescue plan including additional layoffs and cost savings.
Hyundai /Samsung Heavy Industries: Creditor banks will ask for self-rescue plans and check progress in implementation of such plans.
According to Yonhap news agency, in its restructuring plan announced last year, Daewoo Shipbuilding has sold 360 billion won worth of assets and cut 709 jobs. In similar efforts, Hyundai has sold assets valued at 1.6 trillion won while cutting 1,533 jobs, with Samsung Heavy shedding 100 billion won in assets and 1,500 workers.
The Financial Services Commission is now looking for much more of the same to happen.


text:
for the love of vampires
Yes, you've read it here first.
I've always, always, always wanted to go to Salem and the Boston area in the fall. It is my absolute most favorite season in Cleveland. Most importantly, I've never been to Massachusetts and what better time than on Halloween since it falls on a Saturday this year.
We will have three full days to see all that is Boston, but Saturday will be taken up by a day trip to Salem to see all the historical sites and probably some kick ass Halloween parades, too.
Salem has a Trolley Haunted Pub Crawl, several different Halloween bashes and countless outdoor festivals.
In Boston, I want to go to:
Sam Adam's Brewery
A duck tour
Maybe take a look at Fenway park
Skywalk Observatory
Maybe a sightseeing walk or two
Davis Square for coffee
If you've ever been there, please send me an tips of places to eat, drink or visit, too.
13 comments:
- Lil' Woman said...
Halloween in Salem sounds great...whenever I think of there I think of the movie Hocus Pocus! :)
- September 28, 2009 at 9:10 AM
- Marie said...
Boston is the BESTEST EVER! I may be a wee bit biased.
The entire three years I lived there, I never went to Salem. It's one of those "oh I'll get to it one day since I live here." Silly, silly Marie.
You will have a great time!
- September 28, 2009 at 10:09 AM
- PJ Mullen said...
If you like Italian food schedule some time if you can to go to the North End. I used to make Sunday morning trips into the North End to stock up for the week at the different salumerias. Newbury Street isn't bad either if you want to find some interesting places and some crazy shops.
- September 28, 2009 at 1:40 PM
- Fizzgig said...
totally. freaking. awesome! You will have some amazing photo ops!
I looooooooove love love haunted tours. i bet youll hear some really good storieS!
- September 28, 2009 at 3:42 PM
- Katelin said...
okay that sounds so awesome, i'm slightly jealous. ah. can't wait to hear how it goes!
- September 28, 2009 at 7:44 PM
- J said...
That sounds awesome. I'll just my bestie who lived in Boston her whole life here to give you some tips!
- September 29, 2009 at 11:16 AM
Ahh, I went to college in Boston and there's SO much fun stuff to do there! Some recommendations:
If the weather is nice, definitely take a walk around the public gardens and Boston Common. You can see the original Cheers, which is right on Beacon Hill. For fun, check out the bars (and shopping!) around Fanueil Hall (Quincy Market) area. Check out Newbury Street. Go to the top of the Prudential Center for some fancy food/drinks. If you like thai food, check out Brown Sugar (www.brownsugarcafe.com), which is on Comm Ave near BU.
Have fun!
- September 29, 2009 at 12:02 PM
- Christina K said...
Your trip sounds awesome! Let me know if you want to write a guest post on Salem at Halloween.
- September 29, 2009 at 1:22 PM
I agree with what everyone said - Newbury Street and North End for great food. I totally rec Tapeo if you like tapas... it's a bit pricy, but amazing! It's on Newbury! Check out Harvard Square for some fun shopping and a great place to wander around. Fanueil Hall has some great little bars and Quincy Market is a lot of fun to walk through.
Have fun!!!
- September 29, 2009 at 6:34 PM
- LiLu said...
As someone who celebrated umpteen birthdays in mid-October in New England, trust me when I say that Boston in the Fall does NOT disappoint.
- October 1, 2009 at 11:26 AM
I put a spell on you to have a bewitching time. The potion is: Full moon, howling wind, and a black captain Jack crossing your path. Mom
- October 1, 2009 at 8:35 PM
- Emily said...
Halloween in Salem is one of my favorite things to do ever. You don't even really have to go to anything specific because there's just SO MUCH to do! Definitely go there for Halloween (if you are get there early for parking!) But there's just so much to do on the streets! My favorite thing to do is go to Pickering Wharf and go on the haunted ship!
If you go on a Duck Tour and go into the Charles, make sure you volunteer to DRIVE it! I did it once and it was one of the greatest things ever! Also, if it's not cold, take the Freedom Trail if you want to do some sightseeing. It's long but totally worth it if you're into history and all that.
I've lived there my whole life so if you want to know something specific (like subway trains and whatnot) give me an email and I'll be happy to help!
- October 1, 2009 at 11:15 PM
- JP said...
Johnny Cupcakes - Newbury St Boston, MA
- October 9, 2009 at 1:22 PM


text:
Douglas Gamley doesn't have any movies playing in theaters.
If you feel like heading out, check out other movies in theaters.
Tarzan's Greatest Adventure
From Beyond the Grave
The Beast Must Die
The Roman Spring of Mrs. Stone
Another Time, Another Place
The Monster Club
The Little Prince
Sunday Bloody Sunday
And Now the Screaming Starts!
All Douglas Gamley films
Movies.com, the ultimate source for everything movies, is your destination for new movie trailers, reviews, photos, times, tickets + more! Stay in the know with the latest movie news and cast interviews at Movies.com.
Copyright © 2018 FANDANGO MOVIES.


text:
Just so you all know:
Yes, you are at Madcap Frenzy, my blog site.
I just have decided to do some "sprucing up", so don't mind the mess as I try to make this blog looking nice.
After a lot of thinking, I decided that there really needs to be 3 separate parts to my online design presence. So, within the next month, I'm going to redesign these three aspects and make them closer to what I want them to be. There is my profession design work, spare time/personal projects, and then my hopeful freelancing invitation design outlet.
1. My person portfolio of design works, http://www.morgainefordworkman.com/portfolio
Basically this is my professional graphics design portfolio. My way of showing off the design projects that I do in my professional career. Eventually I'll figure out the right way to redirect www.morgainefordworkman.com to the portfolio portion (my OLD portfolio is still on the original link, and I can't figure out how to get rid of it for my /portfolio wordpress site- anyone know the easiest way to redirect without losing my /portfolio site?)
2. My blog here, http://www.madcapfrenzy.blogspot.com/
This is my blog where I show all the DIY projects, papercrafting- scrapbooking and cards, and all the crafty fun projects I do in my spare time. Under this umbrella is also my Stepping with Smiles- the area where I update once a week on how I am staying healthy (or not) and keeping a fit way of life. Also is my 365 Days of Mo- my photo a day, and Life's A Game- the place where my husband and I talk about video games, primarily World of Warcraft, as well as sharing our parody songs we create. I also share my discount finds, DIY projects, Olioboards and decorations/home decor. Basically this is the place where I post all the crafty stuff I do.
3. Frenzified, www.frenzified.com
This site started out as a digital image store that I created after my mom mentioned that she needed digi images for a card she was making in a swap. It started out decent, with challenges and all that jazz, however over the years I have found Digi image stores just struggle massively when you are the only designer- I can't create the amount that most people would want in selection, all by myself, so later this year the site is going to go through a big overhall. No longer will it be a digital image store. Instead, it will be my place JUST for invitation design. Over the years I have found that invite design is something all my friends want from me, and something I enjoy the most. So, later this year (or if I get ambitious, later this month) Frenzified digital image store will be turned into Frenzified invitation design. "Is your life in a frenzy? Frenzified is here to be your friend in invite design!" So, on this portion of my life, stay tuned. haha
Anyways, Enjoy and let me know if you have any ideas on things you want to see here on this blog.
Hugs all!


text:
RnRMarketResearch.com adds "China Hemodialysis Industry Research Report, 2015"to its store.
Counting by theoretic morbidity, currently there are nearly 2000 thousand people in China with terminal nephropathy. If all these patients receive dialysis treatment, the market size of dialysis in China will exceed RMB 100 billion on a cost per patient of RMB 75.1 thousand presently. But actually currently only 15% of these patients received dialysis treatment, where the capacity of the market is still so huge.
In March 2014, the NHFPC of China released the 'Ask for comment on management practices and fundamental standards of hemodialysis centers', which contains obviously policy support in three aspects. First, second-class or above hospitals will never be a must in the building of a hemodialysis center. Second, other departments of an independent hemodialysis center can be outsourced. Lastly, senior doctors of nephrology can multi-sited licensed.
Due to the strong support on policy from national and local governments, many domestic and foreign enterprises planned or has entered Chinese market even the competition is relatively intense.
The growth rate of hemodialysis machine and dialyzer reached 25%~30% from 2011 to 2014 relatively, which dominated by foreign brands. Seven European and Japanese brands accounts for nearly 80% of the Chinese hemodialysis machine market in 2014. On the other hand, currently there are eight domestic dialyzer manufacturers, but their market share is lower than 30%.
In August 2014, Medtronic invested $ 70 million in Chengdu to build the first global portable hemodialysis plant, which will dramatically reduce costs. It is planned to operate in 2016. In addition, Baxter has planned to invest another RMB 600 ~ 650 million to build up a peritoneal dialysis solution plant.
Bluesail, the largest PVC glove manufacturer in China, announced in 2014 that it will invest RMB 72.24 million to build an extracorporeal circulation tubes and hemopurificaiton equipment plant with total capacity of 20 million units per year.
Xinhua Medical Instrument planned to build up 20 and 30 hemodialysis centers in 2015 and 2016 relatively. In 2020, the total revenue of the company's hemodialysis business will reach RMB 1 billion including equipment, consumables and hemodialysis centers.
Complete report available @ http://www.rnrmarketresearch.com/china-hemodialysis-industry-research-report-2015-market-report.html .
Table of Contents
1 Overview
1.1 Hemodialysis Equipment
1.2 Hemodialysis Service
1.2.1 Dialysis Center
1.2.2 Home Hemodialysis
1.4 Analysis of Industry Chain
2 Global Hemodialysis Industry
2.1 Dialysis Population
2.2 Market Status
2.3 Hemodialysis Equipment Market
2.4 Hemodialysis Service Market
3 China Hemodialysis Market
3.1 Development Status
3.2 Policy
3.3 Competetion
3.4 Market Size
Inquire more @ http://www.rnrmarketresearch.com/contacts/discount?rname=413295 .
4 Import & Export of Hemodialysis Equipment in China
4.1 Import
4.2 Export
5 Analysis of Market Segment
5.1 Hemodialysis machine
5.2 Peritoneal dialysis
5.3 Dialyzers
5.4 Bloodlines
5.5 Hemodialysis concentrates
5.6 Hemodialysis Machine for Home Use
5.7 Membrane for hemodialysis
5.8 Hemoperfusion Apparatus
5.9 Peritoneal Dialysis Solution
5.10 Plasma Separator


text:
Furman's first-year coach Nike Medved has seen enough of the Mocs by watching video.
He's also seen enough of his team in person to know that both programs are on the rise as the calendar flips to 2014 and Southern Conference competition begins today for both schools, which were picked to finish in the bottom half of the league in most preseason polls.
"It's the little things," Medved said. "Will [Wade] would probably say the same thing. His kids are doing better at the things they've been working on all season in practice.
"In the league, the good teams do what they do in practice and do it better than teams they play.
As little as 48 hours can make a big difference.
Medved said the Paladins were swamped and listless in a 30-point loss at Cal last Friday, then found some momentum necessary following a 75-65 win at Big West Conference school U.C. Davis.
"I thought we moved the ball better, and I think we played with more energy and played together more in that win than we did against Cal," Medved said. "We're like a lot of young teams that have been up and down, and we've definitely improved. The league is up in the air, and I think anybody can beat anybody else."
The Mocs are also trending toward playing better after winning the Dr Pepper Classic by beating Grand Canyon 69-64 on Sunday then Maine 86-80 on Monday.
That Dr Pepper marked the return of senior forward Zaccheus Mason from a toe injury and the full-go status of junior Ronrico White from offseason hip surgery. They're two of UTC's four upperclassmen along with junior forwards Martynas Bareika and Lance Stokes.
It's been their job -- with a nudge from coaches -- to prepare the team of nine underclassmen for the difference between nonconference games and playing teams fighting for SoCon Tournament seeding.
"We want to attack these games and get off to a good start in the SoCon," White said. "They [coaches] put the mindset in early that conference road games are like nothing else.
"When you play at home, you have fans, students and momentum. On the road, you don't have any of that. We have to create our own energy."
The Mocs' only win this season away from McKenzie Arena came in an 87-76 win over IUPUI in Las Vegas.
The Mocs went 4-9 on the road last season with their only SoCon road wins coming at Samford, at The Citadel and at Western Carolina, none of which earned a first-round bye to the SoCon tourney last season.
"We're ready to make this run, and that's what we're excited for," Gee McGhee said. "We're feeling good now. We have to continue to play with enthusiasm, and we need to get stops."
That's always part of the game-plan for UTC no matter the time of year. But the SoCon starts today for UTC and Furman, as does the march up the mountain to Asheville for the Southern Conference tournament.
These games mean something important.
"You break the season into segments and no matter what you did in the non-conference you wipe the slate clean and start 0-0," Medved said. "It's important to do the things you practice every day and win or lose, you have to keep an even-keel approach to the season."
Contact David Uchiyama at email@example.com or at 423-757-6484. Follow him on Twitter at twitter.com/UchiyamaCTFP.


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Caltex Energy
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Caltex Energy in Coonamble, NSW, has experience in all areas of Lubricants and can help you find the right Lubricants solutions. gear oil, molybendiumdisulphide, and lubricant and many other Lubricants products/services are available. Talk to us at (02) 6822 #### for professional advice on any aspect of Lubricants.
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Lubealloy Manufacturing Australia
"I have been using LubeAlloy lubricants for some years now, every expectation has been realised with extended oil drain periods and minimal wear when motor was viewed at a service at 1.2 million km. I was a sceptic at first but over the years the results have spoken for themselves....brilliant value."
easttrucker on 7th Aug 2010


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Of the many (many, many) books on depression that have weighed down our bookshelves and clogged our Amazon searches in recent decades–the self-help guides, the memoirs, the debunked memoirs, the sordid tales by sort-of made-up authors–very few fail to share two assumptions. The first is that depression is a personal problem. The second is that it is a medical condition, often best treated by pharmaceutical drugs.
If that sounds oversimplified and unsatisfying, that's because it is–not only for the millions of people who find themselves depressed–or as Ann Cvetkovich sometimes puts it in her new book, Depression: A Public Feeling, plagued by "bad feelings"–but for those who look to social and political contexts in search of more collective, creative and lasting ways of addressing one of the most pervasive (or at least pervasively discussed) problems of our era.
Cvetkovich, an English professor at the University of Texas at Austin, puts herself in both camps. Depression is part of what has come to be called the "affective turn" in academia, one that holds that emotion is a legitimate area of scholarly concern–a shift that originated largely in women's studies. "Even before I had access to an explicit feminism," Cvetkovich says, "I was curious about what feelings were and why they were considered so suspicious. Feminism helped equip me with a sense that it was possible and important to transgress scholarly norms."
Recounting her own struggles with depression, as well as the ways in which she sought and found relief, she connects her experience as an activist to a "political depression," a fatigue and hopelessness around the ineffectiveness of collective action and recognition that the conditions of capitalism make widespread depression practically inevitable.
More than ferreting out a causal connection, she says, "my interest is how capitalism feels. What does it feel like as a living, breathing, perceiving, sensing being to occupy the world we live in? There are many different ways in which people are made to feel depressed or defeated about their degree of agency with respect to both their own lives and their capacity to make an impact collectively on the world more generally."
Suspicious of the medical model, Cvetkovich includes a chapter on acedia, a now-archaic term once used to describe a condition suffered by monks, one that had the qualities of both spiritual crisis and physical ailment. She sets this conceptualization of "bad feelings" against more recent manufacturing and marketing of depression as a medical condition.
Expanding outward from her critique of depression's characterization as a "genetic mishap"–an individualized pathology suffered by persons usually (if invisibly) assumed to be white and middle-class–she explores the connections between racism, genocide and depression through texts by African American writers Saidiya Harman and Jacqui Alexander and others who capture the experience of depression as displacement. Referencing Cornel West's thoughts on the differences between African American and white cultures when it comes to expressions of depressions and sadness, she sees a model for theories of depression that recognizes that expertise is "embedded in a range of different disciplines or idioms, which of course cuts along race and class lines, but also arguably other lines of social hierarchy as well."
Cvetkovich draws parallels to writer David Foster Wallace–an interesting case, she says, "because he was able to diagnose or describe very well what was going on, but perhaps confronted certain impasses about what to do. As smart as he was about the nature of what it's like to be a feeling, thinking human in contemporary culture, that could not save him from despair: Being smart can't save you."
Cvetkovich's exploration of what can save you takes us to some delightful places - examples of the "queer, arty" cultural work she holds up as examples of survival and reclamation: The "maternal melodrama" of camp lounge duo Kiki and Herb; the craft-oriented performance of gem-sweater celebrationist Leslie Hall; and work that draws on and recasts "feminist legacies" of domestic reinvention and embrace of the feminine, particularly knitting, crocheting and crafting–in both the gallery and museum installations of Allyson Mitchell and Sheila Pepe and the street-oriented, overtly activist work found in the "knit-bombing" art of Knitta Please.
Crucial to this recovery is the idea of depression as ordinary and a corollary vision of an alternative "utopia of everyday habit"–recovering one's everyday life and agency through movement, ritual, domesticity, community and spiritual or creative practice. She holds these things, along with her utopian ideal, as possibilities, not prescriptives.
"It's never going to be a pure utopia," she says. "It's sort of a utopia that's carved out of available resources, and it's kind of makeshift and a little patchy. But rather than that foreclosing all opportunities, it kind of makes some interesting mash-ups."
Cindy Widner is a writer and editor living in Austin, Tex. Her work can be found in The Austin Chronicle, Bitch magazine, Pop Culture Press, and other publications. Full disclosure: She is a former undergraduate student of Dr. Cvetkovich's.


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Most effective when hung 4' above the ground, simply fill wasp trap with sweet liquid and the wasps will be immediately attracted to it. They crawl into the bottom of the bottle and become trapped, leaving you to eat your lunch or supper on a wasp free table. Empty the trap daily.
This product is shipped from one of our warehouses in Northern California. Orders placed after 12 p.m. will typically ship the following business day. To see an estimate of our delivery times, click here.
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Products can be returned for a refund within 30 days of receipt if unused and in original packaging. Returns are paid for by customer unless product is defective or damaged, in which case Real Goods assumes responsibility. Please use Fedex, UPS, or USPS with tracking, for returns.
Returns of solar panels, inverters or other large ticket items will incur a re-stocking fee of up to 20%. Freight shipping is non-refundable.


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Erden Kiral directed this Turkish-Hungarian drama based on a popular legend and beginning with newlyweds and a wedding party crossing a swamp by canoe. As told by an elderly couple with different accounts, the tale punctuates fairytale-like atmospherics with explicit sex scenes. The old man tells the tale of Osman the Noble (Ahmet Ugurlu), who loves his attractive wife Zala (Jale Arikan) and travels with her back to her native town when shelter during a rainstorm brings them together with a young hunter (Fikret Kuskan). Zala and the hunter have a mutual attraction that turns to passion. Osman kills the hunter and loses Zala. In the old woman's version, the man the couple meets is a robber, who tricks Osman into a deep well and rapes Zala. She pushes him down the well and leaves. Shown at the 1998 Cannes Film Festival.
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Jeff Spicoli - Vinyl Idolz: Fast Times at Ridgemont High
Sorry, this product has been archived…meaning it's currently out of stock and may or may not make a return. If you'd like to know *if* we are able to restock this product feel free to send us an email to firstname.lastname@example.com and we'll let you know if we might be able to get it back. Thanks!
All I need are some tasty waves, a cool buzz, and I'm fine.
Jeff's facial expression is spot on in this Vinyl Idolz interpretation of him. Plus he has some tasty pizza to quench his munchies. The super stylized look of Vinyl Idolz was created by A Large Evil Corporation.
Funko is bringing A Large Evil Corporation's awesome toy designs to life under their new label Vinyl Sugar. Vinyl Sugar is the illegitimate love child between Funko and some of the best free-wheeling designers from the back streets of London, the boutiques of Harajuku, and the galleries of NYC.
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AfAm Greeting Fairy 15"
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The jolly Mark Roberts African American Christmas Greeting Fairy carries a tinsel garland with cards that spell out �Merry Christmas�. He wears a bell on his shirt-front and on the end of his sprightly green hat. H is 15 inches tall.
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Mark Roberts Fairies online store presents the new 2018 Mark Roberts Fall & Christmas Collection : Very Merry Fairy
Christmas Jewel Girl Fairy
Mistletoe Magic Fairy
Christmas Joy Girl Fairy
Happy New Year Fairy
Happy New Year Girl Fairy
All the Trimmings Fairy
Blessings Fairy
Caroling Fairy
Christmas Ornament Fairy
Christmas Present Fairy
Christmas Wish Fairy
Deck the Halls Fairy
Fairy of Festivities
Fairy of Miracles
Father Christmas Fairy
Feliz Navidad Fairy
Gingerbread Baker Fairy
Good Things Fairy
Holly & Ivy Fairy
Humbug Fairy
Jingles Fairy
Lap of Luxury Fairy
Nutcracker Ballet Fairy
Robin Hood Fairy
Snowflake Fairy
Spirit of Christmas Fairy
Spirit of Hope Fairy
Sweet Shop Fairy
Wonderland Fairy
Workshop Fairy
Mermaid Fairy
Under the Sea Fairy
Bell Ringer Elf
Christmas Eve Elf
Christmas Kitchen Elf
Christmas Present Elf
Heralding Elf
Joyful Elf
Little Nutcracker Elf
Lollipop Candy Maker Elf
Mistletoe Mischief Elf
Prince Charming Elf
Santa'sSleigh Elf
Stocking Elf
We also have 2018 Mark Roberts Santas, North Pole Elves, Stockings, Stocking Holders, Garlands, Nutcrackers, Angels, Nativities, Glass Ornaments, Extra Large Fairies & Elves, and Special Items. We also carry the Katherine's Halloween & Christmas Collections, Karen Didion Christmas Collection, Radko Ornaments, the Bearington Teddy Bear & Baby Collections, Ditz Santas & Bears, Aromatique potpourris, Lux Candles, Bethany Lowe Halloween & Christmas Collections, Gathered Traditions, Coastal Christmas Collection, Old World Christmas cards and Hansa's collection of stuffed plush toys all at great prices.


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Jennifer Aniston left little to the imagination in a side-boob baring stunner of a dress Saturday night at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art's annual Art + Film Gala. Holy double-sided tape! Aniston loves this plunging neckline style, which looks great on her and other celebrities with smaller breasts. And by smaller, I mean perfectly natural breasts that hang the way they are supposed to. In a world of surgically enhanced, upright, cantaloupe-looking breasts, Aniston proves that small and natural can be just as sexy -- even more so -- than in-your-face, bursting at the seams cleavage monsters.
Aniston is a big fan of this neckline. Remember the silver sequined backless number by Kaufmanfranco she wore that caused such a buzz last year? Jen clearly knows what works for her body and sticks with it. Other smaller-chested stars, like Julianne Hough, for instance, have mimicked the style as well.
I'm sure Jen's beau Justin Theroux had a hard time taking his eyes off his beautiful fiance as he posed for this shot. One of the great things about this style is that while it draws attention to your sleek assets up top, the neckline eventually guides the eye downward to the entire silhouette and that is just incredibly sexy, for both the model and the admirer.
Don't think this style is just for celebrities who wear gowns at fancy events, either. The plunging neckline can be easily adapted into your everyday work or casual life, with T-shirts, knit tops -- even sweatshirts. I love this Daria Blouse by GUESS -- a little pricey but would look awesome paired with jeans or a pencil skirt.
Would you be brave enough to wear a neckline like this?
Image via Charley Gallay/Getty


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As I stood there, I felt my heartbeat with every thunder
Looking into the distance, my mind blown by the sight
Feeling wind and water on my skin, my body frozen in place
As I breathe it all in, it is leaving me breathless within
My eyes are lost on the horizon, as I am taking it all in
My senses have gone crazy, as I am losing my mind slowly
As I am left speechless and mindless, yet fully aware
I am amazed, the feelings overwhelming my being
I am lost in time and space, yet here I found my place
I felt a tear, but not on my face
Something deep within me
My soul perhaps…no, what is this?
I cannot fathom
But I know there is something
Something that connects me to everything
I felt the sky intrude my mind
The water splash against my soul
The thunder striking my heart
I was one with all
I was the sky
I was the sea
I was the wind
I was the thunder in the distance
I was me and yet all
I felt another tear drop, and another
With each thunder, my heart begged for more
My soul overflowing with joy, I have never felt before
My mind silent and at peace, I do not understand
A voice rose within me,
"Is there a need to understand? Does water need to understand itself? Does wind need to understand itself? Does the sky need to understand itself?"
"Just be. Just feel. Just exist."
A deep understanding grew from within…


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It's been up, up, and away for shares of semiconductor powerhouse Intel (NASDAQ:INTC) so far in 2014, as Intel stock has handily outperformed the broad market indices.
However, as we shift toward Intel earnings next week, investors will once again look for reassurance that Intel's roadmap for stealing mobile share from British rival ARM Holdings (NASDAQ:ARMH) remains well under way.
Intel earnings: Cautiously optimistic
Analysts are expecting a resurgent quarter from Intel on both the revenue and, especially, the earnings front. Recently, we've seen a number of signs that seem as if several of Intel's underlying drivers might actually be improving.
For starters, it appears the global PC market might have finally stabilized, as this week, research firms Gartner and IDC both said PC shipments came in as basically flat during the second quarter, after years of struggles. Beyond the PC market, though, investors will be anxiously awaiting any and all news about Intel's ongoing assault against ARM Holdings.
To be clear, Intel has managed to make some reasonable inroads versus ARM Holdings during the past 18 months. However, Intel's wins at the moment skew toward the smaller (and potentially slowing?) tablet market. To truly steal significant market share from ARM Holdings, Intel will need to notch more major wins in the smartphone front, an opportunity set that could still be a year or two away. In the video below, tech and telecom analyst Andrew Tonner discusses the key numbers and stories to watch for when Intel reports next week.
Andrew Tonner owns shares of Apple. The Motley Fool recommends Apple and Intel. The Motley Fool owns shares of Apple and Intel. Try any of our Foolish newsletter services free for 30 days. We Fools may not all hold the same opinions, but we all believe that considering a diverse range of insights makes us better investors. The Motley Fool has a disclosure policy.


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Related Information for Goats Don't Shave Goats Don't Shave are an Irish musical group from the Rosses, County Donegal. They are most famous for their hit song "(Las Vegas) In the Hills of Donegal", which has become a favourite all over Ireland. They are led by Pat Gallagher, who currently resides in Gweedore, Donegal. Goats Don't Shave disbanded in the late 1990s when tension grew between band members, it is unknown whether the band members stay in contact. The first Album was "The Rusty Razor", released i.. read more


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The Hancock-Henderson Quill, Inc.
Greetings to everyone in western Illinois. I'm a hope'n ya all remembered to turn your clocks forward properly last weekend and have adjusted to the new time by now.
Guess what? The first day of spring is next Tuesday, March 20. It shore seems we had us a short winter this time around as opposed to fast winter when the snow came so frequently. St. Patricks Day is next Saturday and what better time is there than on that day to find a good supply of cornbeef and cabbage. Ummm, ummm, ummm, I just love it. The only thing better would be sauerkraut and wieners!
With spring come'n round the corner I'm reminded that "despite man's sophistication and artistic accomplishments, he still owes his very existence to six inches of topsoil and the fact it rains. Thank goodness for the farmers and their diligence in our community.
I once knew of two men who farmed across the way from each other. Jim was an atheist and Hank was a believer. Whenever they gathered together Jim was exceedingly aggressive at complaining and Hank was joyful and thankful.
A hailstorm came thru one August afternoon and destroyed most of Hank's corn and soybeans. It did not touch Jim's crops. He remained unscathed and received the benefit of the refresh'n rain his crops needed late that dry August". Yet, he complained he could have used more.
When they next met, Hank was smile'n and seemed to be in a contented mood. Ole Jim was shocked and bewildered. In fact he was prepared to do a parcel of complain'n on Hanks behalf. In his confused state Jim asked Hank "what have ya to be happy about? The hail all but ruined all your crops".
Well, Ole Hank straightened up, right smart as best he could, inspite of his bent over body from years of hard farm work and advanced stages of arthritis and replied, "The crops I planted belonged to the Lord. If'n he wanted hail on his crops, it's really none of my business. Who am I to question his management".
His attitude brings to mind an old statement me paw taught us boys years ago. He drilled into our minds that "It is not the greatness of our troubles, but the littleness of our spirit that makes us complain". I reckon this day and age it's a good piece of advice to keep forward in our mind set.
Sandy Bob shared with us boys the other day, "How to call the police when ya are old and don't move fast anymore". It was most fitt'n it seems fer all of us fellers gett'n along in years.
George Phillips, an elderly retired farmer live'n in the "Big City", was go'in up to bed, when his wife, Bertha, told him that he'd left the light on in the garden shed, which she could see from the bedroom window.
George opened the back door to go turn off the light, but he saw that there were burglar hooligans in the shed load'n up and steal'n things. He quickly grabbed his cell phone and called the police. The dispatcher asked, "Is someone in your house?"
He urgently responded, "No", "but some fellers of mean look'n character are a break'n into my garden shed and cart'n off my valuable tools".
The police dispatcher casually responded, "All patrols are busy. You should lock your doors and an officer will be along when one is available". George replied "Okay". He hung up the phone and counted to 30. Then he phoned the police again.
"Hello", he said,"I just called you a few seconds ago because there were people stealing things from my shed. Well, you don't have to worry about them now. because I just shot two of them with my ole 10 gauge double barrel shotgun and killed em both, the dogs are eat'n on them right now," and he hung up.
Within five minutes, six police cars, a SWAT team, a helicopter, two fire trucks, a paramedic, an ambulance and an armed officer on a high speed Kawasaki 4-wheeler, with an assault weapon strapped across the front loaded down with "00" buckshot and tear gas canisters, showed up at the Philips' residence. They immediately caught the shocked burglars red-handed. One burglar complained to the other that he was informed that police normally were slow to respond in that neighborhood and as a result, criminals were successful many times in the past.
One of the policemen said to George, "I thought you said that you'd shot them!" George replied, "I thought you said there was nobody available!"
Sandy Bob claims this is a true story. Well, true or not, I guess the moral of the story is, "Don't mess with old people"! Especially if'n they is retired farmer folk.
I'm gonna have to dwell on the whole matter fer a spell. In the meantime I'll share a bit of wisdom with youn's from Oscar Wilde:
"Imagination is a quality given a man to compensate him for what he is not. A sense of humor was provided to console him for what he is."
Take it easy on St. Patrick's Day and keep in mind that it was his faith in God and Jesus Christ that made him famous."Worship is one thing, and entertainment is another. It is dangerous business to play lightly with holy things, to tickle the senses in place of calling men to bend their knees and bow their heads in faith and repentance".
See ya in church next Sunday and bring a neighbor or kin some joy throughout the week by a personal visit or phone call. It'll brighten the day for both of you'ns. If'n not, we'll shore enough think it should have.I'm a hope'n everyone has a good week a come'n up.
Keep on Smile'n
Catch ya later
Barnyard Bruke


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Free MLB Pick: Yankees vs Orioles Odds
Looking for New York Yankees vs. Baltimore Orioles free picks? MLB betting sees the Yankees taking on the Orioles on Saturday, September 3rd at Oriole Park at Camden Yards in Baltimore, Maryland. Cappers Picks provides complimentary expert handicapping picks on all MLB baseball matchups all season long so stay tuned for more FREE daily MLB predictions.
(69-63) New York Yankees vs. Baltimore Orioles (72-61)
Date: Saturday September 3rd
Time: 7:05 PM ET
Venue: Oriole Park at Camden Yards, Baltimore, Maryland
MLB Betting Lines: Orioles -160
MLB Betting Total: 9
Probable Pitchers: Yankees RH C.C. Sabathia (8-11, 4.31 ERA) vs. Orioles RH Kevin Gausman (6-10, 3.73)
Live MLB Odds
Updated Sportsbook Bonuses For Today
Click here to view… MLB Stats & Expert MLB Betting Insight for this game!
The Yankees and Orioles meet on Saturday night for the second of a three game set at Oriole Park at Camden Yards. This is a massive three-game series for both teams as they are both fighting for a wild-card spot.
On the mound for the Yankees will be C.C. Sabathia and for the Orioles it will be Kevin Gausman. Sabathia is 8-11 with a 4.31 ERA on the season while Gausman is 6-10 with a 3.73 ERA.
New York Yankees
The Yankees are in as good of a position as they've been in all easy. New York is only behind two games on the loss column from a postseason spot.
The biggest reason has been the play of rookie Gary Sanchez. Sanchez is hitting .374 to go along with 11 homers and 21 RBI in only 25 games.
Didi Gregorious (17 homers) and Starlin Castro (19 homers) have played well recently as well.
The Yankees are 12-12 in 24 Sabathia starts this year.
Sabathia is 6-3 with a 3.45 ERA on the road this season.
Baltimore Orioles
The Orioles are letting their postseason spot slip away. Baltimore has lost five of their last seven games.
A big reason for their recent struggles has been their lack of offense. Baltimore has averaged 3.8 runs over their last seven games.
Manny Machado leads the Orioles with a .305 average to go along with 32 homers and 83 RBI. Mark Trumbo has been a great addition with an MLB leading 40 homers and 96 RBI.
The Orioles are 11-13 in 24 Gausman starts this year.
Gausman is 5-1 with a 2.48 ERA at home this season.
MLB Betting Trends
- The Yankees are 4-1 in their last 5 road games.
- The Yankees are 6-2 in their last 8 vs. a team with a winning record.
- The Yankees are 9-3 in Sabathias last 12 starts with 5 days of rest
- The Yankees are 9-4 in their last 13 games vs. a starter with a WHIP greater than 1.30.
- The Orioles are 2-5 in their last 7 overall.
- The Orioles are 1-6 in their last 7 home games vs. a team with a losing road record.
- The Orioles are 5-14 in Gausmans last 19 starts following a Quality Start in his last appearance.
Free New York Yankees vs. Baltimore Orioles MLB Prediction:
Neither team has a true edge on the mound in this contest.
4* Free MLB Betting Prediction: Yankees ML
The Yankees have a burning hot rookie in Sanchez and they're getting good production from Starlin Castro and Didi Gregorious.
MLB Baseball Free Score Prediction: New York 5 Baltimore 4
Look for Sanchez to have multiple hits in a narrow Yankees win.
If you're looking for more picks like this New York Yankees vs. Baltimore Orioles we'll be providing 4* free MLB plays on the blog all season long, and check out our Experts for guaranteed premium & free MLB Baseball picks!
Check out our Updated MLB Betting Odds.


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This is my personal blog on which I post different stories and reflections on my life as a Dominican Priest of the Irish Province of the Friars Preachers. I am a convert to Catholicism, and really want to help other to also find Jesus Christ in their lives. Hence I am passionate about vocation promotion and generally talking about the change God can make in anybody's life! I try to do a weekly reflection on the Gospel as well post video's related to the Dominican way of Life
Thursday, 15 December 2011
Ears to Hear 6 - Augustine on the Psalms (98)
We continue our series of Advent readings today with another excerpt from St Augustine's writings – I warned you that he wrote a lot! Today he's talking about one of his favourite topics: desire! For Augustine, having desire in our hearts is a good thing, but it must be desire for the right things. Ultimately, he thinks, desire will lead us to God, who alone can satisfy us completely. In the meantime, we should be like lovers yearning for the presence of the Beloved. And so, as the days get darker, our yearning for the light of Bethlehem grows stronger and stronger.
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The Irish Dominicans have a website called Dominicans Interactive with online resources. We also have an iPhone/iPad App, which can be found in the iTunes App Store.


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Become an AkronReads Community Volunteer
Community volunteers are caring individuals and groups of ten people or less who understand the power of reading, want to make a direct impact on a child's life.
Volunteers develop meaningful relationships with their students that are centered around helping them improve basic reading skills, but go well beyond, creating solid, stable presences in their lives. This has been found to build confidence, pride and a love of learning for students.
Become a Community Volunteer!


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Early detection is the key to curing prostate cancer. Men should have a yearly prostate cancer screening, including a Prostate Specific Antigen (PSA) blood test and digital rectal exam (DRE). Since the risk of developing prostate cancer before age 50 is low, many experts recommend the average man begin annual prostate cancer screenings at age 50. African-American men and men with a family history of the disease should begin testing at age 40.
A PSA blood test and digital rectal exam (DRE) are the two standard screening tests for prostate cancer. PSA is an enzyme produced by the prostate. It is normal to have small amounts of this enzyme in the bloodstream, so an elevated PSA alone does not necessarily indicate cancer. It may indicate non-cancerous conditions such as prostate inflammation, infection, or trauma. Often the DRE does not reveal any abnormalities that the doctor can feel. For this reason, the PSA blood test together with the DRE is important for early detection.
A doctor will evaluate these prostate cancer screening tests and may recommend a biopsy. The vast majority of physicians use an ultrasound guided technique to remove several small pieces of prostate tissue for microscopic examination. This is usually an office procedure performed under local anesthesia.
At Chicago Prostate Cancer Center, we have developed a new biopsy technique that is more comprehensive than the standard office biopsy. This is called Stereotactic Transperineal Prostate Biopsy (STPB), sometimes referred to as Saturation Biopsy. It is performed under general anesthesia and systematically samples every part of the prostate. This technique is generally reserved for patients who have a rising PSA level, despite having had a negative office biopsy in the past. To learn more about STPB, click here