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Nixon Volume III: Ruin and Recovery 1973-1990
Până la Stephen E. Ambrose
Rarely before on the stage of global politics has one man, respected and reviled, blessed and cursed, held us in such rapt attention. Using Nixon's own words, private writings, and tape-recorded conversations, Ambrose captures the man and all his contradictions as he faces the ordeal of Watergate and its aftermath, the long road back to public life.
Watergate is a drama with high stakes and low skullduggery, of lies and bribes, of greed and lust for power. At its center is the obsession of the country and much of the world with President Richard Nixon himself. It is a remarkable play of foolhardy heroism as Nixon risked everything trying to maintain dignity and his job, when he alone had the power to determine the outcome of the scandal, whether by resigning, confessing, destroying evidence or defying the courts and Congress.
Ambrose explains how Nixon destroyed himself through a combination of arrogance and indecision, allowing a "third-rate burglary" to escalate into a scandal that overwhelmed his presidency.
Yet even after his self-exile from Washington and the Republican Party, even after the national outcry that sealed his shame, Nixon would not go gentle into oblivion. Ambrose provides an unforgettable portrait of the older Nixon in San Clemente, drawing on his seemingly endless reserves of determination, laying the groundwork for yet another comeback, a return to the arena that would defy all odds.
Ambrose illuminates all the hidden years, and we see Nixon's gradual transformation from pariah to valued elder statesmen, respected internationally and at home even by those who had earlier clamored loudest for his head. This is the story of Nixon's final fall from grace and astonishing recovery.
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Nixon Volume III - Stephen E. Ambrose
November-December 1972
ON NOVEMBER 7, 1972, Richard Milhous Nixon won a landslide victory in the presidential contest by a staggering 61 to 39 percent. This was the climax to twenty-six years of campaigning. His re-election, however, was a personal triumph only. The Republican Party lost, as the Democrats held onto their control of both houses of Congress.
The two victories, by the Republicans in the presidential race and by the Democrats in the congressional races, dominated American politics over the following twenty-two months, a period characterized by more bitterness, divisiveness, and pure hatred than any since Reconstruction. The unanticipated, the unwelcome, and the unimaginable became the norm.
This unhealthy situation came about: Because of the way Nixon had conducted his re-election campaign, which left his opponents furious; because of ethically questionable and possibly illegal acts carried out by his men during his first term, which left him vulnerable; because of the long-drawn-out retreat from Southeast Asia, which left the hawks with no incentive to defend him and the doves with feelings of bitterness over the death and destruction that had marked the period 1969-72 in Vietnam; because of Nixon's determination to take on not only the Democrats but the basic structure of American government; and because of Nixon's deep-rooted, long-standing anger at his opponents, real and imagined, which led him to ill-considered and ill-tempered outbursts, which in turn goaded his opponents into extremism, thus raising the stress on the already badly battered body politic.
His anger was exacerbated because he knew that in the war that lay ahead, he had some serious weaknesses. Although he had that 61–39 vote, and although he had done a magnificent job on the politics of his problems in the 1972 campaign, all the problems remained. He did not have peace in Vietnam, and the 93d Congress was not going to give him any funds to continue the war. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had refused his order to help him cover up the June 1972 break-in by men working for his re-election committee at the Democratic National Committee offices in the Watergate complex in Washington. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the courts, and some reporters were pressing various investigations into Watergate, and the Democrats in control of the 93d Congress could hardly wait to get organized and begin investigations of their own.
Nixon, on election night 1972, could anticipate that despite his overwhelming victory, the Democrats, the bureaucracy, the media, and the courts were all going to go after Watergate and other issues from his first term as hard as they could. And Nixon knew, better than any other individual in the country, how much there was in the Watergate break-in affair and other first-term activities for them to find.
So, on election night 1972, Nixon could not enjoy his triumph. He was not planning how to bring people together, to create a consensus behind his program, but rather how to destroy his enemies before they destroyed him. In his own immortal phrase,
They are asking for it, and they are going to get it.
That was going to be the real theme of his second term, if Nixon could get his way.
NIXON'S announced program for his second term was so ambitious he dared to call it nothing less than the
New American Revolution. Although the phrase contained some element of typical Nixonian hyperbole, what he proposed to do was certainly sweeping, even breathtaking. He gave an outline in an interview with Garnett Horner of the Washington Star-News on the Sunday before the election; it was published the day after the election.
In some places, Nixon sounded like a leader rallying his people for a protracted war. He called for a return to the rigors of self-reliance to replace the
soft life and said he hoped to use his second term to lift the nation out of a
crisis of the spirit. He vowed to work to end
the whole era of permissiveness and to nurture
a new feeling of responsibility, a new feeling of self-discipline.
Nixon believed the nation had become pampered and indulged, that its character had been weakened.
The average American, he said, "is just like the child in the family. You give him some responsibility and he is going to amount to something. He is going to do something.
If, on the other hand, you make him completely dependent and pamper him and cater to him too much, you are going to make him soft, spoiled, and eventually a very weak individual.
In explaining his thoughts, Nixon drew on the comparison he saw between himself and the nineteenth-century British Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli. He had been reading Robert Blake's biography of Disraeli, recommended to him by Professor Daniel Patrick Moynihan of Harvard.
My approach, Nixon explained,
is that of a Disraeli conservative—a strong foreign policy, strong adherence to basic values that the nation believes in and the people believe in, and to conserving those values, and not being destructive of them, but combined with reform, reform that will work, not reform that destroys.
strong foreign policy was designed to ease tensions in the post-Vietnam War world. He had begun the process in his first term, with the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I), the opening to China, and the movement in the Paris peace talks toward a cease-fire in Vietnam. He intended to follow up vigorously. His first priority was SALT II,
which will be more important than SALT I because it was going to establish tighter limitations on strategic weapons. Next came a European Security Conference and, in a parallel channel, the Mutual Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks, designed to reduce conventional forces in Europe. Equally important was to
continue the dialogue with the People's Republic of China [the PRC]. He intended to work for peace not only in Vietnam but also in the Middle East.
In a word, détente, or an easing of tensions, around the world. Whether he could develop a constituency for such fundamental changes remained to be seen. He had failed to do so in the preceding four years. Liberals and left-wingers continued to regard anything Nixon proposed with the greatest skepticism, while conservatives and right-wingers were deeply suspicious of détente in general and Nixon's specific proposals in particular. He had not consulted with the military before signing SALT I, which made the Joint Chiefs unhappy. They were also upset by Nixon's proposed peace settlement in Vietnam, because Nixon had dropped his demand that the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) withdraw from South Vietnam.
On the domestic side, Nixon's plans were equally ambitious. He told Horner he intended to reduce drastically the size and scope of the federal government, which he said,
is too big and it is too expensive. The bureaucracies were
too fat, too bloated. He intended to
shuck off' or trim down" the Great Society programs of the 1960s, and to carry out a major reorganization of the executive branch of the government.¹
In three words, a
New American Revolution. Like any revolution, it was sure to arouse opposition. Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programs, especially those designed to help poor and minority kids, had their defenders; indeed, they constituted a majority in the Congress. Entrenched interests, headed by Congress and supported by the congressional staffs, the lobbyists, the corporations that did business with the government and the federal bureaucracy, regarded any attempt to reorganize the government with skepticism and suspicion.
Nixon, with a mandate from the people, was ready to take them all on—the Joint Chiefs, the right wing, the left wing, the entrenched interests. He knew it would be the biggest battle of his political career. He intended to win it, and thereby reshape the nation, its government, and its foreign policy.
He was in good physical shape to do battle—fifty-nine years old and in excellent health. Although he was constantly chiding himself, rightly, for not getting sufficient exercise, he kept his weight down. He had not missed a day's work due to illness in his entire first term (and very few throughout his career). He took no vitamins nor any medication. He went to Bethesda, Maryland, for a post-election physical examination; emerging from the hospital, he said jokingly,
They told me I feel fine.²
Mentally, he was gearing himself up. In his own view, he had too often been weak in his first term, had too often allowed the bureaucrats to subvert or sabotage his program, had too often accepted compromises proposed by his department heads rather than insist on his bold initiatives. He resolved, in the second term, to take control, to act tough, to be tough.
He got started the day after the election. At 11 A.M. he met with the White House staff. The members were still a bit groggy from the victory celebrations of the night before. Nixon had a toothache. To his National Security Adviser, Henry Kissinger, he appeared withdrawn,
grim and remote. Kissinger sensed his mood accurately:
It was as if victory was not an occasion for reconciliation but an opportunity to settle the scores of a lifetime. Nixon gave perfunctory thanks to the staff, before announcing that the first order of business was to reorganize.
There are no sacred cows, he declared, then changed the metaphor:
We will tear up the pea patch.
He gave his thinking. He told them that while rereading Blake's Disraeli, he had been struck by Disraeli's description of Gladstone and his Cabinet as
exhausted volcanoes. He was not exhausted, he went on; he was determined to avoid the
lethargy that had characterized [President Dwight] Eisenhower's second term. . . . Then he strode out of the room.
His chief of staff, H. R.
Bob Haldeman, took over. He passed around mimeographed forms on which he told the staffers to list all the documents in their possession. Then he said that each man present was to submit his resignation immediately.³ At noon, Nixon and Haldeman repeated the performance in a meeting with the Cabinet.
Had Nixon waited, the resignations would have come in over the next month or so, voluntarily, as was customary. As it was, his actions and his obvious anger bemused and confused his closest associates, men who had worked diligently and enthusiastically for his re-election. They had expected to be thanked; instead, they got slapped. Director of Communications Herb Klein, who had been with Nixon on mornings after election day since 1946, knew him well enough to expect a letdown of some kind, but even Klein was appalled:
I found this post-election act the most disheartening, most surprising, and most cruel of all. . . . It was ungrateful and it was bitterly cold.⁴ Kissinger was bothered by
the frenzied, almost maniacal sense of urgency about this political butchery, and by the way Nixon conveyed
in his hour of triumph an impression of such total vindictiveness and insensitivity. . . .⁵
That afternoon, Nixon flew to his vacation retreat at Key Biscayne, Florida. Accompanying him on Air Force One were his wife Pat, his daughters Julie Eisenhower and Tricia Cox, his sons-in-law David and Edward, his friend Bebe Rebozo, his secretary Rose Mary Woods, and Kissinger, Haldeman, and his domestic adviser John Ehrlichman. For the next few days, while the others swam and soaked up the sun, Nixon, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman worked on the details of the reorganization.
That was a small group for such a big task. Nixon's isolation bothered some of his supporters. Robert Finch, an old friend and former Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) in the first Nixon Administration, was one. He called Woods and asked her to tell the boss not to announce or leak any decisions he made without first at least pretending to consult with the Cabinet and party leaders. As Woods put it in a memo for Nixon,
He said even if you have decided exactly what you are going to do he feels it is imperative that nothing be put out until it appears that you have given the people concerned 'their day in court.' ⁶
Leaks came anyway. At the end of the first full day in Key Biscayne, a
high Administration source told Robert Semple of The New York Times that Nixon's restructuring of the federal government would
further increase the authority of his own Executive Office and accelerate a long-term decline in the power of the Cabinet.⁷ A few days later the same newspaper, citing
senior officials, said the goal was to decentralize the machinery of government while centralizing the policy-making process, which would be taken
out of the departments and moved to the White House, where it is much more difficult for Congress and the public to trace how the decisions are made.⁸
Charles Colson, a special assistant to the President, was one of those slated to have his resignation accepted, primarily because of his close association with E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, who were under indictment for their role in the break-in to the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate apartment complex in June. Colson, typically, was blunt about what was going on at Key Biscayne:
Haldeman and Ehrlichman are in a major power grab.⁹
NIXON'S most immediate problem was not reorganizing the government, or taming the bureaucracy, or promoting SALT II, but Vietnam. On the eve of the election, Henry Kissinger had announced that as a result of his negotiations in Paris with North Vietnamese envoy Le Due Tho,
Peace is at hand. But although the North Vietnamese had indicated they were ready to sign the agreements worked out in October—which provided for a
National Council of Reconciliation composed equally of Communists and anti-Communist members, a cease-fire, the return of the American prisoners of war, and the right of 160,000 members of the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) to remain in place in South Vietnam—President Nguyen Van Thieu of South Vietnam had protested bitterly over what he regarded as a sellout, even a surrender, and refused to sign or accept the agreements. The fighting went on.
Nixon wanted to stop it, for many obvious reasons. He, or at least Kissinger, had promised that the fighting was all but over. Détente could not be fully implemented until the war ended. The war was a major drain on the budget. It exacerbated the divisions among the American people; it threatened to tear the country apart. And it could not be won. Nixon had withdrawn all ground combat troops in his first term. The Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) was incapable of driving the NVA out of South Vietnam. Nixon's options were to increase the level of bombing in North Vietnam and extend the target list to include the Hanoi-Haiphong complex, or persuade/force Thieu to accept the agreement.
The bombing option, however, had little appeal, especially after
peace is at hand. How could Nixon explain to the American people a bombing campaign against North Vietnam when it was South Vietnam that refused to accept the agreement? Bombing Hanoi was not going to get the NVA out of South Vietnam. Escalation on the ground via the reintroduction of American combat units might work, but that was unthinkable, because of domestic politics, and in fact was never considered.
So Nixon turned on Thieu, whose objections to the agreement he regarded in any case as unfounded. Thieu said that the National Council represented the coalition government the Communists had always demanded; Nixon thought that was poppycock. He called the Council a facade, a consulting body without power or purpose. Thieu wanted the NVA out of his country; Nixon knew that was impossible. Thieu wanted guarantees that no North Vietnamese would cross the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ, which ran along the 17th parallel that divided the two Vietnams); Nixon doubted that he could get North Vietnamese acceptance of such a demand.
Above all, Thieu wanted a guarantee that the United States would support his country with air cover and military supplies. That guarantee Nixon was willing to give. But the pledge had to be made secretly, because of the mixed results of the election. In the presidential contest, the people had rejected Democratic candidate George McGovern. But in the congressional contest, the people had sent more doves to Washington than hawks. The doves had picked up three seats in the Senate, which meant that when the 93d Congress convened in January 1973, there was a real possibility that it would cut off all funds for South Vietnam.
Nixon had seven weeks in which to end the war. He made it his first order of business. On November 8, he wrote a letter to Thieu. He gave it to Kissinger's deputy, General Alexander Haig, to hand-deliver in Saigon. It contained threats if Thieu did not consent to the agreement, promises if he did. Nixon expressed disappointment at Thieu's characterization of the October agreement as a surrender. He promised to improve the agreement, for example, by ensuring that the Vietnamese translation of the phrase
administrative structure in the description of the National Council was changed to remove any implication that it was a governmental body, and by strengthening the provisions to respect the DMZ. The letter concluded:
I wish to leave you under no illusions, however, that we can or will go beyond these changes in seeking to improve an agreement that we already consider to be excellent.
Thieu was unmoved. He told Haig he must insist on the removal of the NVA from his country. Nixon responded in a letter dated November 14. He charged that Thieu was being
unrealistic, then held out the bait:
But far more important than what we say in the agreement on this issue is what we do in the event the enemy renews its aggression. You have my absolute assurance that if Hanoi fails to abide by the terms of this agreement it is my intention to take swift and severe retaliatory action.¹⁰
Kissinger began his preparations for a return to Paris and one last negotiating session with Le Due Tho. The North Vietnamese were ready to sign the accord that had been reached in October; Kissinger planned to ask for the changes Thieu was insisting on. The meeting was scheduled for November 20.
NIXON saw enemies not only in Hanoi, but among the Democrats and the media. Down at Key Biscayne, he went after both. On November 10, he instructed Haldeman to send out an
Action Memo to the staff: "Be sure we have established a total embargo on Time and Newsweek and especially no background material to [Hugh] Sidey [Time columnist].
The memo ordered a complete freeze on the Washington Post, the New York Times, and CBS."¹¹ Two days later, in another
Action Memo, the orders were
to follow up on all major Democratic contributors and financial backers. We need a plan set for this to be put into motion as soon as the personnel changes have been made [in the White House staff].¹²
On November 15, Nixon sent his own memo to Haldeman. He was not in a mood to be a gracious winner; he wanted to rub the noses of his defeated enemies in the dirt. He told Haldeman to get together with one of his speechwriters, Pat Buchanan, to prepare a monograph on
Things They Would Like to Forget. He wanted to begin with the things columnists and television commentators wrote and said
at the time of Cambodia (in the spring of 1970 Nixon sent U.S. troops into Cambodia to hit the Communists along the Ho Chi Minh Trail)
when they predicted World War III. The monograph should also point out what they wrote and said after Nixon's May 8, 1972, decision to bomb Hanoi and mine the harbor at Haiphong.
In addition, Nixon wanted to throw back at the media
the predictions that were made in 1971 about the imminent collapse of South Vietnam. Further, the monograph should reprint the predictions that were made
with regard to McGovern's inevitable appeal to youth, the prairie populist, and all that sort of thing.
Nixon ordered the preparation of a second monograph, to be called
Dirtiest Campaign in History Against a President. It would quote the worst McGovern charges, plus
You might go back and pick up some of the smears on RN through the years. Beyond that, it should highlight the campaign tactics of the Democrats, the way
we were unmercifully heckled and our meetings disrupted by violent demonstrators. Nixon wanted these tactics contrasted with his own, which he called
one of the cleanest campaigns in history. . . . Never engaged in name calling. . . . Stuck to the issues.
A third monograph should be called
RN Won It! and point out that Nixon won
against overwhelming odds. That monograph should make the point that Nixon never shrank from the
tough decisions, that he ran the campaign his way, and that
it wasn't just the case of McGovern losing it, it was the case of RN winning.¹³
Consumer advocate Ralph Nader did not see it Nixon's way at all. He charged that Nixon had run a campaign of half-truths and full lies while the White House press corps served as a
mimeo machine for Nixon's propaganda. In Nader's view, the trouble was the publishers,
who like to have dinner at the White House, and who paid for it by telling their reporters not to criticize the President.
When Nixon saw that comment on his News Summary, he scribbled in the margin,
B [for Buchanan]—should Knock this bull—RN has worst press of any President in this century.¹⁴ This idée fixe of Nixon's had spurred him to attempt to woo some of the media executives, as Nader noted; others he tried to intimidate. Colson later recalled the night Nixon called in the network executives,
all three of them, and afterwards Nixon and I sat there and chortled over how he had twisted their tails and backed them into corners and how they were cowards and how he would lower his voice when he really wanted to make a point to them. We would sit there and laugh after we had them in on how we had put the screws to them. . . . We got them to back off of some stories frequently. Got Bill Paley [of CBS] to back down on some of his reporting.¹⁵
Public intimidation was another technique. On November 12, Colson told the New England Society of Newspaper Editors that The Washington Post, The New York Times, and CBS News were guilty of
McCarthyism in their reporting on the Watergate break-in. He singled out Benjamin Bradlee, executive editor of the Post, and Eric Sevareid, commentator on CBS News, for special criticism; in a phrase reminiscent of Vice President Spiro Agnew's speeches, Colson said that Bradlee and Sevareid were
self-appointed leaders of a tiny fringe of arrogant elitists.¹⁶
Nixon was a man whose mind never rested. Even as he was dealing with the Vietnam negotiations, reshuffling his Cabinet and White House staff, taking on the Democrats and the media, planning his revolution, he found time immediately after the election to send Haldeman a three-page, single-spaced memo on thank-you notes to contributors to his campaign. He got down to details. As one example, he said he felt
we went a bit overboard [in 1968] when we sent pen sets to major financial contributors. These fellows are pretty perceptive; they know that this had to come from campaign funds and not from me personally. . . . It looks as if we were being too extravagant and wasting campaign funds.¹⁷
AFTER a week at Key Biscayne, Nixon flew to Washington, then took a helicopter to Camp David, the presidential retreat in the Maryland mountains. Haldeman and Ehrlichman joined him; in the following two weeks they brought up other top players, one by one, to explain the reorganization and their new roles, or to fire them.
The first target in the reorganization was the bureaucracy. Nixon chided himself for failing to take control of it in his first term; he was determined to rectify that in his second term. He made this clear, and explained his rationale, in his meetings with his appointees. To George Shultz, whom Nixon was retaining as Secretary of the Treasury, he complained that the
IRS [Internal Revenue Service] was a walking disaster under Ike and me. The agents were
biased against our friends. They hate those with money. Besides, there were
too many Jews. Therefore, he wanted Shultz to
clean the house. While he was at it, Nixon wanted Shultz to go after
Ford, Brookings, and other foundations, because they had been used
for partisan, left-wing purposes.¹⁸
In a meeting with Ehrlichman, Nixon asserted that the
big law firms and companies get the best of the conservatives, while the top liberals
go into government or teaching. Meanwhile the FBI was reduced to accepting its new agents from the bottom half of the law school classes. In the State Department, more than half the career people came from the Ivy League, where, according to Nixon,
they were playing together those frilly games—squash, crew.
It was standard Republican philosophy to assert that what the government needed was a few businessmen who had met a payroll to run it. Nixon had outgrown that belief. He told William Simon, an investment banker at Salomon Brothers whom he was appointing Deputy Secretary of the Treasury, that
most businessmen are a disaster in government. The reason was that the average businessman came in
and is a patsy for the brown-nosers in the bureaucracy. He also told Simon to get to know Wilbur Mills (D.-Ark.), Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, and Russell Long (D.-La.), Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee. Nixon characterized them as
brilliant and unreliable, much smarter than Republicans. He told Simon to treat them with a combination of
tender loving care and ruthlessness. Another piece of advice was,
Don't live in the District. Get out into Virginia or Maryland.¹⁹
To John Dean, who was being retained as counsel to the President, Nixon declared,
I'm one of the most hated Presidents by the Washington establishment, and explained the reason:
They know I'm one of them but I'm not captured by them. (After the meeting, Nixon told Ehrlichman that Dean was a
superb young man.)²⁰
That Nixon had enemies in the bureaucracy was true. The career people in the State Department were especially furious with him, because of his shoddy treatment of Secretary of State William Rogers, because of the way he had excluded the Department from the most basic decisions of his first term (the opening to China, the SALT talks, Vietnam, among others), because he so often expressed his contempt for the Department, and because so many of them were Kennedy Democrats.
That his enemies in the bureaucracy could subvert his orders was also true. Back in the campaign, for example, he had issued an executive order that was designed
to lift the veil of secrecy from needlessly classified official documents. He directed a freer flow of information to the public from secret and confidential papers over ten years old. He had more than an open government in mind; as he confessed to Haldeman, his aim was to reveal the origins of American involvement in the Korean and Vietnam wars and to expose the Kennedy blunders in the 1961 Cuban Bay of Pigs invasion.
Despite his partisan purpose, Nixon was eloquent in promulgating his order for openness:
Fundamental to our way of life, he said,
is the belief that when information which properly belongs to the public is systematically withheld by those in power, the people soon become ignorant of their own affairs, distrustful of those who manage them, and—eventually—incapable of determining their own destinies. (Seventeen years after he left office, Nixon was still using the legal system to block access to the basic documents of his Administration.)
The State Department made a shambles of his order. Historians who submitted requests for documents relating to Korea, Vietnam, and the Bay of Pigs complained that they got a run-around. The New York Times submitted thirty-one requests for documents; some months later the newspaper got partial answers to three of them (according to the Times, the
least consequential of the requests). No new Kennedy material was made available; the State Department simply buttoned up.²¹
Nixon could be as devious in his methods as the bureaucracy. Charles Colson was the first aide summoned to Camp David. Haldeman told him he should be flattered, because Nixon wanted to talk to his aides
in the order of importance of the individual to him in the second term. Actually, Nixon wanted to fire Colson, but he was bothered by the timing. Haldeman's handwritten notes for November 15 state:
Re Cols[on's] departure—inev. prob. w/H[unt] trial etc. Can't go under fire, can't be sure what come out [of the Hunt trial].²²
Nixon attacked the problem in his own convoluted way. He began by inviting Colson to have a pre-dinner drink with him at Aspen Lodge. The President asked Colson's plans. Colson said he wanted to return to his law practice. Nixon asked him to stay on as counselor to the President, in charge of legislative affairs. Colson demurred:
I don't think that's my thing.
Come to think of it, Nixon eagerly responded,
you're probably right. You can probably do more good on the outside. He said he would fix it up so that Colson could be the chief lawyer for the Republican National Committee (RNC)
and you'll be part of a 'Kitchen Cabinet.' . . . You can advise me, and then you can practice law and make all the money you want at the same time.
The two men finished their drinks, then went in for dinner with Haldeman and Ehrlichman. After dinner, Nixon said he had had second thoughts. Perhaps Colson ought to stay on for a few months. Colson agreed, and it was left at that.²³
Nixon's convolutions and little games aside, he had big matters on his mind up at Camp David, much bigger than exposing Kennedy's Bay of Pigs and Vietnam policies, or forcing the IRS to bend to his will. He was deadly serious about imposing from the top a
New American Revolution. It would affect not only the bureaucracy but the judicial system, the relations between the federal and state governments, the tax base, the executive branch, Congress, and the American character.
On November 18, Haldeman sent out one of his Action Memos. Nixon had instructed him to write it, on the basis of a conversation the President had held with his most trusted adviser, former Secretary of the Treasury John Connally, who had handled the national Democrats for Nixon Committee in the campaign. Haldeman's memo opened:
John Connally recommends consideration of Administration supported amendment to the Constitution requiring Congressional reconfirmation of all federal judges every eight years on an automatic basis. The purpose, the memo said, was to
make these judges answerable to someone, while at present they are answerable to nobody, and have acquired great autocratic and arrogant attitudes as a result.
Nixon's acceptance of that idea reflected his anger at the Supreme Court for such decisions as mandating busing as a means to end segregation (1971), refusing to block publication of the Pentagon Papers by The Washington Post and The New York Times (1971), and rejecting in a unanimous opinion the Justice Department claim of an inherent power to wiretap without warrant domestic groups suspected of being subversive (1972).
Obviously, anything as major as a constitutional amendment designed to change the bedrock basis of judicial independence through lifetime tenure would take time. Meanwhile, Nixon pledged to appoint more conservative judges, while planning to see to it, in Haldeman's words, that they not
sit unchallenged for life.²⁴
In his meeting with Shultz, Nixon spelled out another fundamental change in the American system he was determined to foster. The President said that
aid to private schools was the
highest priority, while number two was
property tax relief. Support for private schools was a way to avoid busing. The middle class was groaning under the weight of property taxes; Nixon planned to help his constituents by gutting the Great Society (
flush Model Cities, he told Ehrlichman,
and Great Society along with it. It's failed. Do it, don't say it) and using the savings for revenue sharing, a program that he had gotten started in his first term. It returned federal tax money to the states for general purpose revenue. The supposition was that the states would use the income to reduce property taxes.²⁵
Private school aid and property tax relief were old issues that had established and enthusiastic support. There was no such base from which to launch a major change in the executive branch. Quite the contrary; there was massive opposition to changing the way things worked, from the Congress, the lobbyists, the bureaucracy, and the contractors. Nixon plunged ahead anyway.
I was gripped by this sort of sensation that all of a sudden the Presidency has changed, Colson said of his visit to Camp David. He had the
eerie sensation . . . that the Presidency was in exile up at Camp David . . . while it was being totally restructured. In his view, the motivation came from Haldeman and Ehrlichman,
two guys wanting to become sort of super deputy Presidents.²⁶
Colson was wrong. The idea and the impetus came from Nixon. He wanted to take command of the federal government while simultaneously turning back some of that government's power and income to the states. The heart of the reorganization was to reduce the number of Cabinet departments from twelve to eight. Nixon proposed to keep State, Defense, Treasury, and Justice substantially intact, while cutting in half the remaining eight, which would be reorganized by function into four: Human Resources, Community Development, Natural Resources, and Economic Development. The proposal envisioned eliminating duplication, always a nightmarish problem in government, and reducing the number of officials reporting directly to the President.
Structural changes of the magnitude Nixon proposed had to await congressional approval. Meanwhile Nixon tried to achieve his goal administratively by designating four Cabinet members as
super-secretaries for Natural Resources (Earl Butz of Agriculture), Human Resources (Caspar Weinberger of HEW), Community Development (James Lynn of Housing and Urban Development or HUD), and Economic Affairs (George Shultz).²⁷
On November 27, Nixon met with a dozen newsmen in the helicopter hangar at Camp David to explain some of his plans and announce personnel changes. He noted speculation
to the effect that there is a move here on the top of this mountain to, as a result of the rather significant victory of November 7, to reach out and grasp a lot of power and draw it into the White House. . . . He asserted that
exactly the opposite is the case. His aim, he said, was to make
our Government more responsive to people by delegating power to others.²⁸
Personnel changes included the acceptance of the resignations of George Romney at HUD and Melvin Laird at Defense. Elliot Richardson would leave HEW to replace Laird at Defense, while Weinberger would leave the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to take over HEW. Roy Ash, president of Litton Industries and author of the plan to restructure the executive branch, would take over OMB. Ehrlichman would take on added responsibilities as assistant to the President. Nixon said nothing about Kissinger's status, or Rogers's future. He did say that neither Connally nor Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York would be members of the Cabinet, although Connally would be available for special assignments.
Behind Nixon's relatively bland and benign words lay some tough reality, as the Cabinet members learned when Ehrlichman passed out to them a mimeographed
Rationale of New Organization. In the new setup,
A Cabinet Secretary should not anticipate either free access or frequent consultation with the President. Instead, he would be expected
to seek the advice and accept the recommendations of the Assistants to the President with respect to the operation of the Departments. Cabinet members would submit to the President's assistants all congressional testimony and public statements
for clearance prior to release. Bluntly, the form declared,
Cabinet meetings will be rare.
The essence of the new organization, the form declared,
is the concept that the [Cabinet] secretaries . . . are the President's men and not the creatures of their departments. . . . Every appointee of Cabinet rank will be expected to be the President's man in the Department and not the Department's advocate to the President. There was a space beside each point for the Cabinet member to check off to show that he accepted the orders.²⁹
George, be King, George III's mother is supposed to have told him. One can almost hear Nixon saying to himself,
Richard, be President.
As to what Nixon planned to do with his new, more efficient and more tightly controlled executive branch, Haldeman gave some of the details in an Action Memo. Four key goals, he wrote, would be:
1) to destroy and discredit the old liberal establishment—keep fighting them like they fought us, 2) to build the New Majority, 3) to build the President as he is—the compassionate side, and 4) to re-write the history by building a new establishment across the board.³⁰
Nixon's first-term experiences had, in his words,
confirmed and deepened his
fears about the American leadership classes. He believed that
in politics, academics, and the arts, and even in the business community and the churches, there was a successful and fashionable negativism which . . . reflected an underlying loss of will, an estrangement from traditional American outlooks and attitudes. The Vietnam war had completed the alienation for this group by undermining the traditional concept of patriotism.³¹
But the people—the people were solid. They were patriotic. They retained traditional values. They were Nixon's real constituents.
To show that he was not only their leader but one of them, Nixon had taken to wearing an American flag in his lapel. He got the idea from Haldeman, who had seen it done in a movie called The Candidate. Nixon was never one to do things by half-measure. When he put the flag pin on his lapel, he had aide Clark MacGregor pass the word to the staff
that since the President wore a flag many of them might want to do so also to show their support of the President and their support of the country.
Small changes and big ones. None had been mentioned in the campaign, few had been anticipated. What was the point to them all? Nixon explained that his reading of history had taught him
that when all the leadership institutions of a nation become paralyzed by self-doubt and second thoughts, that nation cannot long survive unless those institutions are either reformed, replaced, or circumvented.³²
Beyond those goals, Nixon at Camp David indulged himself in a fantasy that had appealed to Teddy Roosevelt and Dwight Eisenhower, the creation of a new political party. He had come to distrust big businessmen—
they don't really like us, he told Ehrlichman³³—and was indulging himself in a love affair with the hard-hats, the ethnics, the housewives in Dayton, all those members of the Silent Majority who had voted Democratic in the congressional races but overwhelmingly for him in the presidential contest. He felt, as he told Connally, that the Republicans were too inhibited, too restrained, too proper, while
the Democrats let it all out and love to shout and laugh and have fun. The Republicans have fun but they don't want to let people see it.³⁴
Much more than fun was involved. Nixon was upset with the Republican Party because its lackluster candidates had done so badly in the election, and because the elected congressmen failed to give him their total support. He much preferred the Southern Democrats, men like Russell Long and John Connally (in this he was at one with Ike). Worse, the Republicans were blaming Nixon for their losses, which struck him as both wrong and ungrateful. A series of memos came to Nixon in the post-election period that emphasized the same point: Republicans were
mad as hell at Nixon's
pallid efforts to help their candidates. William Timmons, responsible for White House-Capitol Hill liaison, warned that the discontent was widespread and
could result in an independent attitude toward the President's legislative proposals.
Nixon's response was to instruct Timmons and others to
get the record out and
knock this down. He insisted that he had supported Republican candidates (which was simply not true; see chapters 25 and 26 of volume two of this work) and that their defeats were due to
local issues.³⁵
But however tempted Nixon was by the thought of a new party, he realized it was hopeless and quickly dropped the idea. He did not, however, abandon his ambitious program to restructure the government and restore American values.
Yet he proposed to bring such changes about in the teeth of the bureaucracy, the courts, the Congress, the Cabinet, the lobbyists, big business, the media, and his own party. The political philosopher Hannah Arendt once commented that the American President is simultaneously the most powerful man in the world and the national leader with the least power. Nixon wanted to eliminate that paradox, using his election mandate as his base. He had persuaded the people to vote for him overwhelmingly; now his problem was to lead the nation in the direction he wanted it to go.
BEFORE he could accomplish any of his goals, Nixon had to put the Watergate break-in problem behind him.
On June 17, 1972, a team of burglars led by G. Gordon Liddy and E. Howard Hunt, working for the Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP), had broken into the offices of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate complex. They had been caught and identified. The Democrats and some Washington- and New York-based reporters had attempted to make the break-in a major campaign issue, but without success. Nixon dismissed the affair as a
bizarre business and a
third-rate burglary. His White House Counsel, John Dean, had managed to keep Liddy and Hunt from naming the people for whom they had worked. Federal Judge Charles Richey had postponed hearings on the Democrats' civil suit until after the election. Federal Judge John Sirica had postponed the trial of the burglars until January 1973. House Minority Leader Gerald R. Ford (R.-Mich.) had played a critical if hidden role in getting the House Banking Committee to postpone hearings on the sources of the money found on the burglars. The FBI had conducted one of the most intensive investigations in its history but had directed it down instead of up. As a result of all this help, Watergate had hardly hurt Nixon.
The various postponements, however, had only put off the problems, which were certain to return to haunt him. His enemies would organize the House and Senate, select the chairmen of the regular and special committees, decide what to investigate (the Democrats had already made it clear they intended to appoint a special committee to investigate the Watergate break-in). From his own days as a congressman, when the Democrats were in the White House but the Republicans controlled the Congress, Nixon knew full well how powerful the subpoena was, how far afield an investigating committee could roam in the pursuit of its inquiries, how easily an ambitious congressman could play to the press in public hearings, and how ineffective White House attempts to cover up would be. He had made himself into a national figure as a freshman congressman in 1947-48 by using the subpoena power and the publicity potential in the investigation of Alger Hiss.
Nixon also knew that the Democrats would find a great deal more than the June 17 break-in to investigate and condemn. His people had placed telephone taps on National Security Council (NSC) staffers and on newspaper and television reporters, in order to find and plug leaks. E. Howard Hunt had attempted to rewrite history by concocting fake cables placing responsibility for the 1963 assassination of South Vietnamese President Diem on the Kennedy Administration. Liddy and Hunt had attempted to break into George McGovern's office, and had broken into the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist in an attempt to get damaging information on the man who had leaked the Pentagon Papers. People working for Nixon had played a series of dirty tricks on Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine when he was the front-running Democratic candidate. They had tried to use the IRS to get at their political enemies. Most of all, there was the cover-up of Watergate, which had begun the instant Nixon learned the burglars had been caught.
Never mind that Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson had indulged in illegal activities; as Nixon knew (and said hundreds of times), they could get away with things he could not. This was partly because their party controlled Congress, more because the public had an affection, even a love for them. (Truman and Johnson had lost that sentiment in their last years in office, which was one reason why neither one stood for re-election.) For Nixon, it was the case that while many people admired him, few loved him. In this, he was the opposite of one of his GOP successors, Ronald Reagan.
Nixon's inability to bring enough Republican congressional candidates along on his coattails, coupled with his inability to inspire warm personal feelings toward himself, made him vulnerable even at the moment of his greatest triumph. Further, he had been involved in a whole series of activities that were not necessarily illegal, but which, if exposed, would look just terrible. His half-million-dollar tax deduction for his vice presidential papers; the ITT settlement; the use of federal money to improve his personal residences in Florida and California; the millions in unreported cash contributions to CREEP; the use of the Justice Department to harass and intimidate antiwar protesters; and more.
McGovern had charged that the Nixon Administration was the most corrupt in American history. Considering the competition, that was too sweeping a generalization. It would have been more accurate to say that despite the deplorable record of some of Nixon's Democratic predecessors, no Administration in American history was more ruthless, more partisan, more personal, or more reckless in its disregard not only for the law but for the decent opinion of mankind as that of Richard Nixon. His methods in striving for and achieving and using power had created countless enemies and given his foes the ammunition to ruin him.
Nevertheless, in mid-November 1972, Nixon in his own words
felt sure that [Watergate] was just a public relations problem that only needed a public relations solution.³⁶
It was characteristic of Nixon to so believe. As President, indeed throughout his political career, Nixon had put more emphasis on PR than any of his predecessors. An astonishing number of his memos to Haldeman and others, and of Haldeman's memos to the staff, and of Nixon's scribbled comments on his News Summaries, were concerned solely with PR. James Reston, columnist for The New York Times, once observed that Nixon was much better at handling the public relations of a problem than he was at handling the problem itself. Nixon believed that the way the public perceived a problem was the critical factor in solving, it, which is a defensible point of view for the leader of a democracy to hold, but dangerous when it gets down to using PR to assert that black is white.
In this case, Nixon's real problem was not the break-in itself. He had not given a direct order to go into the DNC offices in the Watergate and plant a bug on Chairman Larry O'Brien's telephone, and he almost certainly did not know of the operation in advance. But he had ordered Haldeman, on June 23, to use the CIA to limit the investigation of the burglary; his exact words were to instruct the CIA director, Richard Helms, to
call the FBI in and say that we [the CIA] wish for the country, don't go any further into this case, period!
With those words, Nixon had ordered the CIA to commit an illegal act. The CIA is prohibited by statute from operations of any kind within the United States. Nor did the President have the authority to order one federal agency to interfere with another federal agency as it carried out its responsibilities.
He could claim that his motive was national security, on the grounds that Hunt and some of the Cuban members of the burglary team were former CIA agents who had been deeply involved in the Bay of Pigs. The difficulty with that line was that Helms vehemently denied there was any CIA involvement in Watergate, and it was not Hunt's activities as a CIA agent in the early 1960s that had to be kept secret, rather his activities as one of the
Plumbers (a secret intelligence unit in the White House) for the Nixon Administration in the early 1970s.
Nixon's PR problem was to convince the public that he had no direct role in the break-in, which was true; his real problem was to prove that he had played no role in a cover-up of a crime, and that he had no idea as to who had ordered the break-in, or why, which was not true. Bill Rogers exposed the weakness of his position with crystal clarity in a telephone conversation with Haldeman in March 1973. Haldeman's notes summarize Rogers's point:
Why cover up if we don't know real story. Just isn't believable. The attempts to cover up make the basic alibi of non-involvement inconceivable.³⁷
Despite that obvious truth, Nixon's tops aides continued to use questionable practices to maintain the cover-up. On November 13, Hunt talked to Colson on the telephone. Hunt and his burglary team had already received $187,000 from CREEP officials for bail money, legal fees, and
family support. Hunt wanted more, and he set a deadline of November 25 for receiving it.
After all, he told Colson,
we're protecting the guys who were really responsible. . . . But this is a two-way street . . . we think that now is the time when some moves should be made and, uh, surely your cheapest commodity available is money. . . . ³⁸
Colson tape-recorded the conversation. His reason, he later explained, was that
I maneuvered Hunt into the position of saying that I didn't know anything about it in advance. I saved that tape as my ticket that I wasn't involved in the Watergate. (Hunt gave a
Yeah, I know answer to Colson's strong assertion that he was uninvolved.)³⁹ Colson gave the tape to Dean, who on November 15 took it to Camp David, where he played it for Haldeman and Ehrlichman. They told Dean to have former Attorney General and head of CREEP John Mitchell take care of Hunt's demands.
Haldeman and Ehrlichman were not convinced about Colson's innocence. They told the President that Colson
might be more involved than he was acknowledging. Colson said the same about both of them.⁴⁰ Ehrlichman urged Nixon to get rid of Colson, at once, but Nixon did not want
to leave the impression that he is leaving under fire. In his diary on November 18, Nixon wrote:
It is a very sad commentary that an individual can be bruised and battered and maligned and libeled and then become expendable. But in politics I fear that is the case. He added that he disagreed with Ehrlichman, who wanted to fire
anybody who has even the appearance of wrongdoing. I would never take this approach because of the human equation. Besides,
backing off of people when they come under attack could simply encourage the piranha fish to go to with a vengeance and leave nothing but the skeleton.⁴¹
When Dean went to Mitchell to get the money for Hunt, Mitchell stalled. Hunt extended his deadline to November 27. Mitchell then told Dean to get the money in cash from Haldeman's secret fund in the White House; he did so, then passed it on to Fred LaRue, a CREEP official from Mississippi, who in turn passed it on to Hunt's lawyer.⁴²
Whether Nixon knew about the payment or not is unclear. Whether the payment constituted blackmail, or was a perfectly legal way to provide support for the men under indictment, is perhaps debatable. That the intent was to buy the silence of the accused is obvious. The hope was that Hunt and his men would plead guilty without revealing who they worked for and serve their sentences in prison (presumably short sentences, as these were first offenses by men who had not taken anything out of the DNC offices, only left telephone bugs behind).
Dean's job was to deal with what Nixon liked to call
problem areas. It kept him busy. On the day Nixon demanded the resignations of all the top officials in the government, for example, Dean called Haldeman:
Bob, I've been thinking about those resignations. There's one guy we can't afford to piss off. One guy we need, who's been helpful, concerned, and who's been watching out after our interests. And that's Henry Petersen [head of the Criminal Division in the Justice Department; he had been supplying Dean with information as the investigation went forward]. I don't think we should let Henry worry about his future.
Haldeman agreed, and assented to Dean's request that he be authorized to call Petersen and assure him his job was safe.⁴³
Despite these efforts, the problem areas continued to grow. On December 4, Judge Sirica said during pre-trial hearings (the trial was scheduled to begin January 8) that the motives behind the bugging were
one of the crucial issues in the case.
What did these men go into the headquarters for? he asked.
Was their sole purpose political espionage? Were they paid? Were there financial gains? Who started this? Who hired them? A whole lot is going to come out in this case.⁴⁴
That was ominous. More bad news followed. On December 8, Hunt's wife Dorothy, who had acted as a courier distributing money to the accused, died in an airplane crash near Midway Airport in Chicago. Policemen searching through the wreckage found her purse stuffed with hundred-dollar bills, a total of $10,000. Despite intensive investigations, no evidence that the plane was sabotaged was ever found. Still, the event threw Hunt into a depression that made him even more unpredictable, as well as raising suspicions that the White House was paying blackmail money.⁴⁵
That same day, The Washington Post revealed for the first time the existence of the White House Plumbers. It identified Hunt and Liddy, and said their function was to stop national security leaks. White House press secretary Ron Ziegler confirmed the existence of the Plumbers but said the unit had been closed down after January 1972, and had no involvement in the Watergate break-in.
So Watergate was not quite over. Neither was the Vietnam War. And just as one of the Watergate problems was intrigue and power plays among the courtiers, so too with the Vietnam War.
Just before the election, Nixon, Kissinger, and Haldeman had discussed the Rogers problem. Kissinger had insisted that Rogers had to go, because according to Kissinger, Rogers and the bureaucrats in the State Department
keep stabbing me in the back. Nixon hated to fire Rogers, who had been a close adviser since 1952, but he had agreed to appoint Laird's deputy at Defense, Kenneth Rush, as Secretary of State.
Kissinger doubted Nixon's resolve. He had taken Haldeman aside to say,
I won't believe it until I see it, Haldeman. That Rogers will never quit. He'll be with me until I die.⁴⁶
After the election, Nixon summoned Rogers to Camp David. He designated Haldeman to deliver the blow.
I had the enviable task, Haldeman later wrote,
of telling Richard Nixon's closest personal friend in the government that Richard Nixon had decided it was now time for him to leave. But Rogers would not cooperate. He said he would leave in six months or so, after the Vietnam War ended, but would not go now, when all the others were leaving. Nor would he accept dismissal from Haldeman; the word had to come from the man himself.
Nixon backed down. When he met with Rogers, the President acquiesced in the Secretary of State's demand to be allowed to stay on for six months. He told Haldeman to inform Kissinger. The National Security Adviser was furious.
You promised me, Haldeman, Kissinger exploded. "You gave me your word! And now he's hanging on just like I said he would. Piece by piece. Bit by bit. He stays on and on and on.
Lowering his voice, Kissinger said resignedly, There is a price you must pay, I suppose. Mine is Rogers. He will be with me forever—because he has this President wrapped around his little finger."⁴⁷
Actually, Kissinger's own position was in jeopardy. There was, first of all, Kissinger's
peace is at hand news conference just before the election; the phrase had already caused Nixon considerable embarrassment, especially after President Thieu had rejected the terms of the October agreement. In addition, on November 16 a Kissinger interview with Italian reporter Oriana Fallaci, in which he had described himself as the cowboy who rode into town alone to restore law and order, was published in L'Europeo magazine. He had also said
independence was very important to him, and that
I've by no means decided to give up this job yet. . . . You see, when one wields power, and when one has it for a long time, one ends up thinking one has a right to it.⁴⁸
Nixon was furious. Although Haldeman told Kissinger, the day after the election, that his resignation would not be accepted, Nixon changed his mind. On November 20, he took Colson for a walk outside the main presidential quarters at Camp David, and told him,
It's time for Henry to go back to Harvard, Chuck. It's the best thing for him. He needs to do it. Colson thought that the purpose of the walk was to get away from a hidden tape recorder.⁴⁹
Before Kissinger could return to Harvard, however, Nixon needed him to complete the peace agreement in Vietnam. Kissinger was scheduled to go to Paris for a last meeting with Le Due Tho on November 20. Before leaving, he met with Nixon. Kissinger, in Nixon's words,
began to rumble around to the effect that we have a very good record on the negotiations.
We're not concerned about being right on the record, Nixon responded.
What we are concerned about is to save South Vietnam and that's why we had to temporize with Thieu as much as we did, because our interest is in getting South Vietnam to survive and Thieu at present seems to be the only leader who could lead them in that direction.
He added that if Thieu would not go along,
we shall simply have to make our own deal, have our withdrawal . . . and then say that Vietnamization has been completed and Thieu then can do what he likes.⁵⁰
In Paris, Kissinger opened his meeting with Le Due Tho by giving him a picture book of Harvard and offering him a post teaching a seminar on Marxism there. But Le Due Tho was no more interested in leaving power for pedagogy than Kissinger was. Kissinger then presented a list of changes in the October agreement requested by Thieu. It amounted to sixty-nine in all; it was, as Kissinger later confessed,
Many of the proposed changes were minor, most of them over wording and translations. But two were substantive: a demand that at least some of the NVA in South Vietnam leave the country; and a demand that the accord spell out in detail that there be no movement across the DMZ. The latter amounted to a demand that North Vietnam recognize South Vietnam as a sovereign nation and the 17th parallel as a legal boundary, thus undercutting Hanoi's contention that Vietnam was one country.
Le Due Tho rejected these changes and came back the


text:
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This salad was made out of the ingredients that I had in the fridge. I didn't go to the supermarket specifically to buy them. I also love cooked apples! I think they make a great addition to crunchy red cabbage and creamy turmeric yogurt dressing!
The recipe is also packed with vitamins and you can consider it healthy(ish) 🙂
This recipe contains video instructions at the end.
Pro tip: to make chia seeds a little softer soak them in dressing prior to serving.
Serving size:
4 servings
- 4 cups of red cabbage
- 3 medium gala apples
- 120 grams of cucumbers
- 2 tablespoons of chia seeds
- 8 tablespoons of pecorino romano (grated)
- 80 grams of red onion (chopped and soaked in vinegar)
- 120 grams of 0% yogurt
- 4 tbsp of olive oil
- 4 tbsp of lemon juice
- 2 tbsp or turmeric (ground)
- 355 Calories
- 20g Fat
- 40g Carbs
- 10g Fiber
- 10g Protein
Marinate red onion in vinegar for 15-20 minutes until bright pink.
Fry apples on medium heat for 30-40 seconds on each side.
Cut cucumber and red cabbage. Add red onion, fried apples and chia seeds.
Make a dressing. Mix yogurt, olive oil, turmeric, salt, pepper, and lemon juice. Add to the salad.
Shave pecorino Romano over the top and serve!


text:
ATX form factor 2. I also hated the goofy mounting mechanism for these Zalman northbridge coolers, so I used thermal epoxy instead. That's why the last two row of fins are shorter to make way for the flower shaped CPU cooler. Cheers for the link to the patch! You can remove the hard drive trays for extra cooling. DOS see's the drive with success and the slurring sound issue is gone! I regret this modification because it is permanent, but I don't plan to ever sell the cards anyway.
|Date Added:
|24 June 2009
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|40.14 Mb
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▷ **Clearance** Abit KT7A-RAID (Socket A) Mothe… | OcUK
Or should I rather get a Sound Blaster Live! Change of topics here is my northbridge heatsink on mine.
Post Your Comment Please log in or sign up to comment. The KT7A is a really great board. With raix PCI slots, you should have plenty of room for all your expansion cards.
That raised an interesting question: I run one on a P Coppermine and the other on a Celeron DOS see's the drive with success and the slurring sound issue is gone!
VOGONS • View topic – [Build Log] ABIT KT7A-RAID Based System
Sign up now Username Password Remember Me. Vantec has two that fit without any permanent modifications: I regret this modification because it is permanent, but I don't plan to ever sell the cards anyway. Orders will be shipped on a first come first served basis. If you wait for the picture above to load you will see the memory benchmarks are taken at the various different settings and finally with the FSB maxed out at MHZ with all the various options in the Abit BIOS turned on for extra memory performance.
The Athlon also uses quite a bit of power. It's worth a try at least. It took a lot of trouble to convince these people that arid is something wrong. I like them alot. For legacy Win9x gaming, you really don't need more than that anyway. Well that's the drive benchmarks covered in some detail now on with the other bits, obviously there are a wide variety of different factors which influence the overall speed of the motherboard, CPU choice for one, memory speed for another and probably the most.
I do have most values already to hand so will get to work on it soon and order the ones I don't have. Here's a photo of the basic system: Fitted with an all-in-one monoblock which matches the Gigabyte Aorus aesthetic. I could run a whole bunch of tests of the board, but since I just reviewed the whole OcUK bundle last week, it seems somewhat pointless so I'll just show you the most popular Sandra benchmarks.
If an ETA is available it will be displayed on hover. I believe I have the V1. I also have a pair of Raidd Voodoo 2 cards in it which work pretty well.
ABIT KT7A-RAID Socket-A KT133A ATX
Good service well within their lead times, had an item out of stock which was then upgraded for free to keep delivery on time. Fast dispatch and delivery. I also rationalize it by reminding myself that the Evercool units kt7q doing a better job. What was the best tech product of ?
I was looking at your picture of your KT7A. Like you, I replaced the northbridge coolers on all of my boards. Be the first to review this product.
As we have mentioned several times, the migration from the KT to raud KTA chipset is a relatively easy job for motherboard manufacturers. Index Talking about the design The Features: The extra ISA slot will be welcomed by those who are still hanging onto those old legacy devices. Also also, if you're running Win9x, use VIA 4in1 v4.


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In 2011, Seulgi embarked on a mission in pursuit of a vision to achieve highest service excellence. The empirical formula at the heart of our framework is the unabated commitment to promises as we inch towards the goal. Today, our success is attributed to a team of professionals and evolving…Read More Seulgi
Tips on how to create successful content marketing strategy
A strong content marketing strategy is very important in building any brand. People connect with your brand through the communication mediums you use. So if you are using a powerful video commercial portraying the image of a company that helps people to save time by taking on their laundry worries…Read More Tips on how to create successful content marketing strategy
PO Hub
The PO Hub is an independent international news organization. We want to help you to see news events as starting points for constructive conversations. We seek to cut through the froth of the political spin cycle to underlying truths and values. We want to be so focused on progress that…Read More PO Hub
An introduction to big data and its impact over businesses
The computer systems of today have shown a remarkable evolution from their earlier applications of running simple programs for mathematical computation. Over the course of a few decades, innovations in software technology have made possible the prediction of certain events based on analysis derived from a vast data repository. This…Read More An introduction to big data and its impact over businesses


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Vinyl Siding Features from 1-800-HANSONS in Kalamazoo, MI
If your home looks old and run down, it's probably because of your dull, dented, and discolored siding. If you want to turn your home in the prettiest one on your block, doing this home improvement project will make it happen!
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Kalamazoo Vinyl Siding from 1-800-HANSONS
Our vinyl siding options are like none other. 1-800-HANSONS will provide you with an extensive palette of colors and styles, making sure to accommodate every want or need. It also has a special compound in its composition that safeguards against ultraviolet light and helps keep your siding looking like new for years to come.
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The Scottish Professional Football League new insolvency rules
Published 07 September 2013
During the summer Scottish football experienced administrative changes with the merger of the Scottish Premier League and the Scottish Football League. As a result, the Scottish Professional Football League (the 'SPFL') has been formed and a bespoke rule book has been drafted governing the new body.1 In light of recent events in Scottish football, ones' attention is almost immediately drawn to the insolvency sections contained within the rules and the penalties which are provided for in the rules.
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Batswana, a nation of defaulting borrowers
Publishing Date : 11 February, 2020
Author : TSAONE SEGAETSHO
The recent Bank of Botswana Banking Supervision Annual Report shows that the banking fraternity is hampered by people who are failing to pay back the money they borrowed, with Non-performing loans and advances standing at P3.2 billion in the year under review.
According to the Banking Supervision Report, household non-performing loans and advances were high in 2017 at 52 percent followed by private businesses loans at 46 percent in the previous year. In the year under review, loans which have been defaulted were at 47 percent in the household sector compared to the 51 percent in the private business sector, numbers still at the peak of non-performing loans.
According to the central bank report the banks' large exposures to unimpaired capital ratio increased to 209 percent (2017: 200 percent), and was within the 800 percent prudential limit for banks in Botswana. Generally, according to the Bank, the composite credit risk for the banking sector was considered high and is expected to increase in the short- to medium-term due to the dominance in banks' loan books of the household sector credit, which is mostly unsecured. This makes the banking sector vulnerable to business restructuring and employment risks, particularly for state-owned entities, says the central bank.
"Past due loans (accounts in arrears) increased by 1.2 percent between December 2017 and December 2018. Non-performing loans (NPLs) increased by 10.7 percent from P2.9 billion to P3.2 billion in the same period. As a result, the ratio of NPLs to gross loans and advances rose from 5.3 percent in December 2017 to 5.5 percent in December 2018, thus a slight deterioration in asset quality.
The ratio of specific provisions to NPLs fell from 53.7 percent in 2017 to 42.7 percent in 2018, an erosion in the coverage of NPLs. But the credit-risk mitigation measures that banks have put in place are expected to absorb the residual risks," says Bank of Botswana Banking Supervision Annual Report.
A cry echoing at judicial chambers
During the just ended Legal Year address Attorney General Abraham Keetshabe told the nation that the judiciary chambers of this country is constipated by debt collection cases. He said the justice system cannot handle the cases brought to court against people who cannot service their debts, as there is a stiff competition for space and time to have such cases heard and resolved within the shortest possible time.
Keetshabe borrowed from the central bank as he highlighted that the commercial bank loans to the household sector grew at elevated rates. "For example, about 13 percent in 2019, to approximately P40 billion and account for a larger proportion of bank credit, at 63.3 percent," he said.
But the sad story does not end there, it continues with the total credit composition having 68 percent of unsecured loan, mortgages and motor vehicle loans account for 25 percent and 5 percent respectively. "Meanwhile household credit from micro lenders is estimated at P3.6 billion as at November 2019. Clearly the significance share of unsecured loans and advances has the potential to cause financial distress and conflicts in households, given the inherently expensive nature of such credit," said Keetshabe.
The attorney general said that the risk posed by this credit composition is moderated by the extent to which unsecured credit is diversified. He added that the bulk of household credit is to the working class who are assessed by lenders to determine their capacity to repay the loan. Keetshabe also observed that credit risk is also lowered where a loan is under the custodian of a credit life insurance.
The amount of household credit relative to income and the size of the economy(GDP is modest and stable at around 48 percent and 19 percent respectively, but much lower than what pertains in more mature markets, said Keetshabe. "In this respect, domestic household borrowing appears to be in line with trends in personal incomes, representing relatively stronger debt servicing capacity. As a result, the rate of household loan default has been modest at 3.3 percent as at September 2019," said the number one state lawyer.
Keetshabe spoke to lack of financial discipline by Batswana who lack adequate financial planning and evaluation of prospects for borrowing as well as over-borrowing through use of multiple institutions and padding of income sources. He said this leads to inability to repay. This does not only affect the banking fraternity and debt collectors, but the courts also find themselves at loss of time and resources.
"We are all too familiar that there is a beehive of activity in the issuance of writs of execution and subsequent attachment and sale of whatever property that can be salvaged by Deputy Sheriffs; with traumatic effect on the concerned. In the business environment the philosophy is simple- minimize the minimums and maximize the maximums with a clear target of expanding the profit margin," said the attorney general.
Keetshabe said Batswana are easily tempted by earthly riches hence irresponsible borrowing. As the case of a public servant being rendered a defaulter, he or she is financially embarrassed to a point of being inefficient and this is considered as misconduct. He emphasized the need for continuously promotion of financial literacy.
A continuing credit plague
One of the leading commercial banks, a big player in the local bourse too, First National Bank Botswana could have been far if it was not the rise of non-performing loan exposure from 6.6 percent to 7.6 percent year-on-year, an huge increase to P1.26 billion, according to the bank's last financial statements.
Three years ago Bank of Botswana Governor Moses Pelaelo highlighted that there is a disturbing emerging trend where customers cannot pay their loan. This was after there was a trend which showed that since December 2014, the industry's NPLs rose from 3.6 percent to 3.9 percent in 2015 and 4.9 percent in December 2016.
That same year of 2017 when the central bank governor raised concern statistics shows that in July 31, 2017 the non-performing loans had increased further to 5.9 percent of total bank loans. Since 2013 International Monetary Fund (IMF) also shows concerns about unsecured household credit and risks to banks.
Years ago when Botswana was toying with the idea of strengthening its credit laws, it looked at its southern neighbor South Africa for benchmarking. This is despite antagonists of the South Africa credit legislation saying the law does not offer full solution the country's high levels of non-performing loans. South Africa's National Credit Act (NCA) of 2007 received a rude awakening barely two years in its existence as firms and households were not able to live up to their credit expectations in the 2009 recession.
In the past former, legislator, trade minister and Econsult Botswana economist Bogolo Kenewendo suggested that there should be a National Credit Information Registry to make it easier to track and evaluate trends in credit habits in the country. Last year former Minister of Finance and Economic Development Kenneth Matambo said the ministry was in a process of drafting the credit information bill.
Matambo said the legislation is in line with the implementation of the national financial inclusion roadmap and strategy that runs from 2015 to 2021. According to Mathambo that time,"the bill will seek to improve both positive and negative financial information which will improve access to credit which is extended to small businesses and citizens."
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Do you think the courts will help put the UDC, BMD impasse within reasonable time ahead of the 2019 General Election?


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2013 Mercedes-Benz C-Class 2dr Cpe C 350 4MATIC
Dealership Information
Auto XChange
Auto X-Change Inc.
1621 Kalakaua Ave.
Honolulu, HI 96826
- 3-point driver & front passenger shoulder belts -inc: height adjustment, emergency tensioning device, adaptive belt force limiter
- 4-wheel anti-lock disc brake system (ABS) w/brake assist system (BAS)
- 4MATIC all-wheel drive
- 5.8" central controller display w/retractable cover
- ADAPTIVE BRAKE w/hold function
- Anti-theft alarm system
- Attention Assist drowsiness monitor
- Auto halogen headlamps w/selectable light-sensing
- Auto-dimming rearview mirror w/compass
- Automatic dual-zone climate control -inc: dust & pollen filters, tunnel mode w/1-touch closing of all windows, sun sensor
- Aux pwr outlet
- Bluetooth hands-free communication system
- Child safety rear door locks
- Driver & front passenger dual-stage airbags w/front passenger adaptive feature
- Driver knee airbag
- Dual exhaust w/chrome tips
- Dual front pelvic airbags
- Dual illuminated visor vanity mirrors
- Front halogen fog lamps
- Front side-impact airbags
- Front/rear cupholders
- Front/rear stabilizer bar
- Front/rear window curtain airbags
- harman/kardon Logic 7 surround sound system
- Heated front seats
- Homelink garage door opener
- Independent 3-link front suspension -inc: anti-dive geometry, coil springs over gas shocks
- Independent 5-arm multi-link rear suspension -inc: separate coil springs, gas shocks
- Leather-trimmed & aluminum shift knob
- Leather-wrapped sport steering wheel w/multi-function controls
- LED daytime running lamps
- LED tail lamps
- mbrace2 telematics
- Mercedes-Benz Maintenance System display
- Multi-function display in instrument cluster -inc: trip computer, exterior temp gauge, oil level check, digital speedometer, audio status, reminder & malfunction messages, driver-programmable settings
- NECK PRO active head restraints
- Night security illumination
- Outboard rear universal lower anchors & tethers for children (LATCH)
- Pwr folding heated signal mirrors w/memory -inc: auto-dimming driver mirror
- Pwr windows w/1-touch up/down
- Rain-sensing wipers
- Rear 3-point seat belts -inc: outboard emergency tensioning device, outboard belt force limiter, outboard automatic height adjustment
- Rear window defroster w/auto-shutoff
- Single rear red fog lamp
- Speed-sensitive pwr rack & pinion steering
- Split-folding rear seats
- Temporary spare tire w/steel wheel
- Tire pressure monitoring system
- 3.5L DOHC 24-valve V6 engine -inc: ECO start/stop feature
- P225/45R17 all-season performance tires
- Steering wheel-mounted paddle shifters
Although every reasonable effort has been made to ensure the accuracy of the information contained on this site, absolute accuracy cannot be guaranteed. This site, and all information and materials appearing on it, are presented to the user "as is" without warranty of any kind, either express or implied. All vehicles are subject to prior sale. Price does not include applicable tax, title, license, processing and/or documentation fees, and destination charges. ‡Vehicles shown at different locations are not currently in our inventory (Not in Stock) but can be made available to you at our location within a reasonable date from the time of your request, not to exceed one week.


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Support for Disaster Areas
The Suntory Group provides help to the people and places afflicted by disasters by providing relief contributions and drinking water when large disasters strike Japan or other countries.
Main Donations
|Amount Donated
|News release
|2010 Canterbury (Christchurch) Earthquake (New Zealand's South Island)
|3.25 million yen
|Cristchurch earthquake appeal fund
|Foot-and-Mouth Disease Outbreak in Miyazaki Prefecture
|10 million yen
|Miyazaki Prefecture, and the Miyazaki Community Chest Association Social Welfare Organization
|Suntory Relief Aid for Foot-and-Mount Disease in Miyazaki Prefecture (in Japanese only)
|Chile Earthquake
|50 million yen
|Chile Embassy
|Suntory Relief Aid for Earthquake Recovery in Chile
|Haiti Earthquake
|10 million yen
|The Japanese Red Cross Society
|Suntory Haiti Earthquake Aid
|Thailand floods
|Approx. 2.5 million yen
|The Government of the Kingdom of Thailand
|Support for Recovery from Flood Damage in Thailand
|2011 Canterbury (Christchurch) Earthquake (New Zealand's South Island)
|6.2 million yen
|New Zealand Red Cross
|Earthquake Relief Donation to New Zealand
|Floods in Queensland, Australia
|8 million yen
|Queensland The Premier's Disaster Relief Appeal
|Flood Relief Donation to Queensland Australia
|Great East Japan Earthquake
|4.3 billion yen in 2011
2.0 billion yen in 2012
2.5 billion yen in 2013
2.0 billion yen in 2014
(total: 10.8 billion yen)
|Iwate Prefecture, Miyagi Prefecture, Fukushima Prefecture, Save The Children Japan, et al.
|Relief Donation for Earthquake in the Tohoku Region of Japan
|Landslide disasters in Hiroshima
|1 million yen
|Chugoku Shimbun Social Welfare Services Corporation
|Nepal Earthquake
|3 million yen
|Nepal Earthquake
|Kumamoto Earthquake
|100 million yen in April 2016
300 million yen in October 2016
|Kumamoto Prefecture
|Release of Contributions to Kumamoto Prefecture
|Storm Disaster in Northern Kyushu
|Fukuoka Prefecture (5 million yen)
Oita Prefecture (5 million yen)
|Fukuoka Prefecture/Oita Prefecture
|Relief Donation for the Storm Disaster in Northern Kyushu
|Aid Following the Massive Hurricane Disaster in the United States
|Approx. 110 million yen (1 million dollars)
|American Red Cross
|About Aid Following the Massive Hurricane Disasters in the United States
|Aid Following the Earthquake in Mexico
|Approx. 22 million yen
(200,000 dollars)
|Mexican Red Cross
|About Aid Following the Earthquake in Mexico
|Hurricane Maria Which Impacted the Virgin Islands
|Approx. 55 million yen
(500,000 dollars)
|Virgin Islands Aid Fund
|Torrential Rains of July 2018 (in Western Japan)
|900 million yen
(Hiroshima, Okayama, and Ehime Prefectures received 300 million yen each)
|Hiroshima Prefecture: Japanese Red Cross Society Hiroshima
Okayama and Ehime Prefectures: Aid provided directly to each prefectural government
|Information About the Donations for the Torrential Rains of July 2018
|2018 Hokkaido Eastern Iburi Earthquake
|100 million yen
|Information About Support Provided for the 2018 Hokkaido Eastern Iburi Earthquake
|Support for Midousuji Ginkgo Namiki,damaged by Typhoon No.21
|50 million yen
|Osaka City
|Typhoon No.15
|50 million yen
|Chiba Prefecture
|Suntory Pledges ¥50 million to support Typhoon No. 15 Relief and Recovery
Providing Free Beverages When Disasters Strike
Suntory Foods Ltd. has developed and is furthering the installation of emergency beverage vending machines. This system normally sells beverages from vending machines in peace times but will provide them for free during emergencies such as when disasters strike. Beverages can be easily accessed even if the power goes out. Many people used this system after the Great East Japan Earthquake that struck in March of 2011. We are furthering the installation on premises with focus on public facilities and hospitals. We plan to keep actively installing these types of vending machines in the future.


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As you can't reach us in these uncertain times, we're bringing our award-winning Visitor Centre Gift Shop Deli to you. Support Small Local Businesses and discover beautiful gifts and some online shopping in the comfort of your own home.
Wensleydale Creamery, Gayle Lane, Hawes, Wensleydale, North Yorkshire DL8 3RN
T: 01969 667664 E: email@example.com


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At Glenmoore Veterinary Hospital we offer a variety of services to care for your pet. If you have any questions or would like more information on how we can care for your pet, please contact us today.
3 Andover Road Glenmoore, PA 19343
(610) 942-4404
Monday - Friday 7:30am - 7:00pm
Saturday: 8:00am - 12:00pm
Directions TestimonialsAppointments Rx Refills Online Store Emergencies


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Census on lions launched inTsavo
SEE ALSO: Automatic elephant gates closing in on human-wildlife conflictIn order to facilitate sustainable conservation and management of wildlife, monitoring populations is a major prerequisite in accordance to international standards and the Wildlife Management Act, 2013 said Ms Salim yesterday. The warden was speaking in Mwatate town yesterday when she officially launched Kambanga (DA) Ranching Company 2019-2023 strategic plan. Established in 1970s, the 34,000 acre-ranch becomes the first facility to launch its blue print to optimise utilisation of rangelands resources for sustainable development.
For More of This and Other Stories, Grab Your Copy of the Standard Newspaper.
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Andrea Wagner
Andrea Wagner
Born in Germany, grew up in Canada;
jewelry studies Gerrit Rietveld Academy Amsterdam; graduation 1997.
Based in Amsterdam since 1994 with own studio.
Curator and organizer of touring exhibition GOLDEN CLOGS, DUTCH MOUNTAINS to seven venues in the US and Canada in 2007 and 2008.
Co-curator for WALKING THE GRAY AREA in Mexico City 2010.
Regular participation in national and international exhibitions. Her work is represented in various national as well as international public and private collections. Occasional lecturing and teaching experiences.
Recipient of several larger stipends from the Netherlands Foundation for Visual Arts, Design and Architecture and project financings through the National Mondriaan Foundation and Dutch Consulates abroad.
series: "The Architect Who Faced His Jardin Interieur"
"Magnolia Lane"
"Flora's Boardwalk"
"Fountain Crest Urbania"
(main material: stained bone china porcelain made with combustible mould method)
"Jardin interieur": French for the private landscape – inside garden – in our mind
The title as a playful metaphore for an architect who takes a deep look at his personal inside longing and discovers that he actually always wanted to be a gardener or landscape artist and then starts melding nature and architecture together.
The pieces of this series are like playful little models to the question of where architecture ends and nature begins.
The diversity of materials and forms in this series are like layered impressions of an extended travel log.
In my frequent travels pops out the excited tension I feel of leaving behind my 'safe' haven of home, discovering new impressions, and returning home to the familiar with a head full of fresh perceptions, all the while sharpening my own connection to the intimate sheltering space of home.


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Madonna credits NY Giants star Victor Cruz as inspiration for her dancing (VIDEO)
Who knew Madonna's moves, as seen in her new video "Give Me All Your Luvin'," were inspired by a combination of her love for football and Latin dance? During a recent news conference, the megastar said she was brushing up on her salsa by watching Giants wide reciever, Victor Cruz.
"In fact, he's inspired me, I've been practicing my salsa moves," she said.
Madonna will be performing her new song, as well as three of her most well-known tracks, during the Superbowl 2012 Halftime Show. Despite her years of performing on stage, she admits to being a little nervous about the widely publicized performance.
"I want people to be knocked off their seats," Madonna said. "I hope the show is a feast for the eyes and a feast for the ears."
One thing she's not nervous about? Having a wardrobe malfunction, like others before her. "There won't be anything like that," she promised.
I love Madonna and all, but I feel like for a show as big as the halftime performance at the Superbowl, the audience needs someone new, fun and really upbeat... or someone who can really belt it out. I would have actually preferred seeing Kelly Clarkson perform a full set instead of just singing the national anthem at the beginning of the game.
Watch below to see Madonna showing off her version of salsa at the news conference:
What do you think of Madonna's moves? Are you looking forward to her upcoming performance or do you think they should have picked someone else?
Image via YouTube