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الرئيسية 1-2 Corinthians (New Cambridge Bible Commentary)
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P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 This page intentionally left blank ii 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 1–2 corinthians This commentary explains 1 and 2 Corinthians passage by passage, following Paul's argument. It uses a variety of ancient sources to show how Paul's argument would have made sense to first-century readers, drawing from ancient letter-writing, speaking, and social conventions. The commentary will be of interest to pastors, teachers, and others who read Paul's letters, because of its readability, firm grasp of the background and scholarship on the Corinthian correspondence, and its sensitivity to the sorts of questions asked by those wishing to apply Paul's letters today. It also will be of interest to scholars because of its exploration of ancient sources, often providing sources not previously cited in commentaries. Craig S. Keener is a professor of New Testament at Eastern Seminary, a division of Eastern University. His previous twelve books include three award-winning commentaries: The Gospel of John: A Commentary, A Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew, and The IVP Bible Background Commentary: New Testament. i 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 ii 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 new cambridge bible commentary general editor: Ben Witherington III hebrew bible/old testament editor: Bill T. Arnold editorial board Bill T. Arnold, Asbury Theological Seminary James D. G. Dunn, University of Durham Michael V. Fox, University of Wisconsin-Madison Robert P. Gordon, University of Cambridge Judith Gundry-Volf, Yale University Ben Witherington III, Asbury Theological Seminary The New Cambridge Bible Commentary (NCBC) aims to elucidate the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures for a wide range of intellectually curious individuals. While building on the work and reputation of the Cambridge Bible Commentary pop; ular in the 1960s and 1970s, the NCBC takes advantage of many of the rewards provided by scholarly research over the last four decades. Volumes utilize recent gains in rhetorical criticism, social scientific study of the Scriptures, narrative criticism, and other developing disciplines to exploit the growing edges in biblical studies. Accessible, jargon-free commentary, an annotated "Suggested Reading" list, and the entire New Revised Standard Version (NRSV) text under discussion are the hallmarks of all volumes in the series. published volumes in the series Exodus, Carol Meyers Judges and Ruth, Victor H. Matthews 1–2 Corinthians, Craig S. Keener The Letters of James and Jude, William F. Brosend II Revelation, Ben Witherington III forthcoming volumes Genesis, Bill T. Arnold Deuteronomy, Brent Strawn Joshua, Douglas A. Knight 1–2 Chronicles, William M. Schniedewind Psalms 1–72, Walter Brueggemann and Patrick D. Miller Psalms 73–150, Walter Brueggemann and Patrick D. Miller Isaiah 1–39, David Baer Jeremiah, Baruch Halpern Hosea, Joel, and Amos, J. J. M. Roberts The Gospel of Matthew, Craig A. Evans The Gospel of Luke, Amy-Jill Levine and Ben Witherington III The Gospel of John, Jerome H. Neyrey The Letters of John, Duane F. Watson iii 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 iv 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians Craig S. Keener Eastern Seminary v 12:45 Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge , UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521834629 © Craig S. Keener 2005 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published in print format 2005 - - ---- eBook (EBL) --- eBook (EBL) - - ---- hardback --- hardback - - ---- paperback --- paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of s for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 Contents List of Abbreviations i. introduction to corinth and 1 corinthians Proposed Backgrounds Ancient Letters Corinth The Particular Situation and Paul's Response in 1 Corinthians ii. suggested reading for corinth and 1 corinthians Paul and Philosophy Rhetoric and 1 Corinthians Politics and 1 Corinthians Social Setting of 1 Corinthians Primary Sources for Corinth Studies of the Local Situation in Corinth or Its Church Ancient Letters Paul and Jewish Tradition Theology Commentaries Sample Articles and Monographs iii. commentary on 1 corinthians 1:1–3: Paul's Greeting 1:4–9: Paul Thanks God for the Corinthian Christians 1:10–12: Demand for Unity 1:13–17: Not a Gospel about Preachers 1:18–25: God's Foolishness and Human Wisdom A Closer Look: Paul's Use of Rhetoric page xi 1 2 5 6 8 11 11 11 12 12 13 13 13 14 14 14 16 20 20 22 23 26 27 29 vii 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 viii 1:26–31: Boast in Christ, Not in Status Bridging the Horizons 2:1–5: Converted by "Weak" Speech A Closer Look: Paul's Critique of Rhetoric 2:6–13: Human Wisdom versus Wisdom from the Spirit 2:14–3:4: Spirit-People versus Mortals 3:5–4:5: Eschatological Evaluation 4:6–21: Personal Appeal to Humble Themselves Bridging the Horizons 5:1–13: Disciplining the Sexual Offender 6:1–8: Christian versus Secular Courts 6:9–11: Leaving the Former Life A Closer Look: Arsenokoitēs and malakos 6:12–21: The Sanctity of the Body, or, Why Christians Should Not Sleep with Prostitutes A Closer Look: Sex in the Cities Bridging Horizons 7:1–9: Sex within Marriage A Closer Look: Marriage, Celibacy, and Paul 7:10–16: Staying Married 7:17–24: Remaining Content with One's Situation 7:25–35: Unmarried Life Simpler Bridging the Horizons 7:36–40: Betrothed Virgins and Widows 8:1–13: Knowledge and Idol Food A Closer Look: Idol Food 9:1–27: Paul Relinquishes the Right of Support A Closer Look: Teachers' Support 10:1–22: Eating Idol Food Supports Idolatry 10:23–11:1: Concluding Summary and Arguments on Idol Food 11:2–16: Sexual Modesty in Church A Closer Look: The Need for Head Coverings 11:17–34: Abusing a Sacred Fellowship Meal A Closer Look: Symposia and the Lord's Supper 12:1–11: Gifts from the Spirit 12:12–30: One Body, Many Members Bridging the Horizons 12:31–13:13: The Criterion for Employing Gifts 14:1–25: Prophecy More Useful than Tongues 14:26–40: Instructions for Order in Worship Bridging the Horizons 15:1–11: Jesus Rose A Closer Look: Ancient Views on Resurrection April 11, 2005 Contents 31 32 34 35 37 39 41 44 47 47 51 53 54 56 58 59 61 63 64 65 67 69 70 72 75 76 79 83 88 90 91 95 96 99 102 105 106 111 115 120 121 122 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Contents 15:12–34: Eschatological Resurrection of Believers 15:35–58: Nature of the Resurrection Bridging the Horizons 16:1–12: Plans and Instructions A Closer Look: Paul's Collection Bridging the Horizons 16:13–24: Conclusion iv. introduction to 2 corinthians Genre The Situation in 2 Corinthians Opponents Unity? v. suggested reading for 2 corinthians Situation Theology Other Questions Commentaries Articles and Monographs vi. commentary on 2 corinthians 1:1–11: Epistolary Introduction 1:12–22: Paul's Reliability A Closer Look: Fickleness 1:23–2:11: Discipline and Forgiveness 2:12–13: Paul's Concern for Titus 2:14–17: God Sent Paul 3:1–18: Revealing the Greater Covenant's Glory A Closer Look: Letters of Recommendation A Closer Look: Divine Transformation through an Image Bridging the Horizons 4:1–15: God's Glory in Weak Vessels 4:16–5:10: The Inner Person's Future Hope A Closer Look: Souls and Heavens 5:11–6:10: Persevering Ambassadors of Reconciliation 6:11–7:4: Plea to Join God's and His Ambassadors' Side A Closer Look: An Interpolation in 6:14–7:1? A Closer Look: Belial 7:5–16: Repentant Response to Paul's Letter 8:1–15: Examples of Sacrificial Giving A Closer Look: Equality Bridging the Horizons April 11, 2005 ix 125 129 135 135 138 138 139 143 143 143 144 146 152 152 152 153 153 154 156 156 158 159 160 162 163 165 166 170 171 172 176 177 181 190 192 194 197 200 205 206 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 x April 11, 2005 Contents 8:16–9:5: The Delegations A Closer Look: Chapter 9 a Separate Letter? 9:6–15: Sowing God's Gifts, Reaping God's Praise 10:1–18: The Meek Letter-Writer versus His Challengers A Closer Look: Rhetorical Expectations A Closer Look: Self-Boasting 11:1–21a: Forced to Folly A Closer Look: Corrupting Eve (11:2–3) Bridging the Horizons 11:21b–33: The Fool's Boast in Sufferings 12:1–10: The Fool's Boast in Visions A Closer Look: Paradise and the Third Heaven 12:11–18: Concluding Appeal and Summary 12:19–13:10: Paul's Visit 13:11–13: Closing Greetings 208 210 212 215 218 221 223 225 230 232 236 239 241 244 246 Author Index Scripture and Apocrypha Index Index of Extrabiblical Jewish and Christian Sources 249 253 269 Other Greco-Roman Sources Subject Index 279 298 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 Abbreviations AB AGAJU ANRW BA BAFCS BDAG BZ CAH DNTB ExpT GRBS HTR JBL JETS JPFC JSNT JSNTSS JTS LEC NASB NCB Anchor Bible Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 18 Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt Biblical Archaeologist The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting, 6 vols., ed. B. W. Winter (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1993–1996) A Greek-English Lexicon of the NT and Other Early Christian Lierature, by W. Bauer, rev. and ed. F. W. Danker, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2000) Biblische Zeitschrift Cambridge Ancient History (1966) Dictionary of New Testament Background, ed. Craig A. Evans and Stanley E. Porter (Leicester; Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity, 2000) Expository Times Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies Harvard Theological Review Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society The Jewish People in the First Century, 2 vols., ed. S. Safrai and M. Stern (Assen: Van Gorcum; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974–1976) Journal for the Study of the NT Journal for the Study of the NT Supplement Series Journal of Theological Studies Library of Early Christianity, ed. W. A. Meeks New American Standard Bible New Century Bible xi 12:45 P1: IwX/KNP 0521834627agg.xml CB864/Keener xii 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 List of Abbreviations NICNT NIGTC NovT NovTSup NRSV NT NTS OCD OJRS OT RB SBLDS SBLRBS SBT SJTOP SNTSMS TynB VigC WTWB New International Commentary on the New Testament New International Greek Testament Commentaries Novum Testamentum Novum Testamentum Supplements New Revised Standard Version New Testament New Testament Studies Oxford Classical Dictionary (2003 ed.) Ohio Journal of Religious Studies Old Testament Revue Biblique Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study Studies in Biblical Theology Scottish Journal of Theology Occasional Papers Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series Tyndale Bulletin Vigiliae Christianae The Westminster Theological Wordbook of the Bible, ed. Donald E. Gowan (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2003) 12:45 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 I. Introduction to Corinth and 1 Corinthians I am happy to dedicate this commentary to two of my colleagues at the Palmer (formerly Eastern) Seminary of Eastern University: Ronald J. Sider and Samuel Escobar. This commentary is meant to serve the needs of pastors and other students of the Bible. Although I include documentation for interested students to follow up, especially on otherwise difficult-to-trace claims about the ancient world, the focus is Paul's message and its value for readers today. I currently am organizing my research for a scholarly commentary on 1 Corinthians, but even my background notes for it already run to over seven times the space available for this commentary. Space constraints thus permit only cursory treatments of passages and documentation. (Nevertheless, although this is not the "scholarly" version, I hope that even scholars will find points of value here, especially ancient parallels to Paul's argumentation.) We hear in Paul's correspondence his intimate and sometimes difficult pastoral relationship with the Corinthians. But whereas some principles he articulates seem straightforward, much sounds foreign to modern ears. Paul affirms the value of singleness in part because the end is near (1 Cor 7:26, 29); head coverings in part because of the angels (11:10) or because nature supports them (11:14); and the resurrection body in part on the analogy of heavenly "bodies" like the stars or moon. All of these arguments made sense for Paul's contemporaries, but modern readers find them difficult to apply directly. Yet if some readers' approach of simplistic, direct application is problematic, so is an approach that judges Paul unfit for modern readers based on modern criteria. Both approaches are anachronistic and culturally insensitive. What is the value of two-thousand-year-old letters for today? Ancient writings in general reveal the underpinnings of much of modern intellectual thought, and often provide surprisingly contemporary critiques of analogous intellectual options available in our own era. Although their science is outdated, readers can profit from the ethical reflections of ancient philosophers and rabbis. 1 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 2 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians For those in the Christian tradition (presumably those most commonly interested in New Testament (NT) commentaries), we also stand in a tradition that claims to hear in a particular canon of texts God's message to the church. The NT canon includes not only biographic narratives about a salvation event, but other works, including samples of apostolic teaching to churches, such as Paul's letters. On these premises Christians may grant that God gave Paul wisdom to address the issues of his day. Yet even granting this, how do we translate his message in a manner relevant for our sometimes different issues today? Understanding the issues Paul addressed helps us better grasp the broader narrative of his conflict with the Corinthians, a narrative that, in addition to elements particular to ancient Corinth, reveals the sort of human interaction faced by most churches today. Observing how he applies his gospel to concrete situations provides us a model for how to reapply this gospel to other situations. Although complete understanding of the particulars of Paul's advice to the Corinthians may elude us, much of the message of this apostle to the Gentiles challenges contemporary churches today. We could learn from him in matters such as mutual support versus competition; humility and sacrifice versus pursuit of status; marital fidelity; caring for the needy and rejecting materialism; spiritual gifts and their appropriate use for serving others; the value and sanctity of the body; and future accountability for present actions. In these letters we glimpse traces of Paul's ecstatic encounters with Jesus and an experience of the Spirit in early Christianity that is at once both strange and inviting to most modern Christians. Least often noted in "doctrinal" approaches but perhaps most characteristic of Paul (and some other ancient letter writers) is an intimate relationship between Paul and his churches that (once we account for different cultural approaches) offers some pastoral models today. Some are tempted to read Paul's missionary enterprise in light of later colonialism. This is, however, a serious and anachronistic misreading of the firstcentury Paul. He advanced the cause of a tiny, persecuted minority; like many majority world ministers a half century ago, he belonged to a people subjugated by a colonial empire. It was largely through Paul's efforts that ethical monotheism became deeply grounded in, and eventually supplanted the polytheism of, much of the Western world. But monotheism was a largely Jewish notion, and Paul, following the lead of Diaspora Jews before him, had to strike the right balance between his ancient prophetic message, on the one hand, and, on the other, pastoral sensitivity to his Gentile converts. His synthesis offers a useful pastoral model today, especially if we understand the cultural setting he addressed. proposed backgrounds Most proposed backgrounds for understanding the Corinthian correspondence contribute to our broader picture of the milieu, although some are more relevant than others. 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Introduction to Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 3 Because mystery cults were by definition secretive and would hardly have been intimately known by Paul or all of his converts, the early-twentieth-century emphasis on mystery religions seems misplaced; they are one component among many constituting the religious milieu of the city. Corinth's status as a city with ports naturally invited a mixture of foreign religious elements, from Judaism to Egyptian cults (the latter increasing in the second century). But local GrecoRoman religion remained dominant, and the local Christians could not miss the temples and statues that filled their public places. Although philosophic and other currents in Paul's day developed into Christian Gnosticism less than a century afterward, we lack secure evidence for Christian Gnosticism (in contrast to even many minor philosophers and orators) before the second century.1 "Gnostic" elements and even the more commonly proposed emphasis on "overrealized eschatology" can be explained more simply by philosophic notions already prevalent in Greece. (Paul mentions eschatology in nearly every section, climaxing in Chapter 15, but this might counter Corinthians' Greek discomfort with eschatology rather than their emphasis on its realization.) Rabbinic Judaism provides a portrait of later developments in one strand of Palestinian Judaism (perhaps relevant to Paul's own background), but the Judaism of the Corinthian synagogue (cf. Acts 18:5–8) probably shared more in common with the Diaspora Judaism known from Asia Minor, Rome, and Egypt.2 Readings of the Corinthian correspondence today often stress social and rhetorical approaches. These are extremely valuable insofar as they follow concrete evidence. Sociological models must be used heuristically, hence adapted according to ancient Mediterranean evidence, but social history focuses on many questions that prove paramount in 1 Corinthians, especially the conflict between low- and high-status members.3 Because letters were not speeches and even later rhetorical handbooks treat them differently, rhetorical outlines of Paul's letters (as if they were handbook model speeches) are suspect.4 But because Paul's letters, unlike most letters, 1 For the most thoroughly "Gnostic" reading of 1 Corinthians, see W. Schmithals in the bibliography; one thorough refutation of pre-Christian Gnosticism is E. M. Yamauchi, Pre-Christian Gnosticism: A Survey of the Proposed Evidences (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1973). 2 For Judaism in Asia Minor and Rome, see P. R. Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor, SNTSMS 69 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1960). For Egypt we have Philo; much of the so-called Pseudepigrapha; and an even larger collection of papyri. Knowledge of specifically Corinthian Judaism is more limited; on it, see I. Levinskaya, The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting, vol. 5 in The Book of Acts in its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster, 1996), 162–66. 3 Earlier social approaches sometimes followed a Romanticist notion of the early Christian poor (e.g., S. J. Case, The Social Origins of Christianity [New York: Cooper Square, 1975; reprint of 1923 ed.]); this is corrected in more recent models (see Judge, Malherbe, Meeks and Theissen in the bibliography). 4 See warnings in R. D. Anderson Jr., Ancient Rhetorical Theory and Paul, rev. ed. (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology, 18; Leuven: Peeters, 1999), esp. 114–17, 280 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 4 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians consist largely of argumentation, ancient rhetoric provides one of the most useful tools for analysis, because it structured formal patterns for argumentation. (The difference between Paul's and most ancient letters may be illustrated by their length; the average letters range from 18 to 209 words, although some writers such as Seneca tended to write longer moral epistles.5 Shorter letters, like most papyri and most of Pliny's, were preferred.)6 Obvious rhetorical figures (such as anaphora) in Paul's letters prove that at the least he was familiar with pervasive speech conventions. It would be impossible to escape some exposure to rhetoric; it was one of two ancient forms of advanced education, and urban people heard its influence regularly at public events and in public places. One need not assume that Paul did tertiary study with a teacher of rhetoric to notice that his letters point to a Greco-Roman education in addition to studies in the Jewish Scriptures. He therefore must have been exposed to rhetoric, and his letters suggest that he developed rather than neglected what he learned. Corinthians of all classes encountered rhetoric in much entertainment and all legal and political discourse. Because most Corinthians would only hear Paul's letters read (and many would have been unable to read them), some consideration for rhetorical principles remains important.7 The Corinthian Christians found his letters more compelling than his speech (2 Cor 10:10). Many critics, however, felt that even spoken rhetoric should avoid excessive ornamentation,8 and most expected letters to be even less weighted down with such ornament.9 The excess of rhetorical devices in the Corinthian correspondence (esp. 1 Cor 1:12–13, 20, 26–28; also, e.g., 2 Cor 6:4–16) is therefore noteworthy. Local factors, in which rhetorical evaluation figured prominently (see 1 Cor 1:5, 17; 2:1–5; 2 Cor 10:10; 11:6), may help explain this emphasis, although other congregations also would have appreciated displays of learning (cf. Rom 5:3–5; 8:29–30, 35–39). Observing rhetorical devices helps us understand how Paul communicated in the idiom of his day, an essential prerequisite for anyone wishing to translate his ideas into other sociolinguistic settings. 5 6 7 8 9 (for 1 Corinthians in particular, 245–65); J. T. Reed, "The Epistle," 171–93 in Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period 330 b.c.–a.d. 400, ed. S. E. Porter (Leiden: Brill, 1997); S. Porter, "Paul of Tarsus and his Letters," in ibid., 541–61, 562–67, 584–85; J. A. D. Weima, "Epistolary Theory," 327–30 in DNTB, 329; idem, "Letters, Greco-Roman," 640–44 in ibid.; D. L. Stamps, "Rhetoric," 953–59 in ibid., 958. Cf. Quintilian Inst. 10.1.36. See, for example, R. Anderson, Rhetorical Theory (1999), 113. Demetrius Eloc. 4.228. Given letters of such length, Paul may have even authored a draft first (cf., for example, Arrian Alex. 6.1.5). The common estimate of 10 percent literacy in the Empire is probably too low for urban centers like Corinth, but letters of this length and language would require better than average literary skill. For example, Dionysius of Halicarnassus Dem. 5, 6, 18 (admittedly an Atticist). See Cicero Fam. 9.21.1; Seneca Lucil. 75.1–3; Marcus Aurelius 1.7; Weima, "Theory," 328 (although cf. differently A. J. Malherbe, "Ancient Epistolary Theorists," OJRS 5 [2, October 1977]: 17). 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Introduction to Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 5 The other form of advanced education was philosophy. Basic education included learning the sayings of famous thinkers and leaders from the past, including not only philosophers but moralists influenced by them. Despite the conventional enmity between rhetoric and philosophy, educated people usually drew from both realms. Orators used themes from moral and political philosophy in their discourses, and sages needing more students may have practiced their art by declaiming in public places to whoever would listen. Although most educated people were not trained in a particular philosophic school, they considered an eclectic knowledge and use of philosophy integral to a good education. Stoic philosophy was among the more pervasive forms in this era, so we should not be surprised to find recurrent (though not pervasive) contacts with philosophy, particularly (albeit not exclusively) Stoicism, in the Corinthian correspondence. (Platonic influences, growing and later dominant among intellectuals, also appear.) Because early Christian meetings involved moral teaching, one way many outsiders would have viewed Christians was as a philosophic school.10 Luke's claim that Paul was from Tarsus and spent several years there as an adult might have helped explain to ancient readers his grasp of basic philosophic language, because Tarsus was long a center of philosophy (Strabo 14.5.13), although Paul apparently lived longer in Jerusalem (Acts 22:3). Christians in centuries following Paul's letters to the Corinthians believed that the influence of pagan philosophy explained many of the attitudes of the Corinthians.11 Because Christian meetings lacked sacrifices and emphasized moral instruction, outsiders might view them more as a combination of a philosophic school, patronal banquets and (less acceptably) a religious association than a religious cult. (Gentile religion emphasized ritual and sacrifice, not moral instruction.) But, given their aniconic monotheism, basis in Scripture, and teachings on sexual matters, they would view them most closely in relation to Jewish associations, that is, synagogues (cf. Acts 18:4–8; sometimes to the embarrassment of local synagogue communities, Acts 18:12–13). God-fearers would be familiar with and new Gentile converts would become familiar with Jewish Scripture, which Paul quotes often. ancient letters A few comments on ancient letters (which in practice usually diverged from later handbooks' recommendations) are in order. Although the old distinction between letters and epistles is less emphasized today, it is important to note 10 For example, S. K. Stowers, "Does Pauline Christianity Resemble a Hellenistic Philosophy?" 81–102 in Paul Beyond the Judaism/Hellenism Divide, ed. T. EngbergPedersen (Louisville, KY: Westminster, 2001); cf. Acts 19:9. 11 See Chrysostom Hom. Cor., Proem; Ambroasiaster Commentary on Paul's Epistles, Proem; Theodoret of Cyr Comm. 1 Cor. 163–64. 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 6 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians that Paul's extant letters are not pure letter-essays; although only Philemon is a purely personal letter, all the letters address concrete historical audiences. This is especially obvious in the Corinthian correspondence, in which Paul addresses at length a community of Christians he knew intimately. Normally only literary letters were collected and published, and this practice was far more common in Rome than in the east. But later Christian communities that looked to the "apostle to the Gentiles" as their founder undoubtedly consulted with one another in collecting his letters as sample foundation documents that applied the apostolic message and ministry to particular situations.12 Apart from "universal" paranesis and vice-lists, many philosophers (e.g., Seneca or even pseudepigraphic Cynic epistles) mixed apparently universal pronouncements with local applications. Similarly, we must read much in Paul's letters as a case study, a model for how he applied (and his successors can apply) the gospel to local situations. This seems particularly evident in much of the Corinthian correspondence. The "occasional" nature of Paul's letters invites some interpretive observations. Ancient writers, like modern ones, typically assumed a measure of cultural and situational knowledge on the part of their audience.13 Modern audiences can better understand the original letter if we can learn the implicit information the author shared with their audience without needing to articulate it explicitly. In contrast to those who think such concerns purely modern, sensitivity to writers' entire work (Quintilian Inst. 10.1.20–21), style (Seneca Lucil. 108.24– 25; Philost. Hrk. 11.5), genre (Menander Rhetor 1.1.333.31–334.5), and historical context (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thuc. 29) also were ancient concerns. corinth Corinth had been a leading center of Greek power before the Romans subdued it in 146 b.c.e. (although, contrary to Roman propaganda, archaeology reveals that some Greeks continued to live there). In 44 b.c.e., Caesar refounded Corinth as a Roman colony.14 Although excavations suggest that the indigenous population never completely abandoned the site, it was the new Roman presence that later writers recognized (e.g., Pausanias Descr. 2.1.2). Corinth's official, public life in Paul's day was Roman, as architecture and most inscriptions indicate.15 12 Collecting the letters was probably less difficult than we suppose; a second copy was probably retained in addition to the one sent, and subsequent copies could be made (Cicero Fam. 7.25.1; Att. 13.29; Ep. Brut. 3.1 [2.2.1]; cf. Seneca Lucil. 99). In rare emergencies, one might even send two copies by different means (Cicero Fam. 11.11.1). 13 For example, Dionysius Dem. 46; Quintilian Inst. 10.1.22; Aulus Gellius Noct. att. 20.1.6. 14 On its capture, see, for example, Polybius 39.2.–3.3; Virg. Aen. 6.836–837; perhaps even Sib. Or. 3.487–88; on its refounding, Strabo Geogr. 8.4.8; 8.6.23. 15 See, for example, D. W. J. Gill, "Corinth: a Roman Colony in Achaea," BZ 37 (2, 1993): 259–64; D. Engels, Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1990), 59. 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Introduction to Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 7 Although many of the elite in Rome sought to imitate Greek ways, most of the elite in Corinth would seek to solidify their city's identification with Rome. In view of this evidence, it is not surprising that a higher than usual percentage of the names in Paul's circle in Corinth are Latin. That being said, it is also not surprising that Paul wrote the letters in Greek. (Although Paul was likely a hereditary Roman citizen as Acts claims, this datum does not require his fluency in Latin; he grew up in the Greek-speaking East.) Even in Rome, educated Romans studied Greek language and culture;16 still less could mercantile Corinth ignore its environment. Furthermore, despite its traditional base of Roman colonists, the city drew many immigrants from Greece and elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean; most other Roman colonies had large populations that were not even Roman citizens. When Clement of Rome later wrote to the church in Corinth, he, like Paul before him, wrote in Greek. By the early second century c.e., Greek again became the city's official language, suggesting that the undercurrent of Greek language and culture had persisted.17 Most relevantly, the congregation's likely Jewish and God-fearing Gentile founding center (cf. Acts 18:4) probably spoke Greek, as most Jews in Rome did. Understanding Paul's correspondence with Corinth requires knowledge of both Greek and Roman elements. Corinth was widely known for its wealth in antiquity.18 Its location on the Isthmus had long involved Corinth in trade (Thucydides 1.13.2, 5; Strabo 8.6.20), and some of our earliest references to the city portray wealth (Homer Il. 13.663– 64). Local banking, artisans, and finally the current provincial seat would have further augmented the city's wealth. Despite the wide disparity between rich and poor that existed throughout the Empire, Corinth was particularly noteworthy for this problem (Alciphron Parasites 24.3.60, ¶1).19 One particularly wealthy neighborhood was the Craneion.20 Both excavations and inscriptions reveal that Corinth's prosperity had multiplied in the period between Augustus and Nero, that is, in the generations immediately preceding Paul's arrival. Most Christians in Corinth were not well-to-do (1 Cor 1:26). But because nine of seventeen individuals Paul names there were on travels, it is a reasonable surmise that those named, who were probably particularly influential, were 16 17 18 19 20 Cf., for example, Suet. Claud. 42; Nero 7.2. Both Musonius and Marcus Aurelius chose Greek as the language for their philosophic discourse, although Seneca preferred Latin. See R. M. Grant, Paul in the Roman World: the Conflict at Corinth (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001), 19; R. A. Horsley, 1 Corinthians (Nashville: Abingdon, 1998), 25; cf. J. H. Kent, The Inscriptions 1926–1950, 8.3 in Corinth (Princeton, NJ: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1966), 18. Cf. Strabo Geogr. 8.6.19–20; Greek Anthology 6.40; for old Corinth, for example, Pindar Ol. 13.4. Archaeology, however, reveals a range between rich and poor in Corinth (D. Jongkind, "Corinth in the First Century ad: The Search for Another Class," TynB 52 [2001]: 139–48). It was also known in old Corinth (Xenophon Hell. 4.4.4; Plutarch Alex. 14.2). A Corinthian suburb provided an obvious example of wealth (Martial Epig. 5.35.3). 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 8 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians persons of means. This is especially clear in view of Erastus's office (Rom 16:23) and if Rom 16:23 means that Gaius hosted the entire church in his home. We cannot be sure whether Erastus was free or freed (or possibly even a public slave), hence what his status would have indicated in traditional Roman class distinctions; but in Corinth money defined status to some degree even for freedmen, and most likely he was free and purchased the office. Condescending below appropriate status boundaries might be praiseworthy in terms of showing mercy but was considered shameful in terms of social intercourse.21 Some other thinkers had challenged traditional class distinctions, though such challenges were apparently declining.22 For Corinth's sexual reputation, see "A Closer Look" on 6:12–21. Our only narrative (and only extra-Pauline) source for the church in Corinth is a limited passage in Acts (18:1–18). Although some dispute Luke's accuracy, the points of agreement are considerable; they are also often on secondary rather than primary points, suggesting that Luke wrote independently of any knowledge of the Corinthian correspondence.23 According to Acts, the Corinthian church began in a synagogue (Acts 18:5–8); although this fits a pattern in Acts, it also helps explain (along with Paul's extended stay there, 18:11) Paul's ability to assume basic knowledge of biblical stories in his correspondence. the particular situation and paul's response in 1 corinthians Although the majority of scholars still find at least two letters in 2 Corinthians, most commentators accept the unity of 1 Corinthians.24 Whereas other ancient sources provide a fairly clear picture of life in ancient Corinth, it is especially from the letters themselves that we must reconstruct the particular situations that elicited them. Recent scholarship has challenged older reconstructions based on "mirror-reading," but some of the situation, at least, seems fairly clear. In the past, many suggested different "parties" in the Corinthian church (1 Cor 1:12) with diverging theologies (those who argued for Gnosticism in Corinth particularly favored this view). Today, scholars are more apt to emphasize divisions over favorite teachers and their styles (although for Paul any division warrants a theological critique). 21 For example, Polybius 26.1.1–3, 12; Livy 41.20.1–3; Apuleius Metam. 10.23; Sir 13:2. But cf. Suetonius Tit. 8.2. 22 T. Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and the Stoics (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 2000), 76. 23 See further L. T. Johnson, The Acts of the Apostles (Sacra Pagina 5; Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, Michael Glazier, 1992), 325; B. Witherington III, The Acts of the Apostles: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1998), 537. 24 For a thorough answer to remaining detractors, see M. M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation: An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville, KY: Westminster, 1991). 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Introduction to Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 9 New issues arose after Paul left Corinth. Although Paul may lack "opponents" in 1 Corinthians, some Corinthians do wish to "evaluate" or "examine" him (1 Cor 9:3), a matter to which he is sensitive (2:14–15; 4:3).25 Although neither Paul nor Apollos encouraged division (cf. 1 Cor 16:12), informal "schools" apparently formed around them in Paul's, and probably Apollos's, absence. Audiences regularly evaluated speakers' rhetoric, and students chose teachers and defended them vigorously; this set the stage for the sorts of divisions in 1 Corinthians 1–4. Apollos's spoken rhetoric was superior to Paul's (although Paul's argumentation in his letters was skillful; 2 Cor 10:10). Like philosophers, however, Paul contended that his content (his "wisdom") mattered more than its form (1 Cor 1:17–2:10). The church ought to stop evaluating them by worldly (i.e., rhetorical) standards; only God's day of judgment would properly evaluate God's servants (1 Cor 3:13–4:5). Like a philosopher, Paul proved his character and provided a model by a hardship list (1 Cor 4:11–13). As noted earlier, even if some have exaggerated Corinth's reputation for lewdness, male Gentile sexual behavior diverged significantly from biblical standards. That Paul must address Corinthian questions about sexuality and marriage, raised by their letter (1 Cor 7:1; perhaps 6:12–13) and reports about them (1 Cor 5:1), is not surprising. This topic also occasions a digression about church discipline, modeled after the intracommunity discipline allowed synagogues as communities of resident aliens (1 Cor 5:4–6:8). Jews had long recognized both sexual immorality and food offered to idols as characteristic of pagan religion (cf. 1 Cor 10:7–8). The poor consumed the latter especially at religious festivals, and the well-to-do encountered both more regularly at banquets. Paul warns against knowingly eating food offered to idols in part because it could damage other believers' faith (1 Cor 8), and offers himself as an example of foregoing rights for others' sake (1 Cor 9). He opposes it, second, because the spirits the pagans worshiped in the idols are demons (1 Cor 10:20). After a digression about one matter of propriety (specifically, about women's head coverings) at Christian gatherings (which included meals), Paul turns to another, namely the meaning and consequent conduct of the Lord's supper (Ch. 11). Continuing his discussion of propriety in the assembly, Paul turns to the proper use of spiritual gifts. The Corinthians apparently learned about most spiritual gifts, including tongues (14:18), from Paul's own practice. Because some were using tongues publicly in the assembly in a way that did not edify others, Paul emphasizes using gifts only to build up Christ's body (Chs. 12–14). Strategically, Paul reserves his most important theological issue for his climax: the resurrection (Ch. 15; cf. 1:7). Many Greek philosophers emphasized the soul's 25 The term appears nine times in 1 Corinthians and nowhere else in Pauline literature. Greek culture was intensely critical; for example, dramatists criticized heroes and even deities. Lamentation criticized deities more often than in OT analogies. 6:54 P1: KNP 0521834627c01.xml CB864/Keener 10 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians immortality, and none affirmed a future for the body; like other Jewish thinkers, Paul connected a future judgment in the body with moral living in the present (6:13–14; 15:32–33, 56–58; cf. 4:5). After addressing the life of the congregation itself, Paul concludes the letter with the collection, a letter of recommendation, and the epistolary closing (Ch. 16). We cannot say for certain that all of the problems in the church were related, but it is possible that some socially "strong" elite members had initiated many of the problems. It was certainly they whom Paul accused of dishonoring the Lord's Supper (11:21–22). It was probably they who objected to wearing head coverings; preferred Apollos to Paul; most frequently ate meat hence found idol food least objectionable; and offered the philosophic rejection of the body's importance that required Paul's response (6:13–14; ch. 15). It also may have been they who faced sexual temptations at banquets or sponsored the philosophic defense of sex without marriage. That they also authored the division over tongues (perhaps adding it to their gifts in rhetorically skilled speech) also has been proposed, although the evidence appears more ambivalent. 6:54 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 II. Suggested Reading for Corinth and 1 Corinthians S pace constraints prevent me from surveying and interacting with the full range of scholarship in this commentary (I have included perhaps 5 percent of my sources). The following list is a relatively concise sample introduction to some sources, omitting many good books and most good articles. More works were consulted than can be mentioned here; I will interact with them in my academic commentary on 1 Corinthians. paul and philosophy See A. J. Malherbe, Paul and the Popular Philosophers (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989); several articles in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook, ed. J. P. Sampley (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity, 2003). For Stoicism in particular, see T. Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and the Stoics (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 2000); D. A. deSilva, "Paul and the Stoa: A Comparison," JETS 38 (1995): 549–64. This must supplant the older view of Gnosticism in Corinth, argued most pervasively by W. Schmithals, Gnosticism in Corinth: An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians, trans. J. E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, 1971). The Hellenistic Jewish opponents of D. Georgi, The Opponents of Paul in Second Corinthians (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986) are less subjective than Schmithals's Gnostic thesis but still require significant speculation and "mirror-reading." rhetoric and 1 corinthians Many scholars address the prominence of rhetoric in 1 Corinthians, esp. in 1–4; see esp. S. M. Pogoloff, Logos and Sophia: The Rhetorical Structure of 1 Corinthians, SBLDS 134 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992); D. Litfin, St. Paul's Theology of Proclamation: 1 Corinthians 1–4 and Greco-Roman rhetoric, SNTSMS 83 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1994); B. W. Winter, Philo and Paul among the Sophists, SNTSMS 96 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1997); see also a 11 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 12 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians number of articles by J. F. M. Smit. A commentary providing consistent attention to social and rhetorical questions is B. Witherington III, Conflict and Community in Corinth: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster, 1995). The most sustained rhetorical analysis in terms of structure is that of M. M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation: An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1991). Organizing the letter as a speech goes too far, and she may even overstate the pervasiveness of the theme of unity (the issues in 1 Cor 15, for example, do not easily reduce to this theme). Nevertheless, she has successfully demonstrated unity as a (possibly the) dominant theme and agenda in the letter; more significantly, her work is unsurpassed in analyzing the cultural context of argumentation for this theme. In 2 Corinthians, see, for example, J. D. H. Amador, "Revisiting 2 Corinthians: Rhetoric and the Case for Unity," NTS 46 (2000): 92–111. For a survey of seminal studies in rhetoric and NT study, see D. F. Watson, "The NT and Greco-Roman Rhetoric: A Bibliography," JETS 31 (4, 1988): 465–72. For the rhetorical devices mentioned in the commentary, see G. O. Rowe, "Style," 121–57 in Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period 330 b.c.–a.d. 400, ed. S. E. Porter (Leiden: Brill, 1997); R. D. Anderson Jr., Glossary of Greek Rhetorical Terms Connected to Methods of Argumentation, Figures and Tropes from Anaximenes to Quintilian (Leuven: Peeters, 2000); D. E. Aune, The Westminster Dictionary of New Testament & Early Christian Literature & Rhetoric (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2003). For Paul and rhetoric, see R. F. Hock, "Paul and Greco-Roman Education," 198–227 in Paul in the Greco-Roman World, ed. Sampley (noted earlier). For a different approach (emphasizing literary structures), see J. D. Harvey, Listening to the Text: Oral Patterning in Paul's Letters (Leicester: Apollos; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1998). politics and 1 corinthians Mitchell (see on rhetoric) is insightful here, arguing that Paul employs political rhetoric calling for unity. Whereas R. M. Grant (Paul in the Roman World: The Conflict at Corinth [Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001]) sees Paul as more hierarchical and the Corinthian church as democratic, D. B. Martin (Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity [New Haven, CT: Yale, 1990]) is among those who emphasize (undoubtedly rightly) the stratification of the Corinthian church. social setting of 1 corinthians The seminal work specifically on 1 Corinthians is G. Theissen, The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity: Essays on Corinth, trans. J. H. Schütz (Philadelphia: 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Suggested Reading for Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 13 Fortress, 1982); on Paul in general, see esp. E. A. Judge, The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century: Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas of Social Obligation (London: Tyndale, 1960); A. J. Malherbe, Social Aspects of Early Christianity, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983); and W. A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven, CT: Yale, 1983). In the Corinthian correspondence, see especially P. Marshall, Enmity in Corinth: Social Conventions in Paul's Relations with the Corinthians, WUNT 2, Reihe 23 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1987); and J. T. Fitzgerald, Cracks in an Earthen Vessel: An Examination of the Catalogues of Hardships in the Corinthian Correspondence (SBLDS 99; Atlanta: Scholars, 1988); more accessibly, idem, "Affliction Lists," 16–18 in DNTB. For honor and patronage, see, for example, D. A. DeSilva, Honor, Patronage, Kinship & Purity: Unlocking New Testament Culture (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 2000); for patronage and the divisions in the church (esp. relevant to 1 Cor 5), see J. K. Chow, Patronage and Power: A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNTSup 75; Sheffield: JSOT, 1992). Older works and some newer ones emphasize the relatively low social station of most Christians. More recent scholarship (Judge; Malherbe; Theissen, esp. 69–96) tends to focus on the influential minority with higher status. primary sources for corinth The single most thorough primary text on Corinth (albeit from the second century) is Pausanias, Description of Greece Bk. 2. The most complete, accessible collection of primary texts is J. Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology (Wilmington, DE: Glazier, 1983). Scholars may pursue Corinth: Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, esp. vols. 8 (Cambridge: Harvard, 1931; Princeton, NJ: American School, 1966); 14 (American School, 1951); and 17–20 (American School, 1985–2003). studies of the local situation in corinth or its church See D. Engels, Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1990), especially important for economic analysis. Besides sources mentioned under social setting above, see particularly for 1 Corinthians, B. W. Winter, After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids, MI, Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2001); for 2 Corinthians, P. Marshall, noted earlier. Both reconstructions may be too detailed at points but offer significant insights. ancient letters See S. K. Stowers, Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (LEC 5; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1986); D. E. Aune, The New Testament in its Literary Environment 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 14 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians (LEC 8; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987), 158–225; A. J. Malherbe, "Ancient Epistolary Theorists," OJRS 5 (2, October 1977): 3–77; J. A. D. Weima, Neglected Endings: The Significance of the Pauline Letter Closings, JSNTSS 101 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994). See here also L. L. Belleville, "Continuity or Discontinuity: A Fresh Look at 1 Corinthians in the Light of First-Century Epistolary Forms and Conventions," EQ 59 (1987): 15–37. paul and jewish tradition See, for example, E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977); on Paul's understanding of his Gentile converts, see especially T. L. Donaldson, Paul and the Gentiles: Remapping the Apostle's Convictional World (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1997). For Paul's use of Scripture, see C. D. Stanley, Paul and the Language of Scripture: Citation Techniques in the Pauline Epistles and Contemporary Literature, SNTSMS 69 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1992); esp. R. B. Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven, CT: Yale, 1989). For a patristic interpretation of 1 Corinthians, see especially Gerald Bray, ed., 1–2 Corinthians, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, NT 7 (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1999), from which I have drawn several patristic citations. theology J. D. G. Dunn, The Theology of Paul the Apostle (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1998); and V. P. Furnish, The Theology of the First Letter to the Corinthians (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1999). commentaries The following list is by no means exhaustive but includes some of the commentaries that have made significant contributions. The boundaries for my categories (major scholarly commentaries; academic commentaries; and popular commentaries) are tentative and could be shifted at points. Commentaries from the 1990s and twenty-first century tend to employ more recent methodology (esp. social and rhetorical approaches), but some earlier commentators (e.g., Talbert) belong with more recent works methodologically. Furthermore some older commentaries (such as Conzelmann, Fee, Furnish, or Martin) remain among the most valuable because of their thoroughness and erudition, although offering less rhetorical criticism and sometimes overemphasizing realized eschatology. Even Moffatt's commentary, written in an earlier era of excessive focus on mystery cults, remains valuable because of his careful research on which others have been able to build. 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Suggested Reading for Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 15 Major Scholarly Commentaries D. Garland, 1 Corinthians (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2003), thoroughly and critically engages a range of ancient and modern sources. G. D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987), interacts widely with earlier scholars, Paul's style and theology elsewhere, and in general exegetical and lexical matters. This is the most thorough commentary in text-critical matters. A. C. Thiselton, The First Epistle to the Corinthians: A Commentary on the Greek Text (NIGTC; Cambridge, Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000), provides detailed attention to the details of the Greek text, a copious survey of contemporary and historical views, and is sensitive to cultural issues and the hermeneutical questions of moving from text to contemporary horizons. Serious Academic Commentaries C. K. Barrett, A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (New York: Harper & Row, 1968), relatively concise and readable. F. F. Bruce. 1 & 2 Corinthians (NCB 38; London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1971). H. Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians: A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians, trans. J. W. Leitch; ed. G. W. MacRae (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975), thorough, balanced in most assessments. J. Moffatt, The First Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians, Moffatt NT Commentary (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1938). C. H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians: A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New York: Crossroad, 1987), insightful with special attention to ancient sources. B. Witherington III (noted earlier) provides the finest treatment from a socialrhetorical standpoint (the approach emphasized here); mid-level, useful to both students and scholars. More Popular or Application-oriented Commentaries with Academic Interest C. L. Blomberg, 1 Corinthians, NIV Application Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1994): not technical but academically informed. R. F. Collins, First Corinthians, Sacra Pagina 7 (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, Glazier, 1999): thorough (more than many mid-range commentaries), up-to-date, engaging ancient sources, although presented in a highly readable format. J. D. G. Dunn, 1 Corinthians (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), concise and thematic. 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 16 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians R. B. Hays, 1 Corinthians (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1997), with careful literary and hermeneutical treatment. R. A. Horsley, 1 Corinthians, Abingdon NT Commentaries (Nashville: Abingdon, 1998): a fairly basic, brief, and reader-friendly format by a knowledgeable scholar; with attention to social method and background. Although usually balanced, he sometimes reconstructs the situation more speculatively than is preferred today. J. Murphy-O'Connor, 1 Corinthians (Wilmington, DE: Glazier, 1979; more recently, 1 Corinthians: The People's Bible Commentary, rev. ed. (Oxford: Bible Reading Fellowship, 1999). G. F. Snyder, First Corinthians: A Faith Community Commentary (Atlanta: Mercer University, 1992). M. L. Soards, 1 Corinthians (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1999). sample articles and monographs This is only a small percentage of those consulted. 1 Cor 1–4. For rhetoric in these chapters, see comments on rhetoric; also, for example, F. S. Malan, "Rhetorical Analysis of 1 Corinthians 4," Theologia Viatorum [Sovengo, South Africa] 20 (1993): 100–14; for politics (or politics alongside rhetoric), see (in addition to M. Mitchell, earlier), L. L. Welborn, "On the Discord in Corinth: 1 Corinthians 1–4 and Ancient Politics," JBL 106 (1987): 83–113; idem, Politics and Rhetoric in the Corinthian Epistles (Macon: Mercer University, 1997); A. D. Clarke, Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth: A Socio-Historical and Exegetical Study of 1 Corinthians 1–6, AGAJU 18 (Leiden: Brill, 1993). On thanksgivings, see P. Schubert, Form and Function of the Pauline Thanksgivings (BZNW 20; Berlin: Töpelmann, 1939); P. T. O'Brien, Introductory Thanksgivings in the Letters of Paul (NovTSup 49; Leiden: Brill, 1977). For Hellenistic Jewish sources for some of Paul's language, including Philo, see B. Pearson, The Pneumatikos-Psychikos Terminology in 1 Corinthians (SBLDS 12; Missoula, MT: Scholars, 1973). On the nature of the division, see esp. Mitchell (under rhetoric); for the nature of congregations, see P. A. Harland, Associations, Synagogues, and Congregations (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003). 1 Cor 5–7. On sexual morality, incest, and prostitution in antiquity and in these passages, see my "Adultery, Divorce and other irregular unions," 6–16 in DNTB. For the possibility of Scripture background to Paul's ethics in this section, see B. S. Rosner, Paul, Scripture, & Ethics: A Study of 1 Corinthians 5–7 (Leiden: Brill, 1994); on courts, A. C. Mitchell, "Rich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth: Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 6.1–11," NTS 39 (1993): 562–86. For the view that Paul was ascetic, see V. L. Wimbush, Paul the Worldly Ascetic: Response to the World and Self-Understanding according to 1 Corinthians 7 (Macon: Mercer University, 1987); for the view that he was not, see W. Deming, Paul on Marriage and Celibacy: The Hellenistic Background of 1 Corinthians 7 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Suggested Reading for Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 17 (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003). On Paul's quotation of their letter and Paul becoming ascetic to ascetics and libertine to libertines, see especially the seminal article, H. Chadwick, "'All Things to All Men' (I Cor. ix.22)," NTS 1 (1955): 261–75 (developed by many other scholars). For the valuing or rejection of singleness and/or celibacy in antiquity, or other issues relevant to 1 Cor 7, see also D. L. Balch, "1 Cor 7:32–35 and Stoic Debates about Marriage, Anxiety, and Distraction," JBL 102 (1983): 429–39; my "Marriage," 680–93 in DNTB; . . . And Marries Another (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1991), 67–82; R. B. Ward, "Musonius and Paul on Marriage," NTS 36 (2, April 1990): 281–89; O. L. Yarbrough, Not like the Gentiles: Marriage Rules in the Letters of Paul, SBLDS 80 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1985). On divorce here, see D. Instone-Brewer, Divorce and Remarriage in the Bible: The Social and Literary Context (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2002); my Marries Another, 50–66. 1 Cor 8–11: Banquets, idol food, and head coverings. For ancient banquets, see D. E. Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist: The Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003); for idol food, see W. L. Willis, Idol Meat in Corinth (SBLDS 68; Chico, CA: Scholars, 1985); see further P. D. Gooch, Dangerous Food: 1 Corinthians 8–10 in Its Context, SCJ 5 (Waterloo, ON: Wilfred Laurier University, 1993); cf. also D. W. J. Gill, "The Meat Market at Corinth (1 Corinthians 10:25)," TynB 43 (1992): 389–93; B. Witherington, "Not So Idle Thoughts about eidoluthuton," TynB 44 (2, 1993): 237–54. For Paul's work in 1 Cor 9, see R. F. Hock, The Social Context of Paul's Ministry: Tentmaking and Apostleship (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980); for issues in 9:19–23, see esp. D. B. Martin, Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity (New Haven, CT: Yale, 1990); C. Glad, Paul and Philodemus: Adaptability in Epicurean and Early Christian Psychagogy (NovTSup 81; Leiden: Brill, 1995); also M. M. Mitchell, "Pauline Accommodation and 'Condescension' ( ): 1 Cor 9:19–23 and the History of Influence," 197–214 in Paul Beyond the Judaism/Hellenism Divide, ed. T. Engberg-Pedersen (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001). For 10:23–11:1, see D. F. Watson, "1 Corinthians 10:23–11:1 in the Light of Greco-Roman Rhetoric: The Role of Rhetorical Questions," JBL 108 (2, 1989): 301–18. For 11:2–16, on headcoverings, see D. Gill, "The Importance of Roman Portraiture for Head-coverings in 1 Corinthians 11:2–16," TynB 41 (2, 1990): 245–60; C. Keener, "Head Coverings," 442–46 in DNTB; idem, Paul, Women & Wives (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1992), 19–69; R. MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," Historia 29 (1980): 209–18; R. E. Oster, "When Men Wore Veils to Worship: The Historical Context of 1 Corinthians 11:4," NTS 34 (1988): 481–505; C. L. Thompson, "Hairstyles, Head Coverings and St. Paul: Portraits from Roman Corinth," BA 51 (1988): 101–15; B. W. Winter, Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 77–96. For the Lord's Supper, see esp. Theissen, Social Setting, 145–74. 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 18 0 521 83462 7 April 11, 2005 1–2 Corinthians 1 Cor 12–14: On rhetoric, for example, J. Smit, "The Genre of 1 Corinthians 13 in the Light of Classical Rhetoric," NovT 33 (3, 1991): 193–216. On the body of Christ, see, for example, J. A. T. Robinson, The Body: A Study in Pauline Theology (London: SCM, 1957); E. Schweizer, The Church as the Body of Christ (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1976). For the Spirit in early Christian thought, see J. D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit (Philadelphia: Westminster; London: SCM, 1970); C. Keener, "Spirit, Holy Spirit, Advocate, Breath, Wind," 484–96 in WTWB; esp. here G. D. Fee, God's Empowering Presence: The Holy Spirit in the Letters of Paul (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1991). For Paul's Jewish context, see M. Isaacs, The Concept of Spirit: A Study of Pneuma in Hellenistic Judaism and its Bearing on the New Testament (London: Heythrop College, 1976). On prophecy in antiquity and/or early Christianity, and spiritual gifts, see David E. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1983); J. Bowman, "Prophets and Prophecy in Talmud and Midrash," EQ 22 (1950): 107–14, 205–20, 255–75; T. Callan, "Prophecy and Ecstasy in Greco-Roman Religion and in 1 Corinthians," NovT 27 (2, 1985): 125– 40; D. A. Carson, Showing the Spirit: A Theological Exposition of 1 Corinthians 12–14 (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1987); C. Forbes, Prophecy and Inspired Speech in Early Christianity and its Hellenistic Environment (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997; Tübingen: Mohr, 1995); D. Hill, New Testament Prophecy (Atlanta: John Knox, 1979); C. Keener, The Spirit in the Gospels and Acts (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997), 6–48; D. B. Martin, "Tongues of Angels and Other Status Indicators," JAAR 59 (1992): 547–589; S. Schatzmann, A Pauline Theology of Charismata (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1987); M. Turner, The Holy Spirit and Spiritual Gifts in the New Testament Church and Today, rev. ed. (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1998). Of relevance to the particularly disputed passage 14:34–35, see, for example, L. A. Jervis, "1 Corinthians 14.34–35: A Reconsideration of Paul's Limitation of the Free Speech of Some Corinthian Women," JSNT 58 (1995): 51–74; C. Keener, Wives, 70–100 (with fuller documentation of earlier views); T. Paige, "The Social Matrix of Women's Speech at Corinth: The Context and meaning of the Command to Silence in 1 Corinthians 14:33b-36," BBR 12 (2002): 217–42; A. C. Wire, The Corinthian Women Prophets: A Reconstruction through Paul's Rhetoric (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990). 1 Cor 15–16. J. R. Asher, Polarity and Change in 1 Corinthians 15: A Study of Metaphysics, Rhetoric, and Resurrection, Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 42 (Tübingen: Mohr, 2000); D. B. Martin, The Corinthian Body (New Haven, CT: Yale, 1995), esp. 104–36. Because commentaries often cite many of the same primary sources except when a commentary introduces a new influx of ancient sources, I have tried to focus in the notes on "new" primary sources (while including some old ones). In this way, I trust that this commentary, although written for a much wider audience, also will prove valuable to scholars. Given this commentary's 7:0 P1: JPJ 0521834627c02.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 Suggested Reading for Corinth and 1 Corinthians April 11, 2005 19 limited size, however, I can provide only a small percentage of my documentation even from ancient sources. Thus, in numerous cases, when much more documentation is available than can be cited and when I have provided more substantial documentation elsewhere, I refer students wishing further sources to treatments in my other works. (For example, the question of "nakedness" in antiquity, relevant to 2 Cor 5:3, and "sleeplessness," relevant to 2 Cor 11:27, are both treated extensively in passages in my John commentary.) My primary sources are often merely examples, drawn from various genres and periods but often typical of the wider range of evidence they represent. I hope to provide a fuller commentary on 1 Corinthians within the next decade. 7:0 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 III. Commentary on 1 Corinthians 1:1–3: PAUL'S GREETING 1:1: Paul, called to be an apostle of Christ Jesus by the will of God, and our brother Sosthenes, 1:2: To the church of God that is in Corinth, to those who are sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints, together with all those who in every place call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, both their Lord and ours: 1:3: Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. P aul's letter introduction follows conventional forms for letter openings (especially for Jews writing in Greek). Conventional elements of letter openings could be expanded as needed, and Paul's specific departures from such convention reveal distinctive points about his apostolic understanding of God, Christ, and what the church is meant to be. Letters always began by naming the sender. Paul introduces himself as an "apostle," a legate of Christ authorized to act as his representative (1:1).1 Although his ministry is not yet in much dispute (contrast 2 Cor 2:14–7:3; esp. 11:5; 12:11–12), he has reason to emphasize his apostolic authority (1 Cor 9:1–2, 5; 12:28–29); for him, however, this calling is a mark of suffering (4:9) and undeserved favor (15:7, 9). Composite authorship claims in Paul may function differently in different texts;2 although the letter often uses "we" to include Paul's fellow-workers (e.g., 4:9–13), Paul does not limit it to Sosthenes (cf. 4:6; 9:4–5). Sosthenes may have been Paul's rhetorically proficient scribe (cf. Rom 16:22), helping with multiple rhetorical devices that counter criticism of his speech (see discussion later). But 1 Backgrounds include ancient messenger conceptions, including as applied to prophets (see C. S. Keener, The Gospel of John: A Commentary, 2 vols. [Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003], 310–15). 2 See J. Murphy-O'Connor, "Co-Authorship in the Corinthian Correspondence," RB 100 (1993): 562–79 (who plausibly favors a significant role for Sosthenes). 20 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 1 Corinthians 1:1–3: Paul's Greeting April 28, 2005 21 Paul continues his rhetorical displays in 2 Corinthians, and sometimes claims of composite authorship simply served as special greetings in ancient letters.3 If "Sosthenes" is the Corinthian synagogue official in Acts 18:17, he may have followed Crispus, another official of that synagogue, in joining the Christian movement (Acts 18:8; 1 Cor 1:14). Although Corinth undoubtedly hosted multiple house churches, Paul emphasizes unity by addressing God's "church" in Corinth (1:2).4 The phrase "church of God" (in the singular) appears four times in this letter, once in 2 Corinthians 1:1, and only one other time in Paul's undisputed letters. Despite their behavior (elaborated from 1:10 forward), Paul acknowledges them as "saints" "sanctified in Christ" (cf. also 6:11). These are biblical designations for the people God set apart by his own redemptive act. Like Israel, they were summoned to live holy (set apart, "sanctified") to God because God had chosen them; they were not chosen because of how they were living (1 Cor 6:9–11; cf. Lev 20:24; Deut 9:5–6). (In contrast to popular modern usage, this "sanctification," or being set apart, occurred when they joined God's people, that is, at conversion, and was first of all a ritual category. Being set apart for and dedicated to God meant being set apart from the profane things of the world. The Corinthians obviously needed to display in practice what they had been called to be [cf. 2 Cor 7:1]!) Paul further reminds them here that they belong to a larger community of believers worldwide, to whom they should be accountable in some ways (cf. 1 Cor 11:16; 14:33; 16:1, 19). Greek letters frequently included the greeting chairein, which sounds similar to charis, "grace." Shalom, or "peace," was the traditional Jewish greeting, and Jewish letters written in Greek could combine these ("Greetings and true peace," 2 Macc 1:1). Most letters, Jewish or Greek, included toward their beginning a prayer for the recipients' welfare (one common form appears in 3 Jn 2). This prayer often took the form of a "wish-prayer," or blessing, in which one invoked God (or a deity) indirectly, such as shalom, "[May God bless you with] peace."5 It was something like our modern, "God bless you." "Grace" means something like, "divine generosity"; "peace" something like, "prosperity." Thus, many early Christians (e.g., 1 Pet 1:2; 2 Pet 1:2; 2 Jn 3; Rev 1:4; 1 Clem title) opened letters with, "May God bless you generously and guard your welfare." What is most striking, however, is Paul's divergence from the usual pattern. These opening wish-prayers invoked a deity; but Paul (and some other early 3 4 See Cicero Fam. 16.1.title; 16.3.title; 16.4.title; 16.5.title; 16.6.title; 16.9.title; 16.11.1. Like "synagogue," Paul's term for "church" here in the LXX translates the Hebrew qahal, used for Israel's "assembly"; but it also applied to other assemblies, including citizen assemblies in free cities. 5 On wish-prayers, see esp. Gordon P. Wiles, Paul's Intercessory Prayers: The Significance of the Intercessory Prayer Passages in the Letters of St. Paul, SNTSMS 24 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1974), 25–29. For such blessings of "mercy and peace," see 2 Bar. 78:2–3. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 22 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 1 Corinthians 1:4–9: Paul Thanks God for the Corinthian Christians Christians) invoked not only "God our Father" for a blessing (as in Judaism) but also "our Lord Jesus Christ" (1:3). These letters thus open with a recognition of Jesus' deity in some sense (spelled out in 8:5–6; cf. also Theodoret Comm. 1 Cor. 166). 1:4–9: PAUL THANKS GOD FOR THE CORINTHIAN CHRISTIANS 1:4: I give thanks to my God always for you because of the grace of God that has been given you in Christ Jesus, 1:5: for in every way you have been enriched in him, in speech and knowledge of every kind – 1:6: just as the testimony of Christ has been strengthened among you – 1:7: so that you are not lacking in any spiritual gift as you wait for the revealing of our Lord Jesus Christ. 1:8: He will also strengthen you to the end, so that you may be blameless on the day of our Lord Jesus Christ. 1:9: God is faithful; by him you were called into the fellowship of his Son, Jesus Christ our Lord. A ncient letter openings sometimes included a thanksgiving to a deity, as here (1:4);6 of Paul's undisputed letters, only Galatians conspicuously omits one. Speeches and official letters (or other works with the same objectives as speeches) also typically opened with a complimentary exordium, praising the addressees.7 Such introductory compliments, in thanksgivings or otherwise, established common ground with the audience and invited their favor.8 This approach was crucial especially if (as in 1:10–17) one planned to challenge the audience's behavior afterward. Ancient orators praised people for native gifts (like beauty or high birth) as well as for deliberate virtues; that Paul praises only the Corinthians' gifts and not their behavior, however, may be noteworthy. Introductory sections often outlined or summarized what would follow in a well-organized work.9 Paul does not provide an outline, but does introduce themes he will treat in greater detail, such as spiritual gifts (notably speech and knowledge, Chs. 1–2; 12–14); evaluation at Christ's return (1 Cor 3:12–17; 4:5; 6 7 8 E.g., 2 Macc 1:11; Fronto Ad M. Caes. 5.41 (56). In written works, e.g., Cicero Fam. 13.66.1; Statius Silvae 2.preface. E.g., Cicero Inv. 1.15.20; De or. 1.31.143; Quintilian Inst. 4.1.5. See here Theodoret Comm. 1 Cor. 166; Chrysostom Hom. Cor. 2.5. 9 E.g., Rhet. Alex. 29, 1436a, lines 33–39; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lys. 24; Seneca Controv. 1.pref.21; Quintilian Inst. 4.1.35. Outside speeches, see e.g., Polybius 3.1.3–3.5.9; 11.1.4–5; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thuc. 19; Virgil Aen. 1.1–6. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 1 Corinthians 1:10–12: Demand for Unity April 28, 2005 23 Ch. 15); and possibly "fellowship" (1:10–17). "The day of our Lord Jesus Christ" (1:8) fulfills biblical prophecies about "the day of the Lord" (cf. comment on 1:3; 8:6). The term used for "fellowship" can imply intimate acquaintance or business partnership, but scholars especially dispute whether "fellowship of his Son" (1:9) means fellowship with his Son, or a community of fellowship based on his Son. If it means the latter, it addresses the very issue Paul must challenge in 1:10–12. 1:10–12: DEMAND FOR UNITY 1:10: Now I appeal to you, brothers and sisters, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that all of you be in agreement and that there be no divisions among you, but that you be united in the same mind and the same purpose. 1:11: For it has been reported to me by Chloe's people that there are quarrels among you, my brothers and sisters. 1:12: What I mean is that each of you says, "I belong to Paul," or "I belong to Apollos," or "I belong to Cephas," or "I belong to Christ." A lthough letters were not speeches, Paul's persuasive argument here follows the conventions of deliberative rhetoric: after praising the audience, he states his thesis (at least for the immediate matter) in 1:10, then turns to a narration of events leading to the current problem (1:11–12 or, as others argue, 1:11–17).10 After his complimentary exordium, his letter invites attention with what appears to be an unexpectedly critical turn,11 though mixing praise and blame was conventional. (For what it is worth, ancient handbooks would have viewed at least 1:10–4:21 as a letter of admonition.) Paul's appeal for unity in 1:10 reflects a conventional (but widely needed) topic of exhortation in antiquity. (Urging one by a deity, here by Christ, was a familiar idiom; for example, Isaeus Menecles 47; Rom 15:30; 2 Cor 10:1.) Speeches or essays urging "harmony" or "concord" characterize orators, philosophers, moralists, and politicians.12 Rivalry and enmity characterized Greco-Roman society, not only in politics and oratory but also in drama, sports, and so 10 See G. A. Kennedy, New Testament Interpretation through Rhetorical Criticism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1984), 24–25 (favoring 1:11–12); M. Mitchell, Rhetoric (1991), 184, 198, 200–01 (favoring 1:11–17). 11 On the value of surprise (i.e., the device paradoxon) in ancient rhetoric, see R. Dean Anderson Jr., Glossary of Greek Rhetorical Terms Connected to Methods of Argumentation, Figures and Tropes from Anaximenes to Quintilian (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 88. 12 E.g., Xenophon Mem. 4.4.16; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Ant. rom. 7.53.1; Musonius Rufus 8, p. 64, line 13; Menander Rhetor 2.3, 384, lines 23–24; see further M. Mitchell, Rhetoric (1991), 60–64. For common speech and mind, see ibid., 68–69, 76–79. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 24 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 1 Corinthians 1:10–12: Demand for Unity forth.13 Such rivalry made mixed loyalties dangerous; being friends with another's enemy made one a sharer in that enmity.14 Sometimes people even found grounds to take their enemies to court (cf. 1 Cor 6:6; e.g., Cornelius Nepos 7.4.1). Yet everyone recognized that divisions weakened the state, making it susceptible to outside hostility;15 the principle would be true of the church as well. Some scholars suggest that competing house churches abetted division; others favor a conflict between members of higher and lower status (a conflict that appears later in the letter). Paul claims that he learned about the divisions from "Chloe's people" (1:11). Paul's charge in 1:11–12 invites naming a source; those who received news commonly named sources, except when doing so would injure the source.16 If Paul had heard the same information from the church's delegation (16:17), naming a less controversial source might also protect those Paul recommends in 16:15–16, 18. Although we cannot be sure, the best guess is that Chloe was a well-to-do businesswoman, whose servants or freedpersons had traveled on business. Travelers were the usual means of sending letters, and also usually carried news by word of mouth.17 Because the church knows her, she was probably a member or friend of the church and based in Corinth; but she could have been based in Ephesus and traveled to Corinth occasionally; or perhaps only her household members were part of the church. The claims to be "of Paul," "Apollos," "Cephas" (translated into Greek as "Peter"), or "Christ" (1:12) need not, as some have argued, represent four distinct parties in the church. Nor need they represent theological divisions, as others have argued. Yet it is equally unlikely (against some commentators) that the only division is the entire church against Paul. Probably the two functioning divisions are followers of Paul versus followers of Apollos, as it is only Apollos who appears again in this section (3:5–7; 4:6). Political parties were named for the founders to which adherents professed loyalty, and slogans analogous to, "I am of so-and-so" characterized rivalries of political, academic, and athletic factions.18 Nevertheless, the "I am of so-and-so" is Paul's own hyperbolic caricature of the church's division. This caricature also allows Paul to demonstrate his (previously maligned) rhetorical skill, including 13 14 15 16 17 18 For ancient examples of rivalries, see C. Keener, John (2003), 1061–62; on enmity, see P. Marshall, Enmity in Corinth: Social Conventions in Paul's Relations with the Corinthians (WUNT 2, Reihe 23; Tübingen: Mohr, 1987), 35–69. See, e.g., Lysias Or. 9.13, §115; Aeschines Tim. 193–95; Cicero Scaur. 17.38; P. Marshall, Enmity (1987), 67–69. E.g., Polybius 3.104.1; Livy 3.66.4; Sallust Bell. Jug. 73.5; Matt 12:25. For naming sources, see e.g., Xenophon Mem. 4.8.4; Apol. 2, 10, 14, 27; Alciphron Fishermen 21.1.18; for avoiding naming for the source's sake, see 5:1; Lysias Or. 8.8, §113. For oral news, see e.g., Euripides El. 361–62; Cicero Fam. 1.6.1; 3.1.1; 9.2.1; 9.6.1; Apoll. K. Tyre 8. See L. L. Welborn, Politics and Rhetoric in the Corinthian Epistles (Macon, GA: Mercer University, 1997), 1–42, esp. 11–16. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 1 Corinthians 1:10–12: Demand for Unity April 28, 2005 25 his use of anaphora (the parallel clause structure x . . . /x . . . ) and sermocinatio (creating and attributing statements).19 Paul's formula here allows him to argue the opposite in 3:21–22: It is not the Corinthians who belong to their leaders, but their leaders who belong to them as the one church. That the Corinthians knew of Cephas in 3:22; 9:5; 15:5 need not mean that he had visited, any more than Galatians 2:9–12 shows that James had visited Galatia.20 The parallel form in all four claims suggests that "I am of Christ" is one of the hypothetical slogans; creating a distinct Christ party, as if Christ were divided (1:13), would be reductio ad absurdum. Despite the grammatical parallel, however, those who suggest that "I am of Christ" is Paul's response to the other three claims have a point, at least in terms of Paul's overarching view in the letter as a whole, as suggested by the parallel in 3:21–23. The Christian assemblies included a fellowship meal (the Lord's supper) that resembled other banquets (see comment on 11:17–34), and banquets often included lecturers among their entertainment. In such a setting it was natural for hearers of status to evaluate the speakers according to the norms their society used in such settings. (Audiences critically evaluated and compared speakers' rhetorical abilities, for example, in Cicero De or. 3.14.52.)21 Like politicians, philosophers and orators competed for attention; more practically, they vied for pupils and their fees. Students evaluated speakers; chose those they favored; and vigorously advocated their schools' interests against those of other schools (Suetonius Tib. 11.3; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.8.490), including in Corinth (cf. Dio Chrysostom Or. 8.9).22 Sometimes this competition even came to blows. Not long after Paul's letter other visitors would appeal to this tendency of the Corinthians (2 Cor 10:12). Whether or not Paul and Apollos liked it (they seem to be on favorable terms, 16:12), their supporters had made them into rival teachers (1:13–14). Thus, something like rudimentary schools, possibly rooted in separate house churches, now competed! Factions boasted in either Paul or Apollos versus the other (4:6). Because Paul goes on at great length about the divine wisdom he preached to them as opposed to the human wisdom by which they are divided, the Corinthians probably favored the rival teachers based on intellectual (perhaps philosophical and rhetorical) standards in their milieu. 19 See also Stephen M. Pogoloff, Logos and Sophia: The Rhetorical Situation of 1 Corinthians (SBLDS 134; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 106. 20 The sound of Cephas provided a rhetorical connection with Christos as Paulos matched "Apollos" (for paronomasia, see Rhet. Her. 4.21.29–22.31). 21 Cf. even rhetorical evaluation of earlier orators, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isoc. 13; Thuc. 29. 22 See further S. Pogoloff, Logos (1992), 175–76; B. W. Winter, Philo and Paul among the Sophists (SNTSMS 96; Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1997), 170–76; idem, After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids, Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2001), 34–40. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 26 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 1 Corinthians 1:13–17: Not a Gospel about Preachers 1:13–17: NOT A GOSPEL ABOUT PREACHERS 1:13: Has Christ been divided? Was Paul crucified for you? Or were you baptized in the name of Paul? 1:14: I thank God that I baptized none of you except Crispus and Gaius, 1:15: so that no one can say that you were baptized in my name. 1:16: (I did baptize also the household of Stephanas; beyond that, I do not know whether I baptized anyone else.) 1:17: For Christ did not send me to baptize but to proclaim the gospel, and not with eloquent wisdom, so that the cross of Christ might not be emptied of its power. B efore reminding them of what the gospel is (1:17–2:5), Paul insists on what it is not (1:13–17); its messengers preach Christ, not themselves (2 Cor 4:5). Responding to divisions over "Paul" and "Christ" in 1:12, Paul demands whether Christ can be divided (as if belonging only to one faction) or if the Corinthians as a whole were baptized in Paul's name (hence into only one faction; 1:13). This is rhetorically effective reductio ad absurdum (making an opposing perspective appear ridiculous by extending it to an absurd conclusion).23 The use of three parallel rhetorical questions further reinforces the point rhetorically (cf. 9:1; 2 Cor 6:14–16).24 Some propose that Paul responds in 1:13–15 to the Corinthians' abuse of baptism. It is possible that they misunderstood or overemphasized baptism (cf. 10:2; esp. 15:29), but it is much less likely that they actually think they were baptized in someone's name. The superviser of initiation into the mysteries could be the initiate's "father" in the rites, but the washing of initiatory purification did not hold the same significance of conversion that baptism held in early Judaism and Christianity.25 This is simply another reduction to the absurd. Neither baptism nor rhetoric (which in antiquity often overshadowed the message) could be permitted to distract from the gospel message (1:17). Crispus is probably a former synagogue official (Acts 18:8). Gaius, although a common name, may refer to a well-to-do patron who hosted all or much of the church in Corinth (Rom 16:23); some suggest that Gaius is the praenomen of Titius Justus (Acts 18:7). Both names reflect the Latin element of the city, possibly Roman citizens.26 Much religion in pagan society focused around the 23 For examples of reductio, see, e.g., Seneca Lucil. 83.9; 113.20; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 336–38, §§111D–112D. 24 Both orators (e.g., Lysias Or. 10.22–23, §118; Cicero Rosc. Amer. 1.2) and sages (Musonius Rufus 11, p. 80.22–25; 13B, p. 90.13–16; 15, p. 98.25–27; Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.2–6) accumulated rhetorical questions. 25 On initiations in the mysteries versus Jewish baptism, see C. Keener, John (2003), 442–48. 26 Other Jews could bear the Roman name "Crispus"; e.g., Josephus Life 382, 388; cf. CIJ 1:89, §126; 1:92, §132; 2:26, §762. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 1 Corinthians 1:18–25: God's Foolishness and Human Wisdom April 28, 2005 27 household, and the conversion of a household head usually invited that of the entire household (although cf. 7:12–16). Paul's apparent lapse in memory, adding Stephanas as an apparent afterthought, would be acceptable rhetorically in a letter or other casual discourse,27 especially if he employed it to underscore how secondary his baptismal role was.28 Corinth had copious baths and famous fountains (including the Fountain of Peirene, expanded in the next century); Paul could have used any of these for baptisms. 1:18–25: GOD'S FOOLISHNESS AND HUMAN WISDOM 1:18: For the message about the cross is foolishness to those who are perishing, but to us who are being saved it is the power of God. 1:19: For it is written, "I will destroy the wisdom of the wise, and the discernment of the discerning I will thwart." 1:20: Where is the one who is wise? Where is the scribe? Where is the debater of this age? Has not God made foolish the wisdom of the world? 1:21: For since, in the wisdom of God, the world did not know God through wisdom, God decided, through the foolishness of our proclamation, to save those who believe. 1:22: For Jews demand signs and Greeks desire wisdom, 1:23: but we proclaim Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and foolishness to Gentiles, 1:24: but to those who are the called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God. 1:25: For God's foolishness is wiser than human wisdom, and God's weakness is stronger than human strength. A lthough 1:17 concludes the example about baptism, it is transitional; it introduces the theme of this paragraph, contending that the cross of Christ is more powerful than human wisdom or eloquence. This paragraph argues that what appears foolish to the wisest humans may be the deeper, inscrutable wisdom of God. Like philosophers, Paul can use rhetoric to denounce abuse of rhetoric. Thus, for example, he holds attention with antithesis (1:18); citation of authority (1:19); a series of four rhetorical questions and the threefold repetition 27 Cicero Att. 8.14.4; 14.5; (Ps) Dionysius Epideictic 4.269; Valerius Maximus 3.2.2. It is probably deliberate in Cicero Verr. 220.127.116.11. 28 Epanorthosis (correction of a previous remark) was even an acceptable rhetorical device, if done deliberately (Rhet. Her. 4.26.36). 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 28 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 1 Corinthians 1:18–25: God's Foolishness and Human Wisdom of "where is . . . " (1:20);29 and finally in 1:25, antithesis and paradoxical, ironic oxymorons (God's "foolishness" and "weakness").30 Some apply the world's "wisdom" here only to rhetoric; others to philosophy or to skill in general. Paul's critique must at least include the abuse of persuasion techniques, since he mentions "eloquent wisdom" (1:17), "debaters" (i.e., sophists, 1:20), and "human wisdom" based on "lofty words" (2:1, 4–5). Like most philosophers, he disapproves of the way many orators valued persuasive form over truth content. But the "wisdom" that blinded the world to God (1:21; 2:8) cannot be limited to rhetoric alone; it also implies philosophy (the other form of advanced education available to the elite) and other worldly assumptions. (Patristic interpreters also noted the influence of pagan philosophy and rhetoric among the Corinthians.) This warning applied also to Jewish "scribes" (1:20) and Jewish desire for "signs" (1:22; cf. Mk 8:11–12); although "scribes" in most villages were simply executors of legal documents, Paul's high-status sense here follows the Jewish usage for law teachers, also evident in the Synoptics.31 His quotation in 1:19 also implies that Jewish tradition was inadequate (Is 29:13–14), as do many biblical prototypes for 1:20 (Is 19:12; 33:18; 44:25; 47:10; Job 12:17; Jer 8:8–9; 9:12, 23; Prov 21:30). Crucifixion (1:23; 2:2) would prove the opposite of a messiah's success (cf. also Deut 21:23; Gal 3:13). The specific quest for wisdom, however, is attributed especially to Greeks, known for their philosophy (1:22). Paul must have concurred with the Jewish recognition that pagan wisdom led away from God.32 Paul himself uses, as in 2:6, and agreed with, too much of the Jewish wisdom tradition to make that the focal point of his attack. But whereas he probably sympathized with the Jewish identification of wisdom and Torah (Bar 3:29–4:1; Sir 15:1; 24:23), he transfers the connection especially to Christ (1:24, 30; 8:6; 10:4), probably following earlier Wisdom Christology.33 More than the "signs" (probably miracles, literally "powers") and "wisdom" mortals seek (1:22), God offers his true "power" and "wisdom" in Christ (1:24). Although scholars offer various backgrounds for Christ as "power" here, Paul especially challenges elite status and worldly "power," that is, power in the social sense (see 1:26; cf. 8:7–12).34 Just as some associated salvation or destruction 29 30 31 32 33 34 On the questions, see comment on 1:13; for repetition of elements, see, e.g., Cicero Or. Brut. 39.135 and anaphora in 1:12. Everyone would recognize human reason as folly compared with divine wisdom (e.g., Xenophon Mem. 1.4.8; Pindar Paean 21, frg. 61.4). See S. Pogoloff, Logos (1992), 160–63; Craig S. Keener, A Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999), 537–38. Jub. 36:5; Sib. Or. 3.229, 584–90; Let. Aris. 137; see Rom 1:22; Col 2:8. On early Wisdom Christology and its Jewish sources, see C. Keener, John (2003), 300–03, 350–63; B. Witherington, Jesus the Sage: The Pilgrimage of Wisdom (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994). Cf. "power" in Acts 8:10. As in, e.g., Xenophon Mem. 2.1.12; Musonius Rufus 15, p. 98, lines 5–6; Philostratus Hrk. 4.1–2; 33.25; Eunapius 462. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 1 Corinthians 1:18–25: God's Foolishness and Human Wisdom April 28, 2005 29 with people's response to God's wisdom (1 En. 5:8; 98:3; 99:10; 2 Bar. 51:7), Paul links them with response to the cross (1:18). Most people would view this connection as "foolish" (1:23); crucifixion was the most degrading common form of execution.35 Jesus' preaching of the kingdom, once offered in Jerusalem, would appear as a challenge to the Sadducees and potentially to Rome itself; to suspicious ears, the message of the cross was not only the folly of a dead and defeated leader but treasonous advocacy of a would-be usurper of the emperor's majesty. It was the height of folly! Paul uses his educated argumentation in the service of God's wisdom, not for the applause of the elite (cf. 3:18; 4:10); none of the marks of education or elite status among the world's powerful impressed the God who exercised all power and wisdom. a closer look: paul's use of rhetoric Corinthian Christians evidently criticized Paul for his rhetoric; Paul's letters reveal sophistication in argument, but his delivery may have been deficient (1 Cor 2:3; 2 Cor 10:10; 11:6). Certainly Paul was not an Atticist and lacked classical allusions, elements likely to be especially appealing to elite hearers. Educated church fathers (writing after the full-blown revival of Atticism) admitted that Paul did not exhibit the level of rhetoric their social peers expected. Paul's command of rhetoric was, however, better than the vast majority of literate people, and may have improved during his travels in the Diaspora. Yet the Corinthian elite may have found Apollos more acceptable rhetorically (Acts 18:24), making rhetorical prowess a major ground for the church's division (see comment on 1:10–12).36 It is probably for this very reason that Paul fills his Corinthian correspondence, including this chapter, with rhetorical devices (possibly, but not necessarily, with the help of his scribe or Sosthenes, and without necessarily knowing technical names for such devices). Rhetoricians warned against excessive use of the devices they taught, although students in declamation schools may have ignored such advice.37 Letters were to use even more natural language. (Thus, for example, the renowned orator Cicero avoids excessive ornamentation in his letters.) Yet Paul includes in this letter more rhetorical devices than was rhetorically acceptable in letters (though not in speeches) – as if to say, "If it is rhetoric you want, I am able to offer it – for what, if anything, it is truly worth." 35 See esp. Martin Hengel, Crucifixion: in the ancient world and the folly of the message of the cross (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977). 36 For rhetoric in Apollos's Alexandria, see B. Winter, Philo and Paul (1997), 19–112. 37 See further R. Anderson, Glossary (2000), 90–91, 127. Many Greeks before Paul (and most after the second sophistic) deplored "Asianist" bombast; nevertheless, Romans still appreciated Cicero's abundant figures of speech, even in purely written form, long after Paul's day (Pliny Ep. 1.20.10). 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 30 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 1 Corinthians 1:18–25: God's Foolishness and Human Wisdom The Greco-Roman world prized both "speech" and "knowledge" (1:5), and Corinth (whose Isthmian Games included speech competitions) was no exception.38 Philosophy and rhetoric were the two forms of advanced education in antiquity, so the connection between wisdom and speech in this chapter may involve philosophic discourses or the widely prized rhetorical skill of ability to speak extemporaneously on topics proposed by the audience.39 As in 1:5–7, skill in speech could be viewed as a divine gift as well as a discipline and achievement.40 Eloquence was a mark of education and respectability (e.g., Cicero De or. 3.14.55; Seneca Controv. 2.pref. 3); rhetoric was the language of law courts, politics, city assemblies, festival celebrations, and often even street side entertainment. Boys could be exposed to some rhetoric even at the grammar stage, although this may have been less common by Paul's day.41 It was central, however, at the secondary level, with students in their teens.42 Rhetorical theory and practice also influenced educated Jews like Josephus and (especially) Philo. Rhetorical principles affected even writing in genres other than speeches, because most of those writers had studied rhetoric.43 None of this suggests that Paul, despite his education, need have had tertiary rhetorical training; but it does suggest that he would have developed a sensitivity to the manner in which educated people in the Aegean communicated. (At least some basic rhetoric was probably available in Jerusalem for children of well-todo Diaspora Jews receiving an elite education; cf. Acts 6:9; 9:1; 22:3.) Letters were not speeches, and even the later rhetorical handbooks that include them treat them differently from speeches; outlines of Paul's letters based on rhetoric may be excessive. Nevertheless, Paul's letters often include teaching and argumentation, and ancient rhetoric provides us a useful tool and objective control for analyzing his arguments. But although rhetoric helps us understand and appreciate his arguments more closely, neither Paul's nor any other skilled writer's discourses reduce to rhetorical principles alone. Orators themselves adapted rhetorical principles with great flexibility; ancient orators were not confined by the basic exercises displayed in rhetorical handbooks. Great speakers thus varied widely in their own styles (Polybius 33.2.10; Cicero Brut. 56.204), and the best of ancient orators recognized diverse styles (Cicero Or. Brut. 5.20–6.21; 9.28; 23.77). Probably the 38 39 40 41 42 43 For numerous concrete examples of oratory in Corinth, see B. Winter, Philo and Paul (1997), 126–44. Many valued extemporaneous speech; see, e.g., Seneca Controv. 4.pref.7; Tacitus Dial. 6; Suetonius Gramm. 23; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.24.529. See, e.g., Menander Rhetor 2.17, 437.7–9; 446.11–13; L.A.B. 20.3. Dionysius Dem. 52; Quintilian Inst. 2.1; Suetonius Gramm. 4. See Quintilian Inst. 2.2.3; Tacitus Dial. 34–35; G. A. Kennedy, "Historical Survey of Rhetoric," 3–41 in Handbook of Rhetoric, ed. S. Porter (1997), 18–19. See, e.g., G. A. Kennedy, The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World: 300 b.c.–a.d. 300 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 1972), 378–427. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 0 521 83462 7 1 Corinthians 1:26–31: Boast in Christ, Not in Status April 28, 2005 31 greatest area of flexibility required was adaptability to one's audience.44 (See further our "Closer Look" on Paul's critique of rhetoric, after 2:1–5.) 1:26–31: BOAST IN CHRIST, NOT IN STATUS 1:26: Consider your own call, brothers and sisters: not many of you were wise by human standards, not many were powerful, not many were of noble birth. 1:27: But God chose what is foolish in the world to shame the wise; God chose what is weak in the world to shame the strong; 1:28: God chose what is low and despised in the world, things that are not, to reduce to nothing things that are, 1:29: so that no one might boast in the presence of God. 1:30: He is the source of your life in Christ Jesus, who became for us wisdom from God, and righteousness and sanctification and redemption, 1:31: in order that, as it is written, "Let the one who boasts, boast in the Lord." P aul introduces the principle of God choosing the weak by appealing to the church itself. Elite Christians apparently played a significant role in the congregation but were numerically a minority. (Early interpreters of rank recognized that Paul said "few" rather than "none"; Theodoret Comm. 1 Cor. 173.) Furthermore, they probably exhibited the status inconsistency of many of Corinth's emerging well-to-do: prosperous, but not part of a long-term hereditary nobility, and (possibly excepting Erastus, Rom 16:23) far from the highest ranks of the city. These elite Christians would be the church members most emphatic about education and rhetorical skill (see comment on 1:18–25). Paul presupposes a passage from Jeremiah in this paragraph. In 1:26, Paul echoes Jeremiah 9:23, where the wise, powerful and rich should not boast (adjusted in Corinth to the wise, powerful, and well-born). In 1:31, he echoes the following verse in Jeremiah: boast in knowing and understanding the Lord (Jer 9:24). This perspective complements some Jewish expectations that God would invert human status (cf. Is 2:11, 17; Lk 14:11; 18:14).45 Some other thinkers also relativized conventional status markers; more radical thinkers even rejected them (cf. 1 Cor 4:10).46 In philosophic literature, true sages might be "nothings" to the world, as here and in 4:13.47 Paul does not, however, simply echo philosophers: 44 45 46 E.g., Rhet. Alex. 22, 1434b.27–30; Dionysius Dem. 15; Quintilian Inst. 11.1.1. See also Wis 5:3–4; 1 En. 46:5–6; 104:2; 2 Bar. 83:5. Cf. 'Abot 4:1; Plato Pol. 257B; Cicero Sest. 9.21; Verr. 220.127.116.11–8; Seneca Lucil. 32.11; 44.1–2; Diogenes the Cynic in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.72. 47 See G. Theissen, The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity, ed. J. Schütz (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982), 71; cf. Gal 6:3. 19:39 P1: KNP 0521834627c03a.xml CB864/Keener 32 0 521 83462 7 April 28, 2005 1 Corinthians 1:26–31: Boast in Christ, Not in Status the expected eschatological inversion has come in the Messiah. For Paul, Christ is divine wisdom (1:30; 8:5–6), the focus of God's plan to make people righteous, set apart and redeemed (cf. 1:2, 18; 6:11). Despite his audience's dissatisfaction with his rhetorical skill in person (2:1–5; 2 Cor 10:10), Paul displays it lavishly in this paragraph. The threefold repetition of "not many . . . " in 1:26 is anaphora (x . . . /x . . . );48 the threefold repetition of "God chose" in 1:27–28 is antistrophe (. . . x/ . . . x, because the phrase appears later in Greek than in the NRSV). Paul deliberately develops the same three elements in 1:27–28 that he introduced in 1:26.49 bridging the horizons On November 23, 1654, the inventor of a precursor of modern computers, the mathematician Blaise Pascal, had a profound spiritual experience that transformed his life. He described his encounter in part with these words: "God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob, not of the philosophers and savants . . . God of Jesus Christ!" Like philosophers who critiqued orators, Paul c

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