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I joined Flickr back in January 2006. The photo-sharing site was a little less than two years old then, and had been acquired the year before by Yahoo. I really didn't start uploading pictures to it more than a year later, when I got my first smartphone, a Samsung Blackjack. The oldest photo in my Flickr photostream (that I took) is of a stack of cabbages.
Back then, Flickr was the best option for sharing photos easily. However, it was very desktop-centric, and after the iPhone reinvigorated the smartphone revolution, Flickr got left behind by companies like Instagram and Hipstamatic, which made mobile sharing a snap, and big social networks like Facebook and Twitter. Flickr didn't even have an official mobile app until September 2009, when it released one for the iPhone.
Nevertheless, over time I found my use of Flickr waned, particularly as my use of Twitter expanded. That's where I shared photos with friends, though occasionally I used Flickr to share with family members who weren't on Twitter. But for the last couple of years, I'd pretty much ignored Flickr, and even let my $24-a-year Pro subscription lapse.
On Monday, Yahoo took the wraps off a dramatically revamped Flickr. Fresh off its $1.1 billion acquisition of Tumblr announced earlier in the day, Yahoo showed off an overhauled Flickr during an event in New York, and suddenly this venerable service is a contender once again.
All users now get a full terabyte of storage, with images available for viewing at full resolution. The storage is free, paid for by advertising. Flickr updated its Android app to match and even exceed the features found in the older iOS app.
Gone is that $24 Pro account, though users who don't want to see ads can pay $50 a year for the privilege. That's more than a doubling of the Pro annual fee, but the cost really goes up if you need more than a terabyte of storage. The new Doublr account for 2 terabytes prices out at $500 a year. You can see a comparison of the plans here, and that same page explains what happens to those who have paid for a Pro account.
Note that existing Pro accounts still have unlimited data usage. For now, existing Pro account holders can renew when those accounts expire, but that may not last forever. No new Pro accounts will be sold.
This is a pretty sweet deal, and at the very least, Flickr now becomes the best place to back up and store your photos online, thanks to its terabyte of space. If you're serious about photography and want your photos seen in full-res, Flick may also be a draw.
But is it enough to lure casual photographers back for photo-sharing? The grips held by Facebook, Instagram and Twitter are powerful, built on habit and momentum. Once you start sharing images on one platform, it's hard to get your friends and family to look elsewhere for your snapshots.
Yahoo CEO Marissa Mayer has said that mobile is Yahoo's future – indeed, it's every online service's future – and that's where Flickr must shine to make this resurrection a success. Sharing photos needs to be seamless and fun from any smartphone. The new Android app is a good start on that platform, and with iOS, Yahoo may want to seek the same kind of integration into Apple's mobile operating system that's currently enjoyed by Facebook and Twitter. Time for coffee with Tim Cook, Ms. Mayer.
I'll probably take time this weekend to upload my favorite photos to Flickr. But the real test will come when I'm ready to take a picture I want to share. Will I launch the Flickr app to do it, or will I continue my habit of snapping, then posting to Twitter? I'll give the new Flickr a chance, but habits are hard to break.


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1983 Beirut barracks bombing
|1983 Beirut barracks bombings
|Part of the Lebanese Civil War
A smoke cloud rises from the rubble of the bombed barracks at Beirut International Airport (BIA).
| |name=DrakkarBarracks}}
'Drakkar' barracks of French 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment and 9th Parachute Chasseur Regiment, Ramlet al Baida, Beirut
October 23, 1983
Attack type
|Suicide truck bombs, Terrorism, Mass murder
241 American Military Servicemen
58 French Paratroopers[1]
6 civilians
2 suicide bombers
Total: 307
Non-fatal injuries
|Islamic Jihad Organization
The Beirut Barracks Bombings (October 23, 1983, in Beirut, Lebanon) occurred during the Lebanese Civil War when two truck bombs struck separate buildings housing United States and French military forces—members of the Multinational Force (MNF) in Lebanon—killing 299 American and French servicemen. An obscure group calling itself 'Islamic Jihad' claimed responsibility for the bombings.[2]
The chain of command likely ran from Tehran, to Iran's Ambassador to Syria, Ali Akbar Mohtashamipur in Damascus, to IRGC commander Hossein Dehghan, in Beirut, as the Iranians drew on assets in Lebanon.[3] Hezbollah, Iran and Syria have continued to deny any involvement in any of the bombings; even though, in 2004, the Iranian government erected a monument in Tehran to commemorate the 1983 bombings and its "martyrs".[4]
Suicide bombers detonated each of the truck bombs. In the attack on the building serving as a barracks for the 1st Battalion 8th Marines (Battalion Landing Team - BLT 1/8), the death toll was 241 American servicemen: 220 Marines, 18 sailors, and three soldiers, making this incident the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States Marine Corps since World War II's Battle of Iwo Jima, the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States military since the first day of the Vietnam War's Tet Offensive, and the deadliest single attack on Americans overseas since World War II.[5] Another 128 Americans were wounded in the blast. Thirteen later died of their injuries, and they are numbered among the total number who died.[6] An elderly Lebanese man, a custodian/vendor who was known to work and sleep in his concession stand next to the building, was also killed in the first blast.[7][8][9] The explosives used were later estimated to be equivalent to as much as 9,525 kg (21,000 pounds) of TNT.[10][11]
In the attack on the French barracks, the nine-story 'Drakkar' building, 55 paratroopers from the 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment and 3 paratroopers of the 9th Parachute Chasseur Regiment were killed and 15 injured by a second truck bomb. This attack occurred just minutes after the attack on the American Marines. It was France's single worst military loss since the end of the Algerian War.[12] The wife and four children of a Lebanese janitor at the French building were also killed, and more than twenty other Lebanese civilians were injured.[13]
These attacks eventually led to the withdrawal of the international peacekeeping force from Lebanon, where they had been stationed since the withdrawal of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982.
- 1 The bombings: Sunday, October 23, 1983
- 2 Beirut: June 1982 to October 1983
- 3 Rescue and recovery operations: October 23 to 28, 1983
- 4 American and French response
- 5 Aftermath
- 6 Memorials and remembrance
- 7 See also
- 8 Notes
- 9 References
- 10 Further reading
- 11 External links
The bombings: Sunday, October 23, 1983
At around 06:22, a 19-ton yellow Mercedes-Benz stake-bed truck drove to the Beirut International Airport (BIA), where the U.S. 24th Marine Amphibious Unit (MAU) was deployed. The 1st Battalion 8th Marines (BLT), commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Larry Gerlach, was a subordinate element of the 24th MAU. The truck was not the water truck they had been expecting. Instead, it was a hijacked truck carrying explosives. The driver turned his truck onto an access road leading to the compound. He drove into and circled the parking lot, and then he accelerated to crash through a 5-foot-high barrier of concertina wire separating the parking lot from the building. The wire popped "like somebody walking on twigs."[14] The truck then passed between two sentry posts and through an open vehicle gate in the perimeter chain-link fence, crashed through a guard shack in front of the building and smashed into the lobby of the building serving as the barracks for the 1st Battalion 8th Marines (BLT). The sentries at the gate were operating under rules of engagement which made it very difficult to respond quickly to the truck. Sentries were ordered to keep their weapons at condition four (no magazine inserted and no rounds in the chamber). Only one sentry, LCpl Eddie DiFranco, was able to load and chamber a round. However, by that time the truck was already crashing into the building's entryway.[15]
The suicide bomber, an Iranian national named Ismail Ascari,[16][17] detonated his explosives, which were later estimated to be equivalent to approximately 9,525 kilograms (21,000 pounds) of TNT.[10][11] The force of the explosion collapsed the four-story building into rubble, crushing many inside. According to Eric Hammel in his history of the U.S. Marine landing force,
"The force of the explosion initially lifted the entire four-story structure, shearing the bases of the concrete support columns, each measuring fifteen feet in circumference and reinforced by numerous one-and-three-quarter-inch steel rods. The airborne building then fell in upon itself. A massive shock wave and ball of flaming gas was hurled in all directions."[18]
The explosive mechanism was a gas-enhanced device consisting of compressed butane in canisters employed with pentaerythritol tetranitrate (PETN) to create a fuel-air explosive.[10][11] The bomb was carried on a layer of concrete covered with a slab of marble to direct the blast upward.[19] Despite the lack of sophistication and wide availability of its component parts, a gas-enhanced device can be a lethal weapon. These devices were similar to fuel-air or thermobaric weapons, explaining the large blast and damage.[20] An after-action forensic investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) determined that the bomb was so powerful that it probably would have brought down the building even if the sentries had managed to stop the truck between the gate and the building.[21]
Less than ten minutes later, a similar attack occurred against the barracks of the French 3rd Company of the 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment, 6 km away in the Ramlet al Baida area of West Beirut.[22] As the suicide bomber drove his pickup truck toward the "Drakkar" building, French paratroopers began shooting at the truck and its driver.[22] It is believed that the driver was killed and the truck was immobilized and rolled to stop about fifteen yards from the building.[22] A few moments passed before the truck exploded, bringing down the nine-story building and killing 58 French paratroopers.[22] It is believed that this bomb was detonated by remote control and that, though similarly constructed, it was smaller than and slightly less than half as powerful as the one used against the Marines at the Beirut International Airport.[22] Many of the paratroopers had gathered on their balconies moments earlier to see what was happening at the airport.[23] It was France's worst military loss since the end of the Algerian War in 1962.[24]
Beirut: June 1982 to October 1983
- 6 June 1982 -- Israel invaded Lebanon: Operation "Peace for Galilee."
- 23 August 1982 -- Bachir Gemayel was elected to be Lebanon's president.
- 25 August 1982 -- A MNF of approximately 400 French, 800 Italian soldiers and 800 Marines of the 32d Marine Amphibious Unit (MAU) were deployed in Beirut as part of a peacekeeping force to oversee the evacuation of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) guerrillas.
- 10 September 1982 -- The PLO retreats from Beirut under MNF protection. Subsequently, the 32d MAU was ordered out of Beirut by the President of the United States.
- 14 September 1982 -- Lebanon's President, Bachir Gemayel, was assassinated.
- 16 September to 18 September 1982 -- The Sabra and Shatila massacres.
- 21 September 1982 -- Bachir Gemayel's brother, Amine Gemayel, was elected to be Lebanon's president.
- 29 September 1982 -- The 32d MAU was redeployed to Beirut (primarily at the BIA) rejoining 2,200 French and Italian MNF troops already in place.
- 30 October 1982 -- The 32d MAU was relieved by the 24th MAU.
- 15 February 1983 -- The 32d MAU, redesignated as the 22d MAU, returned to Lebanon to relieve the 24th MAU.
- 17 May 1983 -- May 17 Agreement of 1983
- 30 May 1983 -- The 24th MAU relieved the 22d MAU.
On June 6, 1982, Israel initiated Operation "Peace for Galilee" and invaded Lebanon ostensibly to create a 40 km buffer zone between the PLO and Syrian forces in Lebanon and Israel.[26][27][28] The Israeli invasion was tacitly approved by the U.S., and the U.S. provided overt military support to Israel in the form of arms and matériel.[29] However, what the U.S. agreed to support and what Israel did were altogether two separate matters.[26][30] Nevertheless, the U.S.' 'apparent support' for Israel's invasion of Lebanon taken in conjunction with U.S. support for Lebanese President Bachir Gemayel and the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) alienated many.[31] Bachir Gemayel was the legally elected president, but he was a partisan Maronite Christian and covert associate of Israel.[32] These factors served to disaffect the Lebanese Muslim and Druze communities in Lebanon. This animosity was made worse by the Phalangist, a right-wing, largely Maronite-Lebanese militia force closely associated with U.S. backed President Gemayel. The Phalangist militia was responsible for multiple, bloody attacks against the Muslim and Druze communities in Lebanon and for the 1982 atrocites committed in the PLO refugee camps, Sabra and Shatila, while the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) provided security and looked on.[33][34] The Phalangist militia's attacks on Sabra and Shatila were puportedly a response to the September 14, 1982, assassination of President-elect Bachir Gemayel.[33][35][36] Amine Gemayel, Bachir's brother, succeeded Bachir as the elected president of Lebanon, and Amine continued to represent and advance Maronite interests.
All of this, according to British foreign correspondent Robert Fisk, served to generate ill will against the MNF among Lebanese Muslims and especially among the Shiites living in the slums of West Beirut and around the Beirut International Airport where the U.S. Marines were located. Lebanese Muslims were manipulated into believing the MNF, and the Americans in particular, were unfairly siding with the Maronite Christians in their attempt to dominate Lebanon.[37][38][39] Muslim feelings against the American presence were "exacerbated when counter-battery missiles lobbed by the U.S. Sixth Fleet hit innocent by-standers in the Druze-dominated Shuf mountains."[40]Colonel Timothy J. Geraghty, the commander of the U.S. 24th Marine Amphibious Unit (MAU) deployed as peacekeepers in Beirut during the incident, has said that the American and the French headquarters were targeted primarily because of "who we were and what we represented"[41] and that,
It is noteworthy that the United States provided direct naval gunfire support—which I strongly opposed for a week—to the Lebanese Army at a mountain village called Suq-al-Garb on 19 September and that the French conducted an air strike on 23 September in the Bekaa Valley. American support removed any lingering doubts of our neutrality, and I stated to my staff at the time that we were going to pay in blood for this decision.[42]
The naval gunfire support Colonel Geraghty referenced was from four U.S. warships: the USS Virginia, USS Arthur W. Radford, USS Bowen, and USS John Rodgers. Prior to September 19, the USS Bowen had fired an interdiction mission on September 7, and the USS Bowen and USS John Rodgers had together fired another interdiction mission on September 16 to intimidate Syrian and Druze militia firing on the Marines.[43]
Some authors, including Thomas Friedman, point to the use of this naval gunfire on September 19 as the beginning point of the U.S. forces being seen as participants in the civil war rather than peace keepers and opening them up to retaliation.[44][45] In his memoir, General Colin Powell (at the time an assistant to Caspar Weinberger) noted, as Colonel Geraghty had already projected, that "When the shells started falling on the Shiites, they assumed the American 'referee' had taken sides."[46] Some analysts subsequently criticized the decision to have U.S. warships shell Druze and Syrian forces. They claim that this action forced a shift in the previously neutral U.S. forces by convincing local Lebanese Muslims that the U.S. had sided with the Lebanese Christians.[47]
In 1982, the Islamic Republic of Iran established a base in the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley in Lebanon. That base is still operational today. From that base, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) "founded, financed, trained and equipped Hezbollah to operate as a proxy army" for Iran.[48] Some analysts believe the newly formed Islamic Republic of Iran was heavily involved in the bomb attacks and that a major factor leading it to orchestrate the attacks on the barracks was America's support for Iraq in the Iran–Iraq War and its extending of $2.5 billion in trade credit to Iraq while halting the shipments of arms to Iran.[49] A few weeks before the bombing, Iran warned that providing armaments to Iran's enemies would provoke retaliatory punishment.[Notes 1] On September 26, 1983, "the National Security Agency (NSA) intercepted an Iranian diplomatic communications message from the Iranian intelligence agency, the Ministry of Information and Security (MOIS)," to its ambassador, Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, in Damascus. The message directed the ambassador to "take spectacular action against the American Marines."[50] The intercepted message, dated September 26, would not be passed to the Marines until October 26: three days after the bombing.[51]
Much of what is now public knowledge of Iranian involvement, e.g., PETN purportedly supplied by Iran, the suicide bomber's name and nationality, etc., in the bombings was not revealed to the public until the 2003 trial, Peterson, et al v. Islamic Republic, et al.[10] Testimony by Admiral James "Ace" Lyon's, U.S.N. (Ret), and FBI forensic explosive investigator Danny A. Defenbaugh, plus a deposition by a Hezbollah operative named Mahmoud (a pseudonym) were particularly revealing.[52]
Rescue and recovery operations: October 23 to 28, 1983
Organized rescue efforts began immediately—within three minutes of the bombing—and continued for days.[53] Unit maintenance personnel were not billeted in the BLT building, and they rounded up pry bars, torches, jacks and other equipment from unit vehicles and maintenance shops and began rescue operations.[54] Meanwhile, combat engineers and truck drivers began using their organic assets, i.e., trucks and engineering equipment, to help with the rescue operations.[55] 24th MAU medical personnel, Navy dentists LT Gil Bigelow and LT Jim Ware, established two aid stations to triage and treat casualties.[56][57][58] Medevac helicopters, CH-46s from Marine Medium Helicopter Squadron (HMM) 162, were airborne by 6:45 AM.[59] U.S. Navy medical personnel from nearby vessels of the U.S. Sixth Fleet went ashore to assist with treatment and medical evacuation of the injured,[60][61] as did sailors and shipboard Marines who volunteered to assist with the rescue effort.[62] Lebanese, Italian, British, and even French troops, who had suffered their own loss, provided assistance.[63][64]
Many Lebanese civilians voluntarily joined the rescue effort.[65] Especially important was a Lebanese construction contractor, Rafiq Hariri of the firm Oger-Liban, who provided heavy construction equipment, e.g., a 40-ton P & H crane, etc., from nearby BIA worksites. Hariri's construction equipment proved vitally necessary in lifting and removing heavy slabs of concrete debris at the barracks site just as it had been necessary in assisting with clearing debris after the April U.S. Embassy attack.[65][66]
While the rescuers were at times hindered by hostile sniper and artillery fire, several Marine survivors were pulled from the rubble at the BLT 1/8 bomb site and airlifted by helicopter to the USS Iwo Jima, located offshore. U.S. Navy, U.S. Air Force and Royal Air Force medevac planes transported the seriously wounded to the hospital at RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus and to U.S. and German hospitals in West Germany.[62][67] A few survivors, including LTC Gerlach, were sent to the Italian MNF dispensary and to Lebanese hospitals in Beirut.[68][69] Israel's offers to medevac the wounded to hospitals in Israel were rejected as politically unacceptable even though Israeli hospitals were known to provide excellent care and were considerably closer than hospitals in Germany.[25][70]
At about noon Sunday, October 23, the last survivor was pulled from the rubble; he was LTJG Danny G. Wheeler, Lutheran chaplain for BLT 1/8.[71] Other men survived beyond Sunday, but they succumbed to their injuries before they could be extracted from the rubble.[72] By Wednesday, the majority of the bodies and body parts had been recovered from the stricken barracks, and the recovery effort ended on Friday.[73][74] After five days, the FBI came in to investigate, and the Marines returned to normal duties.[74]
"The explosion at the French barracks blew the whole building off its foundations and threw it about 6 meters (20 feet) westward, while breaking the windows of almost every apartment house in the neighborhood...Grim-faced French paratroopers and Lebanese civil defense workers aided by bulldozers also worked under spotlights through the night at the French barracks, trying to pull apart the eight stories of 90 centimeter (3 foot) thick cement that had fallen on top of one another and to reach the men they could still hear screaming for help. They regularly pumped oxygen into the mountain of rubble to keep those who were still trapped below alive."[13]
American and French response
U.S. President Ronald Reagan called the attack a "despicable act"[75] and pledged to keep a military force in Lebanon. U.S. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, who had privately advised the administration against stationing U.S. Marines in Lebanon,[76] said there would be no change in the U.S.'s Lebanon policy. French President François Mitterrand and other French dignitaries visited both the French and American bomb sites to offer their personal condolences on Monday, October 24, 1983. It was not an official visit, and President Mitterrand only stayed for a few hours, but he did declare "We will stay."[77] During his visit, President Mitterrand visited each of the scores of American caskets and made the sign of the cross as his mark of respectful observance for each of the fallen peacekeepers.[78] U.S. Vice President George H. W. Bush arrived and made a tour of the destroyed BLT barracks on Wednesday, October 26, 1983. Vice President Bush toured the site and said the U.S. "would not be cowed by terrorists."[77] Vice President Bush also visited with wounded U.S. personnel aboard the U.S.S. Iwo Jima (LPH-2), and he took time to meet with the commanders of the other MNF units (French, Italian and British) deployed in Beirut.[79]
In retaliation for the attacks, France launched an airstrike in the Beqaa Valley against alleged Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) positions. President Reagan assembled his national security team and planned to target the Sheik Abdullah barracks in Baalbek, Lebanon, which housed Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) believed to be training Hezbollah militants.[80] A joint American-French air assault on the camp where the bombing was planned was also approved by Reagan and Mitterrand. U.S. Defense Secretary Weinberger lobbied successfully against the mission, because at the time it was not certain that Iran was behind the attack.[81]
Some of the U.S. Marines in Beirut were moved to transport vessels offshore where they could not be targeted; yet, they would be ready and available to serve as a ready reaction force in Beirut if needed.[82] For protection against snipers and artillery attacks, the Marines remaining at the airport built and moved into bunkers in the ground employing 'appropriated' Soviet-bloc CONEXes.[83][84]
Col Geraghty requested and received reinforcements to replace his unit losses.[85] BLT 2/6, the Division Marine Air Alert Battalion stationed at Camp Lejeune, NC, and commanded by LtCol Edwin C. Kelley, was dispatched and flown into Beirut by four C-141s in less than 36 hours after the bombing.[86] LtCol Kelley officially replaced the seriously injured BLT 1/8 commander, LtCol Gerlach. LtCol Kelley quietly redesignated his unit, BLT 2/6, as BLT 1/8 to help bolster the morale of the BLT 1/8 survivors.[87] On November 18, 1983, the 22d MAU rotated into Beirut and relieved in place the 24th MAU.[88] The 24th MAU returned to Camp Lejeune, NC, for training and refitting.
Eventually, it became evident that the U.S. would launch no serious and immediate retaliatory attack for the Beirut Marine barracks bombing beyond naval barrages and air strikes used to interdict continuous harassing fire from Druze and Syrian missile and artillery sites.[89] A true retaliatory strike failed to materialize because there was a rift in White House counsel (largely between George P. Shultz of the Department of State and Weinberger of the Department of Defense) and because the extant evidence pointing at Iranian involvement was circumstantial at that time: the Islamic Jihad, which took credit for the attack, was a front for Hezbollah which was acting as a proxy for Iran; thus, affording Iran plausible deniability.[10] Secretary of State Schultz was an advocate for retaliaton, but Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger was against retaliation. Secretary of Defense Weinberger, in a September 2001 FRONTLINE interview, reaffirmed that rift in White House counsel when he claimed that the U.S. still lacks "'actual knowledge of who did the bombing' of the Marine barracks."[81]
The USS New Jersey had arrived and taken up station off Beirut on September 25, 1983. Special Representative in the Middle East Robert McFarlane's team had requested the New Jersey after the August 29th Druze mortar attack that killed two Marines.[90] After the October 23rd bombing, on November 28, the U.S. government announced that the New Jersey would remain stationed off Beirut although her crew would be rotated. It wasn't until December 14 that the New Jersey finally joined the fray and fired 11 projectiles from her 16-inch guns at hostile targets near Beirut. "This was the first time 16-inch shells were fired for effect anywhere in the world since the New Jersey ended her time on the gunline in Vietnam in 1969."[91] Also in December 1983, U.S. aircraft from the USS John F. Kennedy and USS Independence battle groups attacked Syrian targets in Lebanon, but this was ostensibly in response to Syrian missile attacks on American warplanes.
In the meantime, the attack boosted the prestige and growth of the Shiite organization Hezbollah. Hezbollah officially denied any involvement in the attacks, but was seen by Lebanese as involved nonetheless as it praised the "two martyr mujahideen" who "set out to inflict upon the U.S. Administration an utter defeat, not experienced since Vietnam."[92] Hezbollah was now seen by many as "the spearhead of the sacred Muslim struggle against foreign occupation".[93]
The 1983 report of the U.S. Department of Defense Commission's on the attack recommended that the National Security Council investigate and consider alternative ways to reach "American objectives in Lebanon" because, "as progress to diplomatic solutions slows," the security of the USMNF base continues to "deteriorate." The commission also recommended a review for the development of a broader range of "appropriate military, political, and diplomatic responses to terrorism." Military preparedness needed improvement in the development of "doctrine, planning, organization, force structure, education, and training" to better combat terrorism, while the USMNF was "not prepared" to deal with the terrorist threat at the time due to "lack of training, staff, organization, and support" specifically for defending against "terror threats."[94]
Amal Movement leader Nabih Berri, who had previously supported U.S. mediation efforts, asked the U.S. and France to leave Lebanon and accused the two countries of seeking to commit 'massacres' against the Lebanese and of creating a "climate of racism" against Shias.[95] Islamic Jihad phoned in new threats against the MNF pledging that "the earth would tremble" unless the MNF withdrew by New Year's Day 1984.[96]
On February 7, 1984, President Reagan ordered the Marines to begin withdrawing from Lebanon largely because of waning congressional support for the mission after the attacks on the barracks.[97][98][99][100][101][102] The withdrawal of the 22d MAU from the BIA was completed 12:37 PM on February 26, 1984.[103] "Fighting between the Lebanese Army and Druze militia in the nearby Shouf mountains provided a noisy backdrop to the Marine evacuation. One officer commented: 'This ceasefire is getting louder.'"[104]
On February 8, 1984, the U.S.S. New Jersey fired almost 300 shells at Druze and Syrian positions in the Beqaa Valley east of Beirut. This was the heaviest shore bombardment since the Korean War.[105] "In a nine-hour period, the U.S.S. New Jersey fired 288 16-inch rounds, each one weighing as much as a Volkswagen Beetle. In those nine-hours, the ship consumed 40 percent of the 16-inch ammunition available in the entire European theater...[and] in one burst of wretched excess," the New Jersey seemed to be unleashing eighteen months of repressed fury.[106]
"Many Lebanese still recall the 'flying Volkswagens,' the name given to the huge shells that struck the Shouf."[107] In addition to destroying Syrian and Druze artillery and missile sites, approximately 30 of these behemoth projectiles rained down on a Syrian command post, killing the senior commanding Syrian general in Lebanon along with several of his senior officers.[108] Some of New Jersey's shells missed their intended targets and killed non-combatants, mostly Shiites and Druze.[109]
Following the U.S.' lead, the rest of the multinational force, the British, French and Italians, was withdrawn by the end of February 1984.[110][111] The ship borne 22d MAU contingent remained stationed offshore near Beirut while a detached 100 man ready reaction force remained stationed ashore near the U.S./U.K. Embassy.[112] The 22d MAU was relieved in place by the 24th MAU on April 10, 1984. On April 21, the ready reaction force in Beirut was deactivated and its men were reassigned to their respective ships. In late July, 1984, the last Marines from the 24th MAU, the U.S./U.K. Embassy guard detail, was withdrawn from Beirut.[25][112]
Search for perpetrators
At the time of the bombing, an obscure group called the "Islamic Jihad" claimed responsibility for the attack.[113][114] There were many in the U.S. government, such as Vice President Bush, Secretary of State George P. Shultz, and National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane (who was formerly Reagan's Mideast envoy), who believed Iran and/or Syria were/was responsible for the bombings.[115][116] After some years of investigation, the U.S. government now believes that elements of what would eventually become Hezbollah, backed by Iran and Syria, were responsible for these bombings[114][117] as well as the bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut earlier in April.[118][119] It is believed that Hezbollah used the name "Islamic Jihad" in order to remain anonymous. Hezbollah eventually announced its existence in 1985.[120][121] To date, Hezbollah, Iran and Syria have continued to deny any involvement in any of the bombings; even though, in 2004, the Iranian government erected a monument in Tehran to commemorate the 1983 bombings and its "martyrs".[16]
Lebanese author Hala Jaber claims that Iran and Syria helped organize the bombing which was run by two Lebanese Shia, Imad Mughniyah and Mustafa Badr Al Din:
Imad Mughniyeh and Mustafa Badr Al Din took charge of the Syrian-Iranian backed operation. Mughniyeh had been a highly trained security man with the PLO's Force 17 . . . Their mission was to gather information and details about the American embassy and draw up a plan that would guarantee the maximum impact and leave no trace of the perpetrator. Meetings were held at the Iranian embassy in Damascus. They were usually chaired by the ambassador, Hojatoleslam Ali-Akbar Mohtashemi, who played an instrumental role in founding Hezbollah. In consultation with several senior Syrian intelligence officers, the final plan was set in motion. The vehicle and explosives were prepared in the Bekaa Valley which was under Syrian control.[122]
Two years after the bombing, a U.S. grand jury secretly indicted Imad Mughniyah for his terrorist activities.[123] Mughniyah was never captured, but he was killed by a car bomb in Syria on February 12, 2008.[123][124][125][126]
Commentators argue that the lack of a response by the Americans emboldened terrorist organizations to conduct further attacks against U.S. targets.[8][127] Along with the U.S. embassy bombing, the barracks bombing prompted the Inman Report, a review of the security of U.S. facilities overseas for the U.S. State Department.
Alleged retaliation
On March 8, 1985, a truck bomb blew up in Beirut killing more than 80 people and injuring more than two hundred. The bomb detonated near the apartment block of Sheikh Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah, a Shia cleric thought by many to be the spiritual leader of Hezbollah. Although the U.S. did not engage in any direct military retaliation to the attack on the Beirut barracks, the 1985 bombing was widely believed by Fadlallah and his supporters to be the work of the United States; Sheikh Fadlallah stating that "'They sent me a letter and I got the message,' and an enormous sign on the remains of one bombed building read: 'Made in the U.S.A.'" Robert Fisk also claims that CIA operatives planted the bomb and that evidence of this is found in an article in The Washington Post newspaper.[128] Journalist Robin Wright quotes articles in The Washington Post and The New York Times as saying that according to the CIA the "Lebanese intelligence personnel and other foreigners had been undergoing CIA training"[129] but that "this was not our [CIA] operation and it was nothing we planned or knew about."[130] "Alarmed U.S. officials subsequently canceled the covert training operation" in Lebanon, according to Wright.[131]
Lessons learned
Shortly after the barracks bombing, President Ronald Reagan appointed a military fact-finding committee headed by retired Admiral Robert L. J. Long to investigate the bombing. The commission's report found senior military officials responsible for security lapses and blamed the military chain of command for the disaster. It suggested that there might have been many fewer deaths if the barracks guards had carried loaded weapons and a barrier more substantial than the barbed wire the bomber drove over easily. The commission also noted that the "prevalent view" among U.S. commanders was that there was a direct link between the navy shelling of the Muslims at Suq-al-Garb and the truck bomb attack.[132][133]
Following the bombing and the realization that insurgents could deliver weapons of enormous yield with an ordinary truck or van, the presence of protective barriers (bollards) became common around critical government facilities in the United States and elsewhere, particularly Western civic targets situated overseas.[134]
An article in Foreign Policy titled "Lesson Unlearned" argues that the U.S. military intervention in the Lebanese Civil War has been downplayed or ignored in popular history - thus unlearned - and that lessons from Lebanon are "unlearned" as the U.S. militarily intervenes elsewhere in the world.[135]
Civil suit against Iran
On October 3 and December 28, 2001, the families of the 241 servicemen who were killed as well as several injured survivors filed civil suits against Islamic Republic of Iran and the Ministry of Information and Security (MOIS) in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. [136] In their separate complaints, the families and survivors sought a judgment that Iran was responsible for the attack and relief in the form of damages (compensatory and punitive) for wrongful death and common-law claims for battery, assault, and intentional infliction of emotional distress resulting from an act of state-sponsored terrorism.[136]
Iran (the defendant) was served with the two complaints (one from Deborah D. Peterson, Personal Representative of the Estate of James C. Knipple, et al., the other from Joseph and Marie Boulos, Personal Representatives of the Estate of Jeffrey Joseph Boulos) on May 6 and July 17, 2002.[136] Iran denied responsibility for the attack[137] but did not file any response to the claims of the families.[136] On December 18, 2002, Judge Royce C. Lamberth entered defaults against defendants in both cases.[136]
On May 30, 2003, Lamberth found Iran legally responsible for providing Hezbollah with financial and logistical support that helped them carry out the attack.[136][138] Lamberth concluded that the court had personal jurisdiction over the defendants under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, that Hezbollah was formed under the auspices of the Iranian government and was completely reliant on Iran in 1983, and that Hezbollah carried out the attack in conjunction with MOIS agents.[136]
On September 7, 2007, Lamberth awarded $2,656,944,877 to the plaintiffs. The judgment was divided up among the victims; the largest award was $12 million to Larry Gerlach, who became a quadriplegic as a result of a broken neck he suffered in the attack.[139]
The attorney for the families of the victims uncovered some new information, including a U.S. National Security Agency intercept of a message sent from Iranian intelligence headquarters in Tehran to Hojjat ol-eslam Ali-Akbar Mohtashemi, the Iranian ambassador in Damascus. As it was paraphrased by presiding U.S. District Court Judge Royce C. Lamberth, "The message directed the Iranian ambassador to contact Hussein Musawi, the leader of the terrorist group Islamic Amal, and to instruct him ... 'to take a spectacular action against the United States Marines.'"[140] Musawi's Islamic Amal was a breakaway faction of the Amal Movement and an autonomous part of embryonic Hezbollah.[141]
In July 2012, federal Judge Royce Lamberth ordered Iran to pay more than $813m in damages and interest to the families of the 241 U.S. servicemen that were killed, writing in a ruling that Tehran had to be "punished to the fullest extent legally possible... Iran is racking up quite a bill from its sponsorship of terrorism."[142][143][144][145]
Mossad conspiracy theory
Former Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky, in his 1990 book By Way of Deception, has accused the Mossad of knowing the specific time and location of the bombing, but only gave general information to the Americans of the attack, information which was worthless. According to Ostrovsky, then Mossad head Nahum Admoni decided against giving the specific details to the Americans on the grounds that the Mossad's responsibility was to protect Israel's interests, not Americans. Admoni denied having any prior knowledge of the attack.[146] Ostrovsky further claimed that among the high level officers of the Mossad there was a view that if the Americans "wanted to stick their nose into this Lebanon thing, let them pay the price."[147] Benny Morris, in his review of Ostrovsky's book, wrote that Ostrovsky was "barely a case officer before he was fired; most of his (brief) time in the agency was spent as a trainee" adding that due to compartmentalization "he did not and could not have had much knowledge of then current Mossad operations, let alone operational history." Benny Morris wrote that the claim regarding the barracks was "odd" and an example of one of Ostrovsky's "wet" stories which were "mostly fabricated."[148]
Terrorism classification
The bombing was categorized by the U.S. as an act of terrorism.[149] However, according to academic Oded Lowenheim, the U.S. Marines had become allied with the Maronite Christians in Lebanon and were actively engaging in battles, thus waiving their non-combatant status.[149] The U.S. still categorized this attack as an act of terrorism as it was directed against off-duty servicemen, whom the U.S. defines as non-combatants.
Memorials and remembrance
A Beirut Memorial has been established at Marine Corps Base Camp Lejeune, and has been used as the site of annual memorial services for the victims of the attack.[150] A Beirut Memorial Room at the USO in Jacksonville, North Carolina has also been created.[151]
The Armed Forces Chaplaincy Center, the site of Chaplain Corps training for the U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force at Fort Jackson, Columbia, South Carolina, includes the partially destroyed sign from the Beirut barracks chapel as a memorial to those who died in the attack.[152] According to Rabbi Arnold Resnicoff, one of the navy chaplains present during the attack, "Amidst the rubble, we found the plywood board which we had made for our "Peace-keeping Chapel." The Chaplain Corps Seal had been hand-painted, with the words "Peace-keeping" above it, and "Chapel" beneath. Now "Peace-keeping" was legible, but the bottom of the plaque was destroyed, with only a few burned and splintered pieces of wood remaining. The idea of peace - above; the reality of war - below."[152]
Other memorials to the victims of the Beirut barracks bombing have been erected in various locations within the U.S., including one at Penn's Landing in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and one in Florida.[153] Additionally, a Lebanese cedar has been planted in Arlington National Cemetery near the graves of some of the victims of the attack, in their memory.[154] A plaque in the ground in front of the tree, dedicated in a ceremony on the first anniversary of the attack, reads: "Let peace take root: This cedar of Lebanon tree grows in living memory of the Americans killed in the Beirut terrorist attack and all victims of terrorism around the world." [155] The National Museum of the Marine Corps, in Quantico, Virginia, unveiled an exhibit in 2008 in memory of the attack and its victims.[156]
One memorial to the attack is located outside the U.S., where Gilla Gerzon, the director of the Haifa, Israel USO during the time of the attack coordinated the creation of a memorial park that included 241 olive trees, one for each of the U.S. military personnel who died in the attack.[157] The trees lead to an overpass on Mount Carmel looking toward Beirut.[157][158]
There is also an ongoing effort on the part of Beirut veterans and family members to convince the U.S. Postal Service and Citizens' Stamp Advisory Committee to create a stamp in memory of the victims of the attack, but the recommendation has not yet been approved.[159][160] In the meantime, Beirut veterans have created a "PC Postage" commercially produced Beirut Memorial statue private vendor stamp (with or without the words "They Came in Peace") that is approved for use as postage by the U.S. Postal Service.[160]
See also
- Tyre headquarters bombings, similar attacks against Israeli military posts in Lebanon
- 1984 United States embassy annex bombing
- Khobar Towers Bombing
- Mountain War
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- ^ [1] List of fallen and injured paratroopers by rank within regiment respectively of the 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment and 9th Parachute Chasseur Regiment
- ^ Bret Stephens, "Iran's Unrequited War / The mullahs are at war with us. Maybe we should return the favor", Wall Street Journal (October 22 2012).
- ^ now.mmedia.me 30 October 2014
- ^ Geraghty, Timothy J.; (2009). Peacekeepers at War: Beirut 1983--The Marine Commander Tells His Story p.185, Potomac Books. ISBN 978-1-59797-425-7.
- ^ Geraghty, Timothy J.; Alfred M. Gray Jr. (Foreword) (2009). Peacekeepers at War: Beirut 1983--The Marine Commander Tells His Story. Potomac Books. ISBN 978-1-59797-425-7. p. xv.
- ^ Hammel, Eric M. The Root: The Marines in Beirut, August 1982-February 1984. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985. ISBN 015179006X. p. 386.
- ^ Hammel, op. cit., p. 394.
- ^ a b Geraghty, op. cit., p. xv.
- ^ "Part 8 - Casualty Handling". Report of the DoD Commission on Beirut International Airport Terrorist Act, October 23, 1983. Archived from the original on 11 October 2007. Retrieved September 30, 2007.
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- ^ Kolb, Richard K., "Armegeddon: The Holy Land as Battlefield," VFW Magazine, September 1, 2000, retrieved December 16, 2011.
- ^ Description of effort to create stamp, from www.beirut-documentary.org site, retrieved December 15, 2011.
- ^ a b Baines, Christopher, Pfc, "Beirut veterans, fallen, honored with memorial stamp," August 6, 2010, retrieved December 15, 2011.
Further reading
- Geraghty, Timothy J.; Gray Jr., Alfred M. (Foreword) (2009). Peacekeepers at War: Beirut 1983--The Marine Commander Tells His Story. Potomac Books. ISBN 978-1-59797-425-7.
- Dolphin, Glenn E. (2005). 24 MAU 1983: A Marine Looks Back at the Peacekeeping Mission to Beirut, Lebanon. Publish America. ISBN 978-1-4137-8501-2.
- Frank, Benis M. (1987). U.S. Marines in Lebanon, 1982-1984. U.S. Marine Corps. Retrieved 12 February 2010.
- Petit, Michael (1986). Peacekeepers at War: A Marine's Account of the Beirut Catastrophe. Faber & Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-12545-6.
- Hammel, Eric M. (1985). The Root: The Marines in Beirut, August 1982-February 1984. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. ISBN 978-0-15-179006-7.
- Patrice Pivetta, Beyrouth 1983, la 3e compagnie du 1er RCP dans l'attentat du Drakkar, Militaria Magazine 342, January 2014, pp. 34–45. (in French)
External links
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to 1983 Beirut barracks bombing.
- President Reagan reads Chaplain Arnold Resnicoff's first-hand account of bombing: Text Version; Video Version; Text of original report,
- Tribute to the French 3rd Parachute Company
- Lebanese civil war Full Information
- 241.SaveTheSoldiers.com An Honorary Tribute to the soldiers who died
- Lebanese civil war 1983 Full of Pictures and Information
- John H. Kelly : Lebanon 1982-1984 – includes Diary entries by Ronald Reagan: " I have ordered the use of Naval Gunfire. " – September 11, 1983
- Report on the bombing
- Aftermath pictures
- The Beirut Memorial Online
- Memorial to those killed
- BeirutCoin.com – Commemorative Challenge Coin honoring those KIA
- Official Beirut Veterans of America Website
- Drakkar, Beirut, October 23, 1983 – French tribute site with photographs
- "A Soldier's Perspective: Remembering America's First Suicide Bombing, Oct 20, 2008.
- A chaplain remembers: brief YouTube interview with Rabbi Arnold Resnicoff, recalling attack and its aftermath.
- "Finding Accommodation," Washington Jewish Week, Oct 23, 2008. Looking back 25 years at lessons of interfaith cooperation from the bombing.
- Extensive CBS Radio breaking newscast recordings
- Richmond Times Dispatch online presentation
- 30th Anniversary of the Beirut Bombing


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Make sure you set yourself a business plan when starting your online business, and in this way you will be making a road map towards your online success.
When you set up a business plan, you in fact put your goals on paper, and also work out different strategies to help you to succeed. You will also gain a better understanding of the market place and your competitors.
It is a good idea to add growth projections and expectations into your business plan. You will also need to work out who your target audience will be, and work out how your product will meet their needs.
When you do your business plan try breaking it up into sections as follows:
1. A summary of the service or product you want to provide.
2. Research on the product or service, and what the competition is doing.
3. How to position your product so it is above your competitors.
4. Ways to market your product or service.
5. What your budget is and how much you need to invest in your business.
6. Your goals and what you need to achieve with your online business.
Now you need to put your business plan in a prominent place where you will see it on a daily basis. It won't help to put it into a drawer somewhere. Make a daily list of tasks and try and stick to it. Keep your business plan simple and two pages maximum.
When starting out in your online business, a great way to achieve you goals is to backward plan as follows:
First get a set goal in your mind. Write it down and then write down what the last thing you will need to do is to achieve this goal. Keep doing this backward planning until you get to where you are today. This method was used a lot by the military when they plan their attacks on their enemies. It has since been adopted by many successful businesses and industries.
Each day in your diary you should have a list of things that you need to do today to get you closer to your end goal. Too many of us get caught up on unimportant non productive tasks on the side, and don't focus enough on the tasks that actually get us to where we want to be. Make sure that you complete that list of things that you want to achieve each day. A good way to ensure you do this is to start each day with that list and do each task until it is complete before carrying on to the next thing.


text:
Venus rise and set in Stockholm
Fairly close to the Sun. Visible around sunrise and sunset only.
Venus is just 6 degrees from the Sun in the sky, so it is difficult to see. Venus is visible by day, but may be hard to find.
Wed, Jul 24 ↑3:33 am
Altitude: °
Direction: °


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Ok so I know absolutely nothing about linux but I've bought some hosting from slicehost.com as a project to try and learn. Basically my goal is to set everything up with PHP + MySQL and secure the server, then use it to host a small website.
First off I wasn't sure which distro to use, I picked CentOS 5.3 but I can rebuild it pretty much instantly if necessary. My first question is what do you think the best distro is for a complete noob? My choices are:
- Arch 2009
- CentOs 5.2 or 5.3
- Debian 5.0
- Fedora 10 or 11
- Gentoo 2008
- Redhat EL 5.3
- Ubuntu 8.04.2 LTS
- Ubuntu 8.10
- Ubuntu 9.04
The amount of resources available on server admin for the distro should be taken into consideration, which brings me to my second question: where can I find the best guides for basic (noob) server admins.
I realise learning linux from nothing is a big task and that's why I'm starting small, but a push in the right direction would be greatly appreciated! :D


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I see my friend Medea, leading the charge against injustice as she often does, with other wonderful Pinkers (is that Lori on the right?) in the background. Other folks see "wingnuts...armed with ideological certainty...addicted to...a righteous indignation that makes them unable to see any perspective other than their own."
That would be John Avlon, self-described centrist who used to work for none other than Rudy Giuliani and the New York Sun. It seems his understanding of occupying the so-called middle and finding common ground is a Solomon-esque approach grabbing whatever he can label extreme on either side of the two-dimensional political spectrum and castigate both of them. Fair and balanced!
Says he, after first addressing The Right's Wingnut of the Week:
The looney left protest group Code Pink attempted to assault former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice with bloodstained hands earlier in the year. Earlier this month, they attempted an ambush of former Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld at the White House Correspondents' Association Dinner.John might have a bit more street cred if he actually checked his facts. Desiree was found guilty of "disorderly conduct" last May for her 2007 action. Of course there was also no attempted assault by any stretch.
Oh, and she and Medea *did* ambush Rummy.
It's funny how pundits can't seem to get even the simplest facts straight. Perhaps it's because they are unable to see any perspective other than their own as they struggle to prove some vague, chimeric point.
This is all par for the course in Code Pink-land, where a strident cluelessness accompanies street theater protests. They've disrupted countless congressional hearings, blocked the opening of military recruiting stations at Berkley and called our soldiers war criminals.I always enjoy the litanies such critics put together, each item without context and assumed to be damning in its own right.
Oh no, Code Pink has disrupted Congressional hearings! Because we all know protest can only occur in Free Speech Zones and never, ever should we let our elected employees and the enablers they invite to their happy little confabs that we are watching them and maybe are even a bit...displeased. For future reference, Pinkers, write a sternly worded letter and allow the matter to drop. Thanks in advance.
And please, stop harassing those nice military recruiters. They're just hard-working folks, who never lie to potential cannon fodder.
BTW, Code Pink isn't the only organization that actively works on counter-recruitment. Our friends at NNOMY do, too, amongst other groups. Why? Because some folks think that we shouldn't be raise our children to kill other parents' children. And sometimes you just have to put yourself in their way to get them to pause and consider what joining the military means.
As for the "war criminal" charge, I've never heard any Pinker actually say that, though I hear it mentioned by detractors all the time. Just like the "they spit on soldiers returning from Vietnam," however, nobody has ever been able to actually show this to be the case--extra surprising in the age of Google. But it sure sounds great when you're in high dudgeon and have an axe to grind!
They've been apologists for left-wing dictators like Venezuela's Hugo ChavezThat wouldn't be the duly-elected president of a sovereign power now, would it? The one who is almost as popular as our own?
and met privately with Iran's Holocaust-denying President Ahmadinejad and called it "a major step forward."Indeed, if by 'privately' you mean "with 150 other peace activists" and issued a public press release. What's really puzzling is why building bridges is something to be decried by a centrist who tells us we need to find common ground. Some fairly non-pink folks think it's a good idea with regard to Iran specifically, and Howard Thurman would agree on general principle.
What's more, it is interesting that somebody like Medea would be such a self-hater that she would gleefully make peace with a Holocaust-denier. It's almost like Alvon threw that in there just to be...inflammatory.
Lately, they've been collecting donations for Gaza.Next scandal: Code Pink collects donations to save puppies. The horror. Of course, that self-hating, anti-Israel Medea is just doing this because she loves Hamas or something.
Or maybe Code Pink is trying to change the status quo just a bit, and make sure humanitarian aid gets into Gaza where more than half the population are children suffering from PTSD and depression, and growing up to hate Israel and America. Maybe Code Pink is once again trying to find common ground.
The US government is for them the prime enemy of peace in the world today. And apparently their feelings were not specific to the Bush administration.Correct! Finally.
We don't work against specific administrations. We work for an agenda of peace and justice. Bush was the extreme we've had to deal with in the Executive branch; Obama is more moderate and thoughtful, and closer to our side but still far from perfect. So we create the space for him to do the right thing using myriad time-tested nonviolent tactics.
You'd think a "centrist" would appreciate that we don't just resist a president just because they have an R after their name.
Code Pink is trying to speak for the folks on the far-left who feel burned by the recent $96 billion dollar funding for troop escalation in Afghanistan, despite the fact that Obama campaigned on such an increase.This person who phonebanked, canvassed and captained for Obama knows he campaigned on such an increase. What of it? Did I somehow forfeit my right to dissent because of this?
19th century Republican Senator Carl Schurz famously said: My country right or wrong. When right, to keep right; when wrong, to put right. Same goes for my president.
President Obama's centrist course of action in Afghanistan and Iraq succeeded in depolarizing the most divisive issue of this decade within weeks of his entering office.If he depolarized this issue, how could Avlon also say, "On the same day that President Obama's approach to the war on terror was being attacked from the right by former Vice President Dick Cheney..."?
But what's wrong with polarization, anyway? Was there some time in our nation's idyllic past wherein everybody agreed about everything and frolicked in paradise, plucking ripe fruit from the tree of liberty all year round? There's an unreasonable and haughty aspect to the "centrist" fear of disagreement and division, which I guess explains how uncomfortable it makes them when people go out full force in support of their ideals.
For Code Pink, turning over Afghanistan to the Taliban would be the best way to achieve peace and justice. For a group supposedly dedicated to women's rights, that is naïve in the extreme.Oh, what an onion of wrongness left for us to unpeel. A false dichotomy bolstered by ignorance of facts on the ground, wrapped in a strawman erected hoping nobody ever checks into what Code Pink's actual stance on Afghanistan is. Shocking.
It's time for a reality check: nobody is pro-abortion, just as nobody is purely pro-war.I know he's talking to Randall Terry, but I am compelled to agree that nobody is pro-abortion. We are pro-choice, pro-reproductive freedom. And the point is taken that even with such stark, seemingly binary political positions, we can still find some common ground in such a divisive environment.
Yet common ground and compromise are not the same as capitulation. While we might work together with anti-choicers on issues like access to contraception to reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies, we would not give in to the notion that a woman's body isn't her own to control.
Similarly, we certainly agree something needs to be done to protect America by reducing terrorism, but we are going to fundamentally oppose American exceptionalism and violent solutions that do nothing to secure us and only increase terrorism whilst also creating more human misery around the globe.
And while American presidents oft say they don't want war, they generally do so just before launching one. Obama isn't anti-war, by his own admission. Given how he's linked the waste of lives and treasure in Iraq to our domestic problems, we're here to see that he makes a similar connection regarding Afghanistan.
We can find common ground in America, but it requires thinking responsibly about solving problems, not rabid protests.Once again, heaven forfend if we protest and offend virgin ears. Fetch me my smelling salts as I retire to the fainting couch. And of course protesting is mutually exclusive with thinking responsibly.
Democracy depends on a faith in persuasion, not violent polarization.Democracy depends on many things, actually, not just binary choices between persuasion and something else. Perhaps Avlon would consider that it depends on people of conscience acting in defense of principles they hold dear. Samuel Adams would say so: It does not require a majority to prevail, but rather an irate, tireless minority keen to set brush fires in people's minds.
What else does democracy require? A sovereign people aware of their various choices, methinks. If the Military Industrial Complex is shoved down their throats by the media masters owned by corporations that make weapon systems, how do we make them aware of other viewpoints? We must grab their attention somehow.
It also requires diversity of action. Paul Hawken speaking at the University of Portland's graduation:
No one knows how many groups and organizations are working on the most salient issues of our day: climate change, poverty, deforestation, peace, water, hunger, conservation, human rights, and more. This is the largest movement the world has ever seen.So we're pushing for our ideals as part of a large tapestry. When we can, we make connections with other people, organizations and agendas. When we can't, we stand firm. That's not a bad thing in a democracy.
Rather than control, it seeks connection. Rather than dominance, it strives to disperse concentrations of power.
And violent polarization? I think Avlon used up his allowance of hyperbole early on.
I admit to a certain amount of frustration lately with the punditocracy. They act as though they alone are capable of receiving wisdom, casting about for solutions people have already come up with. They remind me of Plato, who valued pure thought over real experience.
It's exhausting to deal with such ignorance, but it always offers a chance for outreach and education. So even though I'd rather just say, "this dude doesn't know jack and his piece is clearly ridiculous to the casual observer," I recall that most people don't know about all the things Code Pink does, were never taught all the fine examples of nonviolent action through history, and don't realize their own power in this democracy.
So we take a deep breath, explain one more time what we're about (with or without snark), and hope that perhaps we reach another person somewhere who's willing to consider an alternative to the status quo and step beyond their own comfort.
(h/t aangus and noblejoanie)


text:
What Are Signs and Symptoms of Colon Cancer?
I'm 55 years old with a family history of colon cancer. I know I'm supposed to be getting a colonoscopy every 5 years, but I don't have health insurance, and I feel okay. What are some of the signs or symptoms I should look for that would make it really worth the money to get the test?
Signs or symptoms that can be concerning for colon cancer include blood in the stool, weight loss, abdominal pain, fatigue, or a change in bowel habits. However, no symptoms are present in many patients with colon cancer if it is in the early stages of disease. That is why we generally begin screening individuals for colon cancer around age 50 — the whole idea is to try to catch colon cancer, or its precursor, polyps called adenomas, early on before symptoms develop.
Actually, the interval between colonoscopies depends upon several factors including how strong your family history is: whether first degree or second degree relatives were affected, and at what age they developed colon cancer. Assuming you have previously had colonoscopies, the interval also depends on whether you have a personal history of adenomatous polyps and whether the colon was relatively free of stool such that the examiner was able to get a good look at the colon lining. Among individuals with a family history of colorectal cancer or adenomas who undergo a colonoscopy in which the colon is relatively free of stool and no polyps are found, the interval until the next colonoscopy (5 years versus 10 years) is dependent upon how strong the family history is. I would recommend discussing this with your primary care provider if you have one.
You should consider fully exploring your options regarding the cost of a colonoscopy to determine what your expense would be. Some hospitals offer reduced charges for individuals without health insurance, depending upon income level. In addition, March 25, 2011 was National Colorectal Cancer Awareness and Screening Day, on which programs in 20 states provided free screening colonoscopies for the uninsured. This program was offered at one of the hospitals at which I work for uninsured patients who met specific income guidelines. The American Gastroenterological Association, one of the national gastroenterology societies, is preparing for a screening program in 25 states for March 2012 in conjunction with National Colorectal Cancer Awareness Month.
For more information:
Go to the Colon Cancer health topic.


text:
Scripted is described as a "general purpose" code editor built entirely in JavaScript and HTML/CSS. The only prerequisite for running Scripted is that developers have a "recent version" of Node.js installed (Node 0.8.11 is a good starting point). Scripted reuses the editor component from Eclipse Orion.
Essentially the result of some internal prototyping, Scripted is something of a response to programmers shying away from using a traditional IDE approach and instead opting for what might be described as a lighter weight editor (such as vim, Sublime, or textmate).
This phenomenon (if it can be described as such) is thought to be because programmers don't want to have to learn how to use a new interface, when they are already comfortable and familiar with a particular set of tools.
Bloggers on SpringSource suggest that although there is this willingness to give up the IDE, developers are also giving up those benefits they have become used to such as great content assist, fast navigation, and early error indication.
According to SpringSource, "Scripted offers something lightweight and fast, also supporting key IDE facilities developers can't live without — facilities like content assist and understanding of common module systems. Those are the key focus of Scripted. We are seeing a rise in the popularity of cloud IDEs and the notion of cloud workspaces. Developers connect to some remote system to do their development work and typically these tools (e.g. the Cloud9 IDE and eXo Cloud IDE) offer a browser-based editing experience. The user's workspace sits on the remote system. This kind of setup can work well for some teams, although in our experience we've found there is still some need for an offline development mode as developers are not yet Internet-connected 100% of the time. Also, it can be hard to get them to give up 'full control' and host their files remotely. In following the browser-based editing model and hosting the server locally, Scripted offers something that can meet developers needs now, but that will also enable the use of cloud workspaces in the future by simply deploying the server remotely."
Scripted is a result of its developers feeling somewhat disenchanted by existing JavaScript tools. The use of a framework like Node.js has opened the door to Scripted being used for full end-to-end solutions and not just client side programming.


text:
theBZA wrote:I had a blast with a bunch of homies. Brought my homie that was an old school wrestling fan and told him he'd love PWG. He loved everything and looks like he'll be coming out more. I wanted Steen & Tozawa though.
Were you sitting behind me and next to DJ Energy? I know a guy was saying this was his first PWG show and he was impressed and will be back


text:
Midnight Blue / Grey Trim Sheer Western Lounge Top
The sheer western top was designed to be flexible. It can be worn with jeans for a night out or around the house for lounging. It looks fabulous in either setting. The snap buttons and pocket were inspired by western wear but that is where the similarity ends. Cotton 53% Nylon 42% Spandex 5%
Current stock: 0


text:
He didn't play one minute of time in the Stanley Cup Final, but defenseman Robyn Regehr was the second Kings player to hoist the Cup after their Game 5 victory.
Two reasons: Fourteen long years in the NHL, followed by a frustrating knee injury incurred in the first game of the second round against the Ducks.
He was thrilled when Kings captain Dustin Brown handed him the Stanley Cup after taking a brief skate with it.
"It was amazing," said Regehr, 34. "I thought maybe he wanted to give it to Marian [Gaborik] first, but I guess they thought I was older than him so I had a little more seniority."
Gaborik, 32, won his first Cup in his 13th NHL season.
No range
Two of the Rangers' biggest scorers in the playoffs were stunningly silent in the series.
Rick Nash, their high-powered forward, had no goals and no assists against the Kings.
Alternate captain Brad Richards, owner of five goals and six assists in the first three rounds, had one assist against the Kings and was minus-four in goals differential.


text: After the good princess had breathed her last and had been honorably buried, Tebaldo indulged in the thought of wedding again, but he bore well in mind the promise he had made to his wife, and was firmly resolved to keep her saying. However, the report that Tebaldo, Prince of Salerno, was seeking another mate soon got noised abroad, and came to the ears of many maidens who, in worth and in estate, were no whit his inferiors; but Tebaldo, whose first care was to fulfil the wishes of his wife who was dead, made it a condition that any damsel who might be offered to him in marriage should first try on her finger his wifes ring, to see whether it fitted, and not having found one who fulfilled this condition -- the ring being always found too big for this and too small for that -- he was forced to dismiss them all without further parley. Now it happened one day that the daughter of Tebaldo, whose name was Doralice, sat at table with her father; and she, having espied her mothers ring lying on the board, slipped it on her finger and cried out, "See my father, how well my mothers ring fits me!" And the prince, when he saw what she had done, assented. But not long after this the soul of Tebaldo was assailed by a strange and diabolical temptation to take to wife his daughter Doralice, and for many days he lived tossed about between yea and nay. At last, overcome by the strength of this devilish intent, and fired by the beauty of the maiden, he one day called her to him and said, "Doralice, my daughter, while your mother was yet alive, but fast nearing the end of her days, she besought me never to take to wife any woman whose finger would not fit the ring she herself always wore in her lifetime, and I swore by my head that I would observe this last request of hers. Wherefore, when I felt the time was come for me to wed anew, I made trial of many maidens, but not one could I find who could wear your mothers ring, except yourself. Therefore I have decided to take you for my wife, for thus I shall satisfy my own desire without violating the promise I made to your mother." Doralice, who was as pure as she was beautiful, when she listened to the evil designs of her wicked father, was deeply troubled in her heart; but, taking heed of his vile and abominable lust, and fearing the effects of his rage, she made no answer and went out of his presence with an untroubled face. As there was no one whom she could trust so well as her old nurse, she repaired to her at once as the surest bulwark of her safety, to take counsel as to what she should do. The nurse, when she had heard the story of the execrable lust of this wicked father, spake words of comfort to Doralice, for she knew well the constancy and steadfast nature of the girl, and that she would be ready to endure any torment rather than accede to her fathers desire, and promised to aid her in keeping her virginity unsullied by such terrible disgrace.


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For real. No catches. Membership is normally $99 per year. You get full access to CBG's benefits program. We don't even collect a credit card. Why is it free for you? Because The Landlord Property Management Academy has negotiated with CBG on your behalf. #winning
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