text:
- I Economic Prospects and Policies
- II The World Economy in 1994–95
- III Using the Recovery Wisely in the Industrial Countries
- IV The Recent Surge in Capital Flows to Developing Countries
- V Stabilization, Transformation, and Fiscal Adjustment in Transition Economies
- VI The Postwar Economic Achievement
VI The Postwar Economic Achievement
- International Monetary Fund. Research Dept.
- Published Date:
- October 1994
Anniversaries are always a time for reflection on the past and future, and the fiftieth anniversary of the Bretton Woods Conference, which in July 1944 created the framework for international economic relations in the postwar era, is no exception. The multilateral organizations and agreements that were created at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, have facilitated progress toward such goals as open trade and exchange rate convertibility. The resulting expansion of trade and financial flows has stimulated economic progress, increased interdependence among national economies, and underscored the need for international economic cooperation to safeguard systemic stability.
The period since World War II has been one of extraordinary economic achievement. While problems such as the slowdown in growth in many regions of the world in the 1970s and 1980s, with the associated problems of structural impediments, inflation, and budget deficits, should not be ignored, underlying economic growth in the world economy has been very rapid, both by historical standards and in comparison with expectations at the end of the war. This success is evident in a sustained increase in real output per capita above previous trends and in significant improvements in many wider measures of the quality of life such as literacy, infant mortality, and life expectancy. Although this success has affected all regions of the world, the most striking achievements have been in Japan, east Asia, and, in the earlier part of the period, western Europe.
There are several possible reasons for the high rate of economic growth in the postwar period. Recovery from the economic disruption of World War II and the inter-war depression was undoubtedly important, particularly in the early postwar period, but so were more fundamental factors such as high levels of education, saving and investment, technological advances, and economic specialization. These strong fundamentals were reinforced by the increasing integration of the international economy in trade, communications, technology, and capital markets. Trade has expanded about twice as fast as output throughout the postwar period, helping to stimulate growth and investment by allowing economies to specialize in those products that they make most efficiently. Free trade and rapid communications have allowed technological innovations to diffuse across countries, again boosting productivity. More recently, the liberalization of financial markets and the integration of world capital markets promise increasingly to allow world saving to be channeled into its most efficient uses, providing benefits to savers, investors, and consumers around the globe.
This increasing integration of the world economy was a key objective inspiring the architects of the postwar economic order who gathered at Bretton Woods. The economic distress in the 1930s was severely aggravated by a vicious circle of rising protectionism, dwindling trade, and declining investment. By contrast, the postwar period has been characterized by a virtuous circle involving expanding trade, high rates of investment, and relatively rapid and sustained growth, which has been aided by the expectation that international economic relations would continue to liberalize and expand. Such confidence was clearly bolstered by the existence of international institutions and agreements dedicated to achieving that goal.59
Just as the international economic and monetary system conceived at Bretton Woods has had to adapt to changing circumstances, so does the world economy continue to face a number of challenges. Trade barriers remain significant in sectors such as agriculture and textiles, and in many developing countries. In the industrial world, growth has slowed significantly since 1973, in part because of the disappearance of temporary factors at work during the "Golden Age" of the 1950s and 1960s. However, the slowdown also appears to be associated with policy-related problems such as inflation, fiscal deficits, and structural rigidities. In the developing world, real output growth in Africa, the Western Hemisphere, and the Middle East slowed sharply in the 1980s, again reflecting a combination of structural factors, including the abrupt cessation of access to international capital markets caused by the debt crisis of the early 1980s, and inappropriate government policies. By contrast, economic growth in Asia, home to more than half of the world's population, has been sustained throughout the 1980s. It has been particularly rapid in east Asia, reflecting high levels of education and investment supported by generally sound macroeconomic policies and outward-looking trade policies. More recently, successful adjustment and stabilization efforts in many other developing countries have improved their longer-term outlook—provided that the reform process can be sustained. Finally, the transformation of the former centrally planned countries into market-based economies, and their integration into the international economy, poses further challenges, as well as opportunities, for the global economy.
Postwar Growth in Historical Perspective
The postwar period has been one of significant economic achievement by historical standards. The industrial countries shown in Table 19 represent six of the ten largest economies in the world in both 1900 and 1994.60 In every case, per capita growth of real output was significantly higher after World War II than during the period of the gold standard. It was also higher than growth in the interwar period for every economy except Germany.61
War II
|1.3 (3.0)
|2.7 (6.7)
|3.1 (2.0)
|1.9 (1.6)
|4.2 (8.0)
|3.7 (3.0)
|1.6 (4.3)
|0.9 (4.4)
|3.9 (2.7)
|1.9 (5.9)1
|1.7 (4.7)
|6.0 (3.6)
|United Kingdom
|1.1 (2.3)
|1.1 (4.3)
|2.4 (2.5)
|United States
|1.6 (4.2)
|0.6 (7.2)
|1.9 (2.7)
Some of this acceleration in growth clearly reflects a recovery from the economic disruption caused by the Great Depression and World War II. Except for the United States, however, there also appears to have been a decisive rise in living standards compared with the underlying trends observed in either the interwar period or the period before World War I (Chart 24).62 Data for the five largest nonindustrial countries indicate that this pattern is also true for the developing world (Table 20). Hence, while the distribution of postwar economic gains has not necessarily been even across regions or countries, almost every country experienced significant benefits. The postwar achievement is even more striking because such rapid growth was not expected at the beginning of the period. Indeed, a major concern of policymakers at the end of World War II was to avoid a repetition of the slump that had gripped the world in the 1930s.
Chart 24.Selected Industrial Countries: Real GDP Per Capita, 1880–19901
Sources: Data before 1950 are from Angus Maddison, Dynamic Forces in Capitalist Development (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), except for the United States between 1880 and 1928, which are from Nathan S. Balke and Robert J. Gordon. "The Estimation of Prewar Gross National Product." Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 97 (February 1989), pp. 38–92. For 1950–90, data are from Robert Summers and Alan Heston, Penn Tables (5.5), described in "The Penn World Tables (Mark 5)," Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 106 (May 1991), pp. 327–68.
1Gray sections of curves indicate war years, where the data are inter polated.
|Period of
|World Wars
|War II
In addition to higher average growth of output, the postwar period was also generally characterized by lower variability in the rate of growth of output than in earlier periods. This difference is most evident when the postwar years are compared with those between the two world wars, which included the economic problems associated with restoration of the gold exchange standard in the 1920s and the depression in the 1930s. However, output variability was also generally higher under the pre-1914 gold standard (see Table 19). In part, this reduction in the variability of output reflects smaller underlying disturbances (at least in comparison with the interwar period) and structural factors such as the growing importance of services, which are subject to smaller cyclical variability than manufactures, in overall output. Additional factors seem to have been the growing share of government expenditures and revenues in GDP, with the associated "automatic stabilizer effects" of government budgets, and the expansion of international trade. Finally, conscious efforts by governments to stabilize output through discretionary policies may also have played a role.
Another, less benign characteristic of the postwar period has been high levels of inflation compared with earlier historical periods. Price levels were generally stable in the major industrial countries during the classical gold standard, and inflation was not a significant problem during the interwar years. By contrast, prices have risen steadily throughout the period since World War II. This is particularly true of the 1970s and 1980s, when high levels of inflation worldwide hurt underlying economic performance.
The improvement in prosperity since World War II is evident in a number of more general measures of the quality of life, such as life expectancy, child mortality, and education, with many of the largest strides in these more general indicators being taken in the developing world. Worldwide, life expectancy at birth rose from 53 to 65 years between 1960 and 1990, and child mortality by the age of 5 fell from 195 to 96 per 1,000 over the same period. Education also expanded rapidly, with the percentage of children enrolled in secondary education worldwide rising from 31 to 65 percent between 1970 and 1990.63
The sources of this postwar prosperity are complex and, in many respects, not fully understood. Fundamentals such as education, which raises the productivity of workers, investment, which expands the capital stock, and research and development, which contributes to technological innovation, all performed strongly. Recovery from the devastation of World War II and the problems of the 1930s undoubtedly played an important role in strengthening growth in many regions, particularly in the early postwar years.64 World War II may also have played another role through the technological innovations it generated, although the relatively limited acceleration in the underlying growth rate in the United States after the war suggests that this may not have been a particularly important factor. Many also point to a relatively high level of social consensus in the industrial countries, and hence a reduced level of economic conflict between employers and labor, as another factor permitting rapid growth with exceptionally high levels of employment, although this was true only until the late 1960s. In the developing world, the organized system of development assistance provided by the World Bank and individual nations gave access to capital for many countries before the (re-)emergence of international capital markets. Finally, the gradual liberalization of world trade and external payments helped to accelerate Europe and Japan's catching up with the United States through the rapid growth of foreign trade.
Growth in trade consistently outstripped growth in output in almost every region of the world, resulting in a steady rise in the percentage of output consumed or invested outside the country of origin.65 Between the 1960s and the 1980s, trade as a share of output rose by half for industrial countries and by a third for developing countries (Table 21). Although starting from a much lower base, trade in services has generally expanded at a faster rate than merchandise trade, implying an even faster rate of growth for trade in goods and services than for trade in goods alone. This expansion in world trade as a share of output has been remarkably resilient over the postwar period. It was unaffected by the switch in the early postwar period from colonial rule to independence in many parts of the developing world, the oil price rises of the 1970s, the move from fixed exchange rates between the major currencies to floating rates in the early 1970s, and the debt crisis of the early 1980s.
|Industrial countries
|North America
|Western Europe
|Developing countries
|Middle East
|Western Hemisphere
Excluding China.
Excluding China.
Economies have benefited from this expansion in trade in a number of ways.66 The growing access to foreign markets has allowed countries to specialize production, engaging in activities that they do best. For example, the early postwar period saw a significant movement of employment from agriculture to manufacturing and services, particularly in Japan and some of the European countries. This promoted substantial productivity increases in agriculture and further boosted output through the high levels of productivity of these workers in the manufacturing and service sectors.67 New activities and products also encouraged investment, thereby contributing to faster output growth through rapid capital accumulation. In addition, the open trading system, foreign direct investment, and enhanced communications permitted technology transfers and a steady reduction in the technological gap between the leading economy—the United States—and other economies, by making high-technology investment goods available around the world and thereby encouraging convergence in economic performance across different economies. The reduction in the technology gap and the convergence in performance have been particularly evident among the industrial countries, to the extent that in some sectors the United States has relinquished its leading technological role to other countries. Finally, faster economic growth in turn has also stimulated trade, leading to a virtuous circle of international economic expansion.
The liberalization of trade was given considerable impetus in the immediate postwar years by the actions of the United States, in particular with respect to Europe. Marshall Plan aid, which provided significant resources to rebuild the shattered economies of Europe, was conditional on recipients agreeing to a timetable for liberalizing their trading relations.68 The immediate focus of the conditionality was on regional trade within Europe; it is a striking feature of Marshall Plan aid that the donor country, the United States, permitted recipients to temporarily levy higher tariffs on U.S. goods than on European ones while their economies recovered.69 In addition, the United States provided significant funding for the European Payments Union (EPU), a regional clearing system designed to foster trade within Europe by minimizing the need to use dollars, which were in short supply, in regional transactions. The EPU also generated a more lasting legacy, the Organization of European Economic Cooperation, subsequently renamed the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which was originally formed to monitor compliance with the Code of Liberalization associated with the EPU.
These actions led the way to the general resumption of current account convertibility by the European nations on December 31, 1958. Since that time there has been a gradual move throughout the industrial countries toward liberalizing external payments. As a result, the industrial countries are now essentially free of exchange controls on both current account and capital account transactions, and international capital markets are rapidly becoming globalized. The developing world has also seen a trend toward both current and capital account convertibility, particularly during the past few years. Although foreign exchange payments are still far from being free in many parts of the world, even for current account transactions, there is a clear trend toward liberalization.
Despite the generally favorable comparison with earlier trends, the postwar experience is by no means uniform across time or regions (chart 25). For the industrial countries, the period as a whole shows a significant convergence in performance over time. Although there was some acceleration in growth in the 1960s compared with the 1950s in most regions, the most noticeable feature is the slowdown in growth since 1973. This slowdown is most evident in Japan and Europe, and least obvious in North America (chart 26).70 Part of the deceleration reflects the gradual disappearance or reduction of some of the forces at work in the recovery from World War II. In particular, the rapid accumulation of capital in the 1950s and 1960s meant that the same investment ratio provided a smaller boost to the capital stock, while the expansion of trade over the same period realized many of the benefits from greater specialization in production, including the movement of labor out of the agricultural sector, and substantially closed the technology gap. Hence, in addition to a tendency for the share of saving and investment in GDP in the industrial countries to decline somewhat from the levels seen in the 1960s, the impact of this investment on growth probably diminished over time (Table 22).71 The increased importance of service industries, which tend to have a lower rate of productivity growth than industrial sectors, may also have contributed to the slowdown.
Chart 25.Postwar Real GDP Per Capita
Sources: Summers and Heston. "Penn World Tables (Mark 5)"; and World Economic Ouilook data base.
Chart 26.Industrial Countries: Postwar Real GDP Per Capita
Sources: Summers and Heston, "Penn World Tables (Mark 5)": and World Economic Outlook data base.
|Industrial countries
|North America
|Western Europe
|Developing countries
|Middle East
|Western Hemisphere
Excluding China.
Excluding China.
However, the slowdown also appears to have been associated with policy-related factors, including the economic disruption caused by the oil price hikes and subsequent policy responses. Many governments in the industrial countries reacted to the recessions caused by the 1973 and 1979 oil price hikes with expansionary economic policies. These may have resulted in some short-term economic benefits, but they also exacerbated rising inflationary pressures that had begun to emerge in much of the industrial world toward the end of the 1960s. The delay in the 1970s in realizing that the slowdown represented a shift in trend growth rather than a temporary cyclical episode contributed to delaying necessary adjustments in labor markets. The resulting rise in structural unemployment and the subsequent restoration of inflation to low and predictable levels during the 1980s proved to be very costly.
Underlying budgetary trends also changed in many industrial countries during the 1970s, contributing to the declining trend in national saving and in business investment as shares of GDP. The 1950s and 1960s had seen a general reduction in the ratio of government debt to output from the very high levels existing after World War II. Starting with the 1974–75 recession, however, fiscal positions deteriorated sharply and have remained in deficit ever since in most industrial countries. This persistence of large structural deficits over the past two decades has reflected a number of factors, including difficulties in controlling the built-in momentum of the rapid growth of public expenditures that had begun in the 1960s together with expectations about potential growth that proved to be optimistic. The large deficits resulted in a steady buildup of government debt that necessarily had to be financed by crowding out potential private investments through high real interest rates.
That the slowdown in growth coincided with the switch from fixed to floating exchange rates between the major industrial countries suggests a relationship. The rise in exchange rate volatility that accompanied this switch in exchange regimes cannot be completely discounted as a factor in the reduction in growth after 1973. However, it appears unlikely to have been a major cause. There is little evidence that the rise in exchange rate volatility had a significant impact on trade, which continued to grow at a faster rate than output after 1973 (see Table 21).72 On a more positive note, the period of floating exchange rates has also seen a significant liberalization of both domestic and international capital markets, thereby enhancing the efficiency of resource allocation within and across countries. Rather than attempting to suggest a clear-cut conclusion on this controversial issue, it is relevant to note that both exchange rate volatility and the slowdown in growth seem, at least to some extent, attributable to the policy-related macroeconomic imbalances that have plagued many industrial countries for much of the period since the late 1960s.
Box 10.Non-Oil Commodity Prices
Non-oil primary commodity prices have been an important concern of policymakers, particularly in developing countries, throughout the postwar period. In the late 1940s, Raul Prebisch and Hans Singer argued that there had been a secular deterioration in the terms of trade of commodity-dependent developing countries since at least the 1860s.1 They also argued that this trend was likely to continue and urged commodity-exporting countries to protect against the resulting decline in their terms of trade by adopting import-substitution policies, a suggestion that had a profound influence on thinking about trade and development issues during much of the postwar era. Price volatility has been another important concern for policymakers, so much so that John Maynard Keynes proposed a separate Bretton Woods institution to stabilize commodity prices.
Although postwar commodity price developments provide some support of a long-term downward trend in commodity prices, after some twenty years of experimentation import-substitution policies have been largely discredited. The experience of primary commodity exporters instead highlights the need for sound macroeconomic management in the face of commodity market booms and busts, outward-oriented domestic reform strategies to raise economic efficiency and promote export diversification, and the implementation of efficient mechanisms for international risk sharing. In Africa, the most commodity-dependent region, long-term trends in the external environment, including commodity prices, appear to have played only a secondary role in the secular decline in growth, although African countries' limited capacity to manage terms of trade fluctuations has often led them to adopt exchange rate, fiscal, and agricultural policies that have undermined growth over the medium term.2
Real commodity prices have fluctuated widely over time, reflecting the higher volatility of nominal commodity prices compared with the prices of manufactures (see chart). These large fluctuations make it extremely difficult to distinguish long-term trends from short- and medium-run cycles. Recent empirical work suggests that real prices have decreased at an average annual rate of approximately 0.6 percent since 1900.3 There is also evidence that the trend in prices may have changed over time. Commodity prices trended upward for the first two decades of the twentieth century before dropping abruptly after 1920 and then remained highly volatile, but without any clear trend, for the rest of the interwar and World War II period. Prices trended slowly downward during 1950– 73 but did not exhibit the extreme fluctuations of the interwar period. The downward trend in commodity prices steepened markedly following the surge in oil prices in 1973 and the slowdown of trend growth in the industrial countries. After a sharp run-up in prices in the mid-1970s, reflecting the coffee boom among other things, prices began fifteen years of almost uninterrupted decline. In 1992 the price of non-oil commodities relative to that of exported manufactures reached its lowest level in over ninety years. Formal analysis suggests that much of the weakness is secular, not temporary.4
Real Non-Oil Commodity Prices, 1900–92
Sources: Enzo R. Grilli and Maw Cheng Yang, "Primary Commodity Prices, Manufactured Goods Prices, and the Terms of Trade of Developing Countries: What the Long Run Shows," World Bank Economic Review, Vol. 2 (January 1988), pp. 1–47; and Carmen M. Reinhart and Peter Wickham, "Commodity Prices: Cyclical Weakness or Secular Decline?" Staff Papers (IMF), Vol. 41 (June 1994), pp. 175–213.
Note: Commodity prices are deflated by the export unit values of manufactured goods.
The volatility of real commodity prices appears to have increased in the early 1970s. The breakdown of the Bretton Woods exchange rate system, the subsequent marked changes in the exchange value of the U.S. dollar (in which most commodities are priced), and the oil shocks of the 1970s and 1980s have contributed to this rise. There are several ways in which commodity-exporting countries can, in principle, protect themselves in the short run from higher price volatility. For example, there are now a number of hedging strategies, using available market-based instruments, that countries can pursue.5 Similarly, building up foreign assets can provide a buffer against unexpected declines in commodity prices, particularly if access to international credit markets is limited during periods when export revenues decline sharply. There have also been renewed calls for international price stabilization agreements, a Common Fund, and the development of multilateral facilities along the lines of the IMF's compensatory and contingency financing facility (CCFF).
The decline in prices has affected all commodity-producing countries to some degree. For some countries, productivity growth in the commodity export sector has increased export volumes sufficiently so that they have not experienced a decline in total real earnings. This is particularly true for the industrial countries and the developing countries in Asia. For most African countries, however, the commodity price decline of the past decade has caused a sharp decrease in both the volume of exports and the real value of export earnings.
The decline in commodity prices has had its greatest impact on countries with the least diversified production structures. These countries, which include many of the world's lowest-income countries, tend to have less flexible economic systems, making substitution away from commodity production more difficult or costly. Reliance on primary commodities as the main source of export earnings has diminished only slightly over the past two to three decades for many of these countries, particularly those in Africa. Although a more diversified export structure is not necessarily an economic objective in itself, in the long run export diversification is probably the most important way to reduce vulnerability to volatility and sustained declines in commodity prices.
Analyses of commodity market developments have usually focused on the macroeconomic conditions in industrial countries as the principal factor affecting prices. Given the role of many commodities as inputs for manufacturing industries, their demand is closely related to the level of world industrial production, the major part of which takes place in industrial countries. The apparent acceleration of the trend decline in commodity prices in the past two decades is, at least in part, related to the secular slowdown in the growth of real output in the industrial countries since the early 1970s. The declining intensity of resource use for some commodities, owing to technological change, has also reduced demand for commodities.
A remarkable feature of developments in commodity markets in the 1980s has been the vigorous growth in the volume of commodity imports by industrial countries. Since 1983, the volume of commodity imports has almost doubled, a larger increase than that for imports in general. This increase in volume, accompanied by a decline in prices, points to the importance of supply-side factors in explaining price developments.
Several factors have contributed to the expansion in supply. Technological innovation and productivity enhancement have been important in some cases. Agricultural policies in the industrial countries typically have also stimulated domestic output, reduced imports, and raised exports. In addition, in the early 1980s many developing countries faced considerably more restricted borrowing opportunities in international financial markets as the debt crisis unfolded. This situation required balance of payments adjustment, which may have contributed to the expansion in the output of commodities in some countries. Finally, the collapse during the 1980s of international stabilization schemes for some major commodities, particularly tin and coffee, also contributed to the supply expansion and the downward pressure on prices.
More recently, developments in central and eastern Europe and, particularly, in the countries of the former Soviet Union have also exerted downward pressures on commodity prices. These countries are important participants in international trade in commodities, and their demand for imported commodities fell with the fall in output and aggregate demand that followed the collapse of centrally planned economic systems. The downward pressure on prices was probably most pronounced in metals markets, where the countries of the former Soviet Union are important suppliers, and where there were dramatic increases in exports of some commodities: exports of zinc, for example, rose by nearly 700 percent during 1989–92.
Stronger growth in industrial countries will help to relieve some of the downward pressures in commodity markets, but it appears unlikely that it will be sufficient to reverse the declines of the past decade. The empirical evidence suggests that an annual average growth of 2½ percent in industrial countries over the next two years would generate an increase of between 6½ and 9 percent in real commodity prices over the same period. Other factors—in particular, trends in the supply of commodities, economic developments in the countries of the former Soviet Union, and the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round—could also tend to boost commodity prices.
The past two decades highlight the importance of precautionary saving and hedging against commodity price swings in the short run, and of policies that facilitate the diversification of the export base and foster increases in productivity in the primary-commodity-producing sector in the medium term. The commodity exporters that have been most successful in adapting to the downward trend and the increased volatility in commodity prices are those that have used macroeconomic stabilization policies to cope with the inevitable booms and busts, rather than trying to protect private producers from price uncertainty through marketing boards or price stabilization funds.1 See Raul Prebisch, The Economic Development of Latin America, and Its Principal Problems (New York: United Nations, 1950); and Hans Singer, "The Distribution of Gains Between Investing and Borrowing Countries," American Economic Review, Vol. 40 (1950), pp. 473–85. All subsequent references to commodity prices and commodity exports exclude energy products.2 See Chapter IV of the May 1994 World Economic Outlook; and World Bank, Global Economic Prospects and the Developing Countries (Washington, 1994).3 See J.T. Cuddington and T. Feyzioglu, "Long-Term Trends in Primary Commodity Prices: Resolving Our Differences Using the ARFIMA Model," Georgetown University Working Paper (Washington, July 1994).4 See Carmen M. Reinhart and Peter Wickham, "Commodity Prices: Cyclical Weakness or Secular Decline?" Staff Papers (IMF), Vol. 41 (June 1994), pp. 175–213.5 See Stijn Claessens and Robert C. Duncan, Managing Commodity Price Risk in Developing Countries (Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press for the World Bank, 1993).
The growth experiences in the developing country regions in many respects differ from those of the industrial countries.73 The African and the Western Hemisphere regions show a similar pattern of a slight acceleration in growth followed by a large decline that has already been described for the industrial countries. However, the accelerated rate of growth occurred at the end of the 1960s, not at the beginning, and lasted through the 1970s. The deceleration in per capita growth in these regions in the early 1980s was also much more dramatic than in the industrial countries, and it resulted in declines in per capita output in both regions.74 The Middle Eastern region shows a similar pattern, with relatively rapid growth in the 1960s and early to mid-1970s, followed by a downturn in per capita GDP in the late 1970s. Data for the early 1990s indicate that growth in per capita output has resumed in the Western Hemisphere and Middle Eastern regions, while the rate of decline in Africa has slowed.
The deceleration of economic growth in the early 1980s in these regions reflects several interrelated factors, of which the most important are the decline in real commodity prices, the high volatility of commodity prices after 1973, the debt crisis, the rise in world real interest rates in the 1980s, civil strife, and problems of economic management. Depressed and highly volatile real commodity prices had, and continue to have, a negative effect on the fortunes of those countries, particularly in Africa, where primary commodities represent a major source of export earnings (Box 10). Growth was also adversely affected by the need to restore external viability after the debt crisis abruptly closed access to international capital markets for most developing countries in the early 1980s and by high world real interest rates. These external problems were often exacerbated by poor economic management, characterized by excessive government regulations of the economy, relative price distortions, inward-oriented trade policies, and unsustainable levels of government borrowing and inflation. The resulting economic problems caused major stresses to the international monetary system, and they continue to generate significant challenges for the international community in general and the IMF in particular.
Box 11.Economic Convergence
Two definitions of economic convergence have been used in the literature on economic growth. According to the first, there is convergence if poor economies tend to grow faster than rich ones. The second definition is that there is convergence if the dispersion of real per capita income across groups of economies tends to fall over time. Although these concepts are related—if poor countries grow faster than rich ones, then it is natural to think that they are getting closer together, and if they are getting closer together, then it implies that poor countries are growing faster—they are not identical and could occur separately. In practice, however, virtually all empirical studies find that when convergence occurs it does so in both dimensions simultaneously, and the two definitions will be treated as equivalent below.
The chart shows the relation between the level of per capita income in 1960 and the growth of per capita income during 1960–85 for a set of 114 developing and industrial countries. Convergence among these economies would be indicated by a negative relationship between these two variables: the poorer a country is at the beginning of the period, the more rapidly it would be expected to grow during the period. The chart, however, suggests that, if anything, the relation between these two variables is positive, as shown by the regression line. During the past thirty years, poor economies do not appear to have caught up with wealthy ones. Cross-country inequality also seems to have increased over the same period.
The finding that there has not been convergence across countries became apparent as soon as comprehensive data on comparative growth became available in the mid-1980s.1 At the end of the 1980s, researchers started focusing on the concept of conditional convergence. According to this concept, a country's long-run level of income and its growth rate are determined by other factors, such as macroeconomic and structural policies, as well as how poor the country is relative to the rest of the world. Factors that have been found to be significant in cross-country analyses of growth include the level of education of the labor force, investment distortions, financial repression, political and civil unrest, government interventions, and the degree of macroeconomic disarray as measured by extreme inflation rates or public deficits. These studies suggest that economies with higher levels of education have grown faster, and that economies with more distorted investment prices, more public intervention, and more political and macroeconomic instability have grown more slowly. In addition, when the initial level of income is included in these models, its coefficient is negative and highly significant, a result that has been found to be robust under many different specifications.2 Hence the data shown in the chart appear to be consistent with conditional convergence.3
An interesting aspect of this type of analysis is that the implied speed of convergence—the average rate at which the gap between a country's current and its long-run level of income is closed—is generally about 2 percent a year. This speed of conditional convergence is very similar to the estimated speed of unconditional convergence estimated across regions within countries or across groups of closely related countries. For example, the level of per capita income of the states of the United States has converged at a speed of 2 percent a year since 1880. The same is true for per capita income across the 47 Japanese prefectures since 1930; and for GDP per capita across regions within Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom.4 This convergence is unconditional, since the other factors that determine growth are likely to be essentially the same within countries or groups of similar countries, whereas this is unlikely to be true for a cross-section of developing and industrial countries. The similarity of the speed of convergence across such a diverse set of countries and regions is remarkable, although it is not clear why this is the case.
The estimated rate of convergence is, however, quite slow. Consider a gap of 10 percent between a country's current income and its long-run level of income. A catch up speed of 2 percent a year suggests an immediate increase in annual per capita growth of 0.2 percent. It will take thirty-five years to reduce by one-half the gap between the current level of income and the new long-run level, and seventy years to eliminate three-fourths of the gap. This relatively slow rate of convergence implies that changes in macroeconomic and structural policies that raise the long-run level of income will result in sustained periods of higher growth, as is suggested by the recent performance of many developing countries.1 It was partly due to this empirical finding that the new theories of endogenous growth, which did not predict convergence, enjoyed great success. Virtually all empirical research on convergence is based on estimates of per capita GDP on a purchasing-power-parity (PPP) basis; see Robert Summers and Alan Heston, "The Penn World Tables (Mark 5): An Expanded Set of International Comparisons," Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 108 (May 1991), pp. 327–68.2 Robert J. Barro and Xavier Sala-i-Martín, "Convergence," Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 100 (April 1992), pp. 223–51.3 Much of this work, however, implicitly assumes that the rate of growth of technical progress is equal across countries. Investigators who have made this assumption have found less strong evidence for convergence. There is also an issue of the degree to which variables such as civil unrest are truly exogenous to the growth process.4 See Robert J. Barro and Xavier Sala-i-Martín. Economic Growth (New York: McGraw-Hill, forthcoming), Chapters 11 and 12, for a summary of these results.
By contrast, economic growth in Asia has been sustained throughout the 1980s and, if anything, has accelerated over time. This is particularly true in east Asia, where growth in per capita output accelerated sharply in the late 1960s to 5½ percent a year in the 1970s and 1980s;75 several of these economies have clearly already caught up with some industrial countries (Box 11). As a result, average per capita incomes in this region have now overtaken those in the Western Hemisphere and the Middle East. Growth in the rest of Asia (excluding China, for which annual historical data are very limited) has been more modest, with an underlying annual rate of growth of output per capita of just over 2 percent throughout the period from the late 1960s. Recently, however, this region has also shown signs of entering a period of higher growth.
The sources of the very high rates of growth seen in east Asian countries over the past two decades are numerous.76 High levels of education, labor force participation, diversification of the export base, and saving and investment have all contributed. The successes in these areas were supported by generally sound macroeconomic management and outward-oriented trade policies, which provided a stable economic environment conducive to saving, investment, and education. As in Europe after World War II, expansion of international trade allowed these countries to specialize production in activities that they do best and to import new technology. The result has been high and rising levels of investment and productivity, and a swift expansion in trade, which in turn have generated a virtuous circle involving investment, trade, and economic growth—an experience that a growing number of emerging market economies now seek to emulate.
Future Challenges and Opportunities
Although the postwar period has seen a tremendous increase in trade, there remains considerable potential for further integration. In particular, there is scope for much deeper integration between the "old" market economies and the transition economies of central and eastern Europe, Russia, and Transcaucasus and central Asia. For these emerging market economies, which have experienced a sharp contraction of previously command-driven trade within the former communist bloc, the expansion of trade ties with other countries is vital for the success of the transformation process. For many of these countries, the natural trading ties are with western Europe. The deepening of trade ties with the transition countries will create new export markets for western European producers. At the same time, however, it will also increase the need for economic restructuring, which could meet with considerable resistance because of the high levels of structural unemployment that have characterized western Europe for almost two decades. Increased flexibility in western European labor markets will therefore be crucial to pave the way for a relatively rapid integration with the transition countries of central and eastern Europe.77
International integration has also remained relatively limited in many other regions. This is particularly true in the Western Hemisphere, Africa, and parts of Asia, where tariffs and nonprice barriers to trade have remained high in many countries. As a result, trade among countries within these regions is often relatively low; indeed, many countries have trade relationships that are skewed away from regional trade and toward trade with industrial countries.78 Trade barriers by the industrial countries in areas such as agricultural products and textiles have also limited the expansion of international trade. Nevertheless, prospects for greater trade integration are currently promising. The completion of the Uruguay Round of the GATT negotiations, assuming that it is ratified by national governments, promises to lower barriers to trade worldwide across a wide range of goods and services, as well as providing benefits in areas such as trade dispute settlements and intellectual property rights. Regional trade agreements, most notably the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as well as many other arrangements in South America and in Asia, and the trend toward current account convertibility in many developing countries, also indicate an increased commitment to open trading regimes.79 Many regional integration efforts are inspired by the experience of the European Union, the most economically integrated group of countries in the world (Annex I). Finally, the problems of access to international capital markets generated by the international debt crisis of the 1980s appear to be largely resolved.
The expansion of international capital markets, together with domestic financial deregulation, provides an additional opportunity for improving the underlying performance of the international economy. Free markets in capital allow saving to be directed toward its most productive uses, providing both a more efficient way of channeling saving into investment and greater incentives to save and invest. Reaping the full benefits of these opportunities, however, requires recognition of interdependencies among national economies, and cooperation to safeguard systemic stability. Open international capital markets are now almost universal across the industrial countries, and they are being instituted in an increasing number of developing countries. One feature of this expansion in capital flows is the role played by foreign direct investment recently, particularly into Asia and Latin America; foreign direct investment may have accounted for almost half of all external finance for developing countries in 1993. Another feature has been the rapid expansion of securities markets in emerging market economies.80 Open international capital markets can also discipline government policies, although, as the debt crisis of the 1980s illustrates, it can also increase the volatility of investment flows.
This regime has much in common with the pre-1914 period. Then, as now, capital transactions were relatively free, and capital flows were dominated by securities markets. Hence, the current regime can be seen as a return to the liberal international order that existed before 1914 after a long diversion brought about by the disruptions of two world wars. The main benefits from the liberalization of capital markets, in terms of enhanced private saving and more efficient global investment, probably lie in the future. Even in the industrial countries, much of the move to liberal capital markets has been very recent. Capital market transactions were liberalized in Japan only in the early 1980s, and in the EU in general at the end of 1990, as part of the Single Market program.
Free international transactions in goods and capital provide an important basis for successful economic expansion. Another foundation is sound domestic macroeconomic and structural policies. Great strides have been made toward reducing inflation back to low and predictable levels in the industrial countries during the 1980s and early 1990s. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for many of the developing countries outside of Asia, or for the countries in transition, where inflation continues to be high. Such high levels of inflation impair the underlying performance of markets by creating macroeconomic and microeconomic uncertainty.
Fiscal policy is another area of concern. The rapid increase in government spending during the 1970s and 1980s was accompanied by a steady expansion in the ratio of government debt to output in most industrial countries, and, despite many attempts to control fiscal deficits, government debt-to-income ratios have continued to expand in many of these countries. In developing countries and in most of the transition countries, where financial markets are often less well-developed, the need to fund the fiscal requirements of the government is often a major reason for high inflation. In all cases, lax fiscal policies have been detrimental to underlying performance.81
The 1970s and 1980s also saw an increase in structural rigidities in the industrial countries, as government policies increasingly impinged on underlying market mechanisms.82 The most obvious manifestation of these rigidities has been in labor markets. Both the actual and the "natural" rate of unemployment have continued to rise over time, with this trend being most obvious in Europe. Structural unemployment causes hardship for individuals and unnecessary costs for society, and steps to reduce it by improving the functioning of labor market mechanisms through policy reforms are urgently needed.83 Structural problems caused by government interference in private markets have also created many problems in the developing world. It is notable that in east Asia, the region of the world with the most successful growth record, governments have often relied relatively heavily on market mechanisms, particularly in agriculture.
These two issues—sound government policies and open markets for international goods—are not unrelated. History indicates that when sound government policies have been combined with open international markets, a virtuous circle can be created in which individuals have incentives to save and invest, thereby creating high underlying economic growth, which in turn provides the best support for sustaining appropriate policies and generating adequate saving around the globe. Fortunately, as discussed above, the benefits of such policies are being increasingly recognized. There appears to be real momentum behind the move toward better macroeconomic and structural policies in many areas of the world. At the same time, the liberalization of exchange markets, the successful completion of the Uruguay Round agreements, the soon-to-be-established WTO, the completion of the EU Single Market, and the completion and possible expansion of the NAFTA all point toward the continued deepening of the process of international economic integration. Together, such domestic and external liberalization should ensure that economic progress touches as many people as possible.
The benefits that flow from sound government policies and open markets will be gradual, but they will also be lasting. The economic achievements of the postwar period throughout the world, in particular those in Europe and Japan in the 1950s and 1960s and elsewhere in Asia and parts of the Western Hemisphere more recently, were built year upon year, with the benefits accumulating steadily. Looking back after fifty years, it is clear that this steady progress has added up to a period of extraordinary progress, unsurpassed in historical terms. Further moves in this direction should generate high and sustained levels of economic growth worldwide, with a gradual convergence to the performance of richer countries similar to the experience of Europe and Japan in the "Golden Age." At the same time, it is incumbent on the world community to provide assistance to the poorer countries of the world to promote economic progress. Although many types of assistance may be required, the most valuable help will be liberal access to foreign markets.


text:
apertures asked:
Hi, i wont go in to details as im sure many of you dont want to hear the story.
Basically my paypal account is in a debt around £6000 and soon paypal will stop calling me and im sure they will pass it on to the DCA's.
So my question is, which method should i use, the 3 letter process or the copyright process.
Or do you think it works in my favour to pay off some of the cash to get the debt below £5000 whilst it is still in paypals hands then deal with the rest through the DCA.
Thank you.
Faljay replied:
Hi and welcome to GOODF,
Firstly, please remove the amount as it can be traced.
Use the 3 letter debt collection letters as and when Paypal pass it to a DCA, as they surely will. You can copyright your name if you wish, but it's usually reserved for debts over 10K.
Read as much on site as you can and view the videos if you haven't already done so. Knowledge is power and empowering.
If you need more help, don't be afraid to ask.
Take Care. 😀
apertures replied:
Thank you for the help.
What are the chances of this method failing and being taken to court over it or other problems arising?
As i live with my mum, last thing i want is them knocking on my door.
mareo replied:
None may offer any guarantees, the process has been proven beyound doubt to work, when followed correctly, no denying this, it fails when people do not apply them selves as the task before them so requires, that task is a bit of effort, some time to read & learn, for with knowledge comes wisdom & empowerment, well when it all goes to plan that is 😆
assassin replied:
Then include a denial of access in with your letter, include the fee schedule and if they knock on your mums door in connection with you then take them to the small claims court.
apertures replied:
Do people here actually take the DCA's to small claim courts and win and actually get their money?
mareo replied:
Some claim this is so 😀
apertures replied:
Do you think the DCA will possibly take me to court over this large amount?
assassin replied:
Both myself and Marshall take them to the small claims court and win every time.
Faljay replied:
It's always possible, but unlikely as this is a digital contract and they have no wet signature to confirm it. 😀
apertures replied:
Okay thank you.
I look forward to paypal's reply.
I want to have fun with this.
apertures replied:
Such a long time since the update.
I have been getting calls every week day around 3 calls a day from an 0208 number whom seem to be from paypal debt collections department. I havent answered their calls in weeks.
They have not phoned me since thursday, today I got an email stating the following:
Dear Name Name,
PayPal has made a transfer between the balances in your account for the following reason:
Our policy of converting all negative balances to E after 4 days
The following transfers were made:
Negative balance : -5,700 GBP
Covered From : €6,800 EUR (1 Euro = 0.828882 British Pounds)
Yours sincerely,
Please do not reply to this email. This mailbox is not monitored and you will not receive a response. For assistance, log in to your PayPal account and click the Help link in the top right corner of any PayPal page.
Copyright © 1999-2014 PayPal. All rights reserved.
PayPal (Europe) S.à r.l. et Cie, S.C.A.
Société en Commandite par Actions
Registered Office: 5th Floor 22-24 Boulevard Royal L-2449, Luxembourg
RCS Luxembourg B 118 349
I then sign in to my paypal account to see that my GBP balance is £0 and my EUR balance has gone to the negative.
Why would they have done this? It seems like some kind of loophole on their dodgy side.
Faljay replied:
Seems like they have stolen your money. Report them to the police for theft, informing them you have done so and give them the crime number. How much was the debt for, anywhere near this amount?
apertures replied:
Sadly the amount was exactly for this amount.
I dont see a reason to change my money to a different currency other than to transfer it off shore for other reasons…
Faljay replied:
What do you intend to do now?
apertures replied:
I'm not sure. This seems very weird to me.
What do you lot suggest?
Faljay replied:
You could take them to small claims court to get your money back, but will have to diligently build your case against them.
Take Care. 😀
apertures replied:
Got my first letter from Moorhead James today, weird not to get any phone calls.
Im going to send off Letter 1 tomorrow, my question is, to what address and name and how easy are they to deal with?
Letter is posted below.
Faljay replied:
Registered Office:
Kildare House,
3 Dorset Rise,
Mark FAO CEO
apertures replied:
Recieved this reply today. Any advice?
They should be recieving letter one today.
Faljay replied:
Are paypal in estoppel? If so they have broken it and you need to inform Morehead James of this fact, along with all three letters – including tacit, so they cannot act against you.
apertures replied:
I never sent the 3 letters or estoppel to paypal.
Is this a problem?
Faljay replied:
Did you send the letters and estoppel to the DCA? If so it includes the OC – i. e. Paypal – As: Notice to Agent is Notice to Principal. Notice to Principal is Notice to Agent – applies.
apertures replied:
Paypal stopped contact with me.
I then received letter one from Moorhead james saying pay within a week
Today i recieved letter 2 saying pay within 2 days or face legal action.
What could this legal action be? And They should have recieved letter one today.
Faljay replied:
Then carry on with the process through to estoppel, ensuring you add a Notice of Intent to Estoppel in with letter 3, found here:
Laulau89xoxo replied:
How did this all end up? I'm in a similar situation so any advice would be appreciated. Thanks x

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Singapore is among the vigorous are all the more most interesting urban frameworks of Singapore. Giving of night-life, and what is more surprising sustenance, method for living, redirection, it is interlaced a couple of the ordinary regions of America and Europe at degree. Interfacing with satisfaction and besides attempts, Singapore today is getting unprecedented fixation like a theory put in addition. Despite it is Singapore master private property or space suites offered in Singapore, the expense in home underneath companions somewhat influencing inside the whole plan. Other than making certain entry in your cash, acquiring a condominium in like manner makes heaps of focal centers being a wind elective.
New out of the plastic new structure and change space suites for tried or bargain pads rapidly open in Singapore; both settle on a fitting endeavor decision when showed up differently in association with basically one living course of action structure avenue South Residence Location. A condo suite mooring can be ace not under any condition like an independent thing in a pinch of spending blueprint being a multi-staying device the each and every one of the frameworks in manner forward hacking down the costs shares the upkeep costs. The entire standard locale is seen over from the general masses and moreover your leaseholders or you should be vexed not any more vital than the territories. Avenue South Residences Condo could get revive for the respect get of one's cash, you a good rental rate. By using your townhouse as your private option, experiencing a mix of explanations behind intrigue you may in like manner restore your life time.
Staying In a multi-withstanding structure is commonly a colossal measure much better showed up contrastingly in association with a free decision. Range for your bordering neighbors is unquestionably a side should you live or travel a wide measure. Shared surface zones and moreover a boss among the most reinforced areas disregarding reality settling your own security, shows to shield your rate of interests versus explicit criminal offenses A self-administering home unquestionably gives you with excellent package, at any rate what is more purposes of control accomplishments furthermore your social affiliations. Driving forward in a townhouse, you need to talk around a boss among the most verifiable zones like pool, yard and so forth making use of the obvious particular people, washing zone, giving pleasant opportunity to regard your coterminous neighbors well.
You misuse the satisfaction of gathering yet your own particular security is kept up inside the divider surface of the home. Singapore city could be a torn and furthermore spellbinding district. Continuing in Singapore you have remarkable call with awesome purposes of containment other than standard craftsmanship shows up what is more extraordinary present days, keeping an eye on your rich sees moreover. While sparing close to your focal points remaining in Avenue South Residences Condo you could get from the call with the present way of life. You expect to call home inside it or whether you have to increase private property, procuring a level suite in Singapore is a surprising proposal. Not simply it ensures glorify impression of one's exchange at any rate out development uncovers one to the flavors the experience of the get-together at degree with all the general necessities.


text:
Regular price
Ease the discomfort of migraines the natural way with this all-natural migraine balm.
When your migraine causes you to overheat or feel flushed, this natural migraine balm provides cooling relief.
Simply rub this soothing balm onto your temples, or apply to pulse points and tight muscles for additional relief.
It contains no artificial ingredients, colors or parabens, and leaves a pleasant natural scent.
Safe and gentle on your skin, this balm for migraine relief has the added benefit of Tocopherol, a class of vitamin E compounds, which provides antioxidant support.
It also contains Olive Fruit Oil, Beeswax, Shea butter, Coconut oil, Chamomile Flower, Peppermint leaf, Eucalyptus Leaf and Chamomile, Peppermint and Eucalyptus oils.
Blog Post: DIY & Migraine Tips
people are currently looking at this product
Guaranteed Safe Checkout


text:
"Find Strength in Belonging"
WAY #20: FIND STRENGTH IN BELONGING. At FPCM, you're loved and valued. Claim us as your family. Rather than withdrawing, allow struggles and disappointments to deepen your sense of belonging. Pray for chances to bring healing to relationships. Please be patient! God isn't yet finished with us or with you. Romans 14: 7-9, Acts 2: 46, Matthew 12: 25
Nadia Boltz Weber is the Pastor of a Lutheran congregation called The Church of All Saints and Sinners located in Denver. She is a former volleyball player who stands 6 feet tall and is covered with tattoos. Her church welcomes former prison inmates, drug users and some of the political leaders of Denver. Her one-of-a-kind church is alive and vibrant and wonderful.
But Nadia Boltz-Weber knows something about her church what I know about ours: it's filled with wonderful but broken people. We are not the First Presbyterian Church of Well People in Moorestown. Pastor Nadia's congregation frequently hosts a Welcome Brunch for the many guests and visitors who are drawn to this special church. There Pastor Boltz-Weber speaks to her guests: "I'm glad you love it here, but at some point, I will disappoint you or the church will let you down. Please decide on this side of that happening if, after it happens, you will still stick around. Because if you leave, you will miss the way that God's grace comes in and fills in the cracks of our brokenness. And it's too beautiful to miss. Don't miss it."
Way 20 of our Ways is a plea to stick around and stay with us. There is an ancient vow from Saint Benedict that underlines this statement of the culture we're seeking to create here. In the sixth century, Benedict created a set of guidelines or rules for men who were led to join his monastic community. The brothers at Holy Cross Monastery in New York still follow a version of Benedict's Rule. In addition to the three vows or promises monks make—poverty, chastity, obedience—Benedict added a fourth: stability. Simply put, the vow of stability is a promise to stay where you are. "Do not . . . run away from the road that leads to salvation," Benedict wrote.
It's hard to stay sometimes. Our feelings will get hurt. We won't get our way. Decisions will be made that will boil our blood like our morning coffee. Sometime, someone will say something hard or thoughtless to you. You'll get your heart broken here. It's hard to stay but it's better that you do. The practice of stability grows strength within you and within our congregation. It sends a powerful message these days. We promise that we're not going anywhere. We love God and we love our church and we're serious about patience. For we are joyfully certain that God's not done with us or you yet.
Stuart Spencer, Pastor


text:
Toxoplasma gondii is found worldwide, mainly because so many animals can harbor the organism.Information collected to date indicates that no population is exempt from the possibility of contracting Toxoplasmosis.One of the most important populations at risk of contracting this parasite are AIDS patients.Several epidemiological considerations are worth noting. First, it was documented that Toxoplasma gondii infections occur in 15 to 20 percent of the population in the United States. Second, infection caused by undercooked meat consumption and its juices by women and their children in Paris was reported in 93% (the highest recorded rate) and 50%, respectively, of the local population. Third, there have been an estimated 4000 infants born with transplacentally acquired Toxoplasma gondii infections in the United States each year. Fourth, the Toxoplasma gondii mature oocysts are incredibly hardy and can survive for long periods under less than optimal conditions. In the state of Kansas, it was documented that these oocysts survived up to 18 months in the outside environment, withstanding two winter seasons. Finally, human infections in the United States are usually acquired by hand-to-mouth contamination of infected oocysts in cat feces, ingesting contaminated meat, or transplacentally during pregnancy. As noted, transfusion-acquired Toxoplasma gondii may also occur; however, it is extremely rare.
Morphology of Toxoplasma gondii
There are only two morphological forms of trophozoites, tachyzoites and bradyzoites, seen in humans. The infectious form for humans is the Oocyst. This form can be found at times, especially when parasitological veterinary techniques are used.
The typical infectious form of Toxoplasma gondii, the oocyst, appears to be similar to Isospora belli. The most significant difference between these two organisms is that toxoplasma gondii is smaller.The round to slightly oval form is 10 to 15 μm in length and 8 to 12 μm in width. There are two sporocysts in the transparent oocyst, each with four sporozoites. The organism is bounded by a clear, colorless cell wall with two layers.
The active multiplication of crescent-shaped tachyzoites varies in size from 3 to 7 μm to 2 to 4 μm. One end of the organism is often more circular than the other.Each tachyzoite has a single central nucleus, surrounded By a cell membrane. A variety of other organelles, including a mitochondrion and a Golgi apparatus, are present, but these structures are not readily visible.
Although there is evidence to support an antigenic difference, the typical bradyzoite appears essentially the same physical as the tachyzoite, only smaller.These slowly growing viable forms gather in clusters inside a host cell, develop a surrounding membrane and form a cyst outside the intestinal tract in a variety of host tissues and muscles.Such cysts can contain up to 50 bradyzoites and up to several thousand.A typical cyst has a diameter of between 12 and 100 μm.
Life Cycle of Toxoplasma gondii
While the natural life cycle of Toxoplasma gondii is relatively simple, a number of animals and humans may be involved in the accidental cycle.The cat (or other felines) is the definitive host in the Toxoplasma gondii life cycle.When Toxoplasma gondii cysts are ingested in the brain or muscle tissue of contaminated mice or rats, the bradyzoites in the cat are released and quickly converted into tachyzoites.Sexual and asexual reproduction takes place in the cat's gut.The sexual cycle leads to the production of immature oocysts, which are eventually shed in the stool.The oocysts complete their maturation in the outdoor environment, which usually takes between 1 and 5 days.Rodents, especially mice and rats, serve as intermediate hosts to feed the infected mature Toxoplasma gondii oocysts.Sporozoites emerge from the mature oocyst and quickly become active tachyzoites in the rodent's intestinal epithelium.These tachyzoites migrate into the brain or muscle of the intermediate host, where they form bradyzoite-filled cysts.The cat gets infected when the contaminated rodent is ingested and the cycle repeats itself.
Human Toxoplasma gondii infection is accidental and can be initiated in four ways.One route occurs when people come into contact with infected cat feces and subsequently ingest the mature oocysts that are present through transmission from hand to mouth.Boxes for cat litters and sandboxes for children are the primary sources of this infected fecal matter.
The second route involves the ingestion of undercooked contaminated meat from bovine animals, pigs or sheep.These and a wide variety of other animals can contract Toxoplasma gondii during feeding by ingestion of infective oocysts in cat feces.After ingestion, infectious sporozoites are released and follow the same cycle in these animals as in the natural intermediate hosts.The resulting cysts can remain sustainable for years in the animal muscle and the parasites in them.
The third means of human transmission of toxoplasma gondii is transplacental infection.This happens when an asymptomatic infection in a mother is passed on to her unborn fetus unknowingly.In response to the parasite, the mother produces IgG, which also crosses the placenta and can appear in the circulation of the newborn fetus for several months.The mother also produces IgM that doesn't cross the placenta. The infant can however show anti-toxoplasma gondii IgM from birth to several months of age.
The fourth route of human infection, though extremely rare, occurs when contaminated blood is transfused into an uninfected person. Once in human beings, toxoplasma gondii tachyzoites emerge from the ingested cyst and quickly grow and divide.The form of tachyzoite causes tissue damage and initial infection. The tachyzoites migrate to several tissues and organs, including the brain,where cysts filled with bradyzoites then form.
Clinical symptoms of Toxoplasmosis
Many toxoplasma gondii infected patients remain asymptomatic, especially children who have gone through the neonatal stage of their lives. Although well adapted to its environment, Toxoplasma gondii appears to cause human disease only if one or more of the following conditions are met:
- A virulent strain of the organism has entered the body
- The host is in a particularly susceptible state (e.g., those suffering from AIDS)
- the specific site of the parasite in the human body is such that tissue destruction is likely to occur.
Toxoplasmosis: General Symptoms
Although serious symptoms can be observed, the typical symptoms experienced by people infected with Toxoplasma gondii are mild and similar to those seen in infectious mononucleosis cases. The acute form of the disease has fatigue, lymphadenitis, chills, fever, headache and myalgia.In addition to the above symptoms, chronic disease patients may develop a maculopapular rash and demonstrate encephalomyelitis, myocarditis and/or hepatitis evidence. It was known that retinochoroiditis with subsequent blindness occurs rarely.
Congenital Toxoplasmosis
This severe and often fatal condition occurs in about 1 to 5 of 1000 pregnancies.The transmission of the disease occurs when the fetus is unknowingly infected by the asymptomatic infected mother (by transplacental means).The severity of the resulting disease varies and depends on two factors:
- The mother's antibody protection
- The age of the fetus when infected.
Mild infections occur from time to time and result in a complete recovery.Unfortunately, after the initial infection, these patients may develop retinochoroiditis years later.Hydrocephalus, microcephalus, intracerebral calcification, chorioretinitis, convulsions and psychomotor disorders are the typical symptoms of an infected child.Most of these infections lead to mental retardation, severe visual impairment or blindness.
There are a number of important documented statistics on the symptoms that infants born with Toxoplasma gondii are likely to experience. 5 to 15 percent of infected infants are estimated to die as a result of toxoplasmosis. Another 10 to 13 percent of infected infants will most likely develop moderate to severe disabilities.Severe eye and brain damage occurs in about 8% to 10% of infants infected. The rest of 58% to 72% of infected infants are most likely to be asymptomatic at birth.Although the mechanism for this reactivation of the infection is unknown, a small percentage of these infants develop later mental retardation or retinochoroiditis, usually in children or young adults.
Toxoplasmosis in Immunocompromised Patients.
Patients immunosuppressed as an opportunistic infection due to organ transplantation or the presence of neoplastic disease, such as Hodgkin's lymphoma, have long been known to contract toxoplasmosis.It is important to note the importance of screening for potential donor units for toxoplasmosis before transfusion, especially in patients who need blood transfusions.
Cerebral Toxoplasmosis in AIDS Patients.
The association of Toxoplasma gondii and AIDS patients has been a point of attention.Since the 1980s, toxoplasmic encephalitis in these individuals has been considered a major complication.Indeed, one of the first obvious clinical symptoms of AIDS patients may be the involvement of the central nervous system (CNS) of toxoplasma gondii.AIDS patients with Toxoplasma gondii infection may have early headache, fever, altered mental status (including confusion) and lethargy symptoms. There are generally subsequent focal neurological deficits, brain lesions and convulsions.
The Toxoplasma gondii organisms do not spread to other body organs but remain confined within the CNS.An increase in the IgG level of the spinal fluid is diagnosed, as is the demonstration of tachyzoites in the cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) during microscopic testing.In these patients, the serum IgG level does not respond or the CSF level.Most infected patients have no IgM antibodies in their serum levels.The lack of serum IgM combined with the lack of change in serum IgG levels in these patients indicates that their infections occurred due to a chronic latent infection reactivation and not due to a primary infection acquired.
Treatment of Toxoplasmosis
The combination of trisulfapyrimidines and pyrimethamine (Daraprim) is the treatment of choice for symptomatic cases of Toxoplasma gondii infection. It is important to note that pyrimethamine should not be given to infected pregnant women. Spiramycin is an acceptable alternative drug.Spiramycin is used in Europe, Canada and Mexico, but in the United States it is still considered an experimental drug.However, it can be obtained by the FDA in the first trimester of pregnancy with special permission for toxoplasmosis.Also valuable may be corticosteroids used as an anti – inflammatory agent.Folinic acid (leucovorin) may be given to infected patients with AIDS to counteract the suppression of the bone marrow caused by pyrimethamine. Atovaquone is an effective drug, especially for the treatment of toxoplasmic encephalitis in patients with AIDS.
Prevention and Control of Toxoplasmosis
A number of measures need to be taken and implemented to prevent the spread of Toxoplasma gondii infections. One of these is to avoid contact with cat feces.This can be achieved by wearing protective gloves when a cat litter box is cleaned, the litter box is disinfected with boiling water and washed thoroughly afterwards.Furthermore, the placement of a protective cover over children's sandboxes when not in use prevents cats from using them as litter boxes.
Infections with toxoplasma gondii can also be prevented by the intake of contaminated meat. This can be achieved by thorough hand washing after handling contaminated meat and also by preventing raw meat from being tasted.Furthermore, all meat must be cooked thoroughly before consumption. Additional prevention and control measures for toxoplasma gondii include keeping cats away from potentially infectious rodents, feeding cats only with dry or cooked canned cat food and/or not having cats.
All humans should put these preventive measures into practice. However, pregnant women should be particularly cautious about cat feces and contaminated meat because toxoplasmosis can be contracted and the disease transferred to their unborn children.
We are sorry that this post was not useful for you!
Let us improve this post!
Tell us how we can improve this post?


text: Recover Encrypted Files is a question the answer to which is important for all victims of ransomware attack. Ransomware is malicious software that encrypts files and demands a ransom for their release. Encrypted files cannot be opened, that is, all encrypted files are locked and cannot be used. This may result in loss of data


text:
Hey mama! 5 foods to cut when pregnant or nursing and what to eat instead
Knowing what you can and can't eat or drink when pregnant and breastfeeding can sometimes be a little tricky – and actually having to give up a staple from your diet can seem impossible! But never fear – sometimes you can find an alternative, so that's just what we've done here. Here are five things expecting mums should avoid and some great alternatives to take their place.
We know a lot of the advice around what you can and can't have during pregnancy can depend on the storage and cooking temperatures, but there are still some that are best avoided all together.
Thankfully there are often some great alternatives worth considering. Here are five we found.
1. Coffee
Coffee-lovers will often say their day doesn't really start until after that first cup but expert opinion is divided on the impact caffeine has during pregnancy. If the taste of coffee is an important part of your morning routine (or anytime really) but you're keeping an eye on your caffeine intake, you need some options!
During both pregnancy and breastfeeding, the same stimulant effect mum receives from caffeine is likely to be passed on to her unborn child. Thankfully, there are brilliant alternatives available that are perfectly safe when pregnant like Republica Organic's Decaffeinated Instant Coffee. In fact, breastfeeding and expecting mums have made it Australia's number one decaf and it combines a blend of the world's best Arabica beans from places like Papua New Guinea, where more than 40 per cent of the population rely on coffee for their living.
MORE Care
It's 99.5 per cent caffeine free and decaffeinated using just water and air, so it is free from the chemicals some coffee manufacturers use to strip the caffeine. This gentle and natural process means the flavour is maintained and you can still enjoy the taste of your regular coffee without the caffeine. And sometimes after an exhausting day you just need a bit of me-time with a nice hot drink!
2. Alcohol
There is enough research out there now to show the damage that can be done by alcohol to unborn babies. For many, going nine months without alcohol isn't a hard ask and, for those mums who go on to breastfeed, it is probably a sacrifice they just come to accept.
I am 24 weeks pregnant and, while I have never been a big drinker, I gave up alcohol completely about a year ago as I tried to conceive and prepare for IVF. But, on the odd night I go out with friends or attend a function, I have found I don't need to limit myself to just soft drinks, juice or water. Most venues have a great list of mouth-watering mocktails available, or you can just order your favourite cocktail minus the alcohol and any bartender should be happy to oblige.
Even at home, with so many mocktail recipes available online, there is no need to feel like you are missing out.
3. Soft cheeses
Soft white cheeses such as brie and camembert provide the perfect breeding ground for bacteria such as listeria, which can cause harm to an unborn baby and lead to miscarriage, premature labour and still birth. Pregnant women are particularly susceptible because their immune systems are suppressed, leaving them unable to adequately fight off infections like listeriosis. And although in Australia soft cheeses are all made with pasteurised milk, this doesn't completely eliminate the risk of listeria, so you're better to steer clear.
If you are a big soft cheese fan, however, and the thought of missing out on this savoury delight is too much to take, why not consider a nice ricotta instead or a feta?
4. Soft-serve ice cream
Soft-serve ice cream is another food expecting and breastfeeding mummas are urged to avoid due to the risk of listeria. Its higher likelihood of contamination is because it is transported at refrigeration temperatures compared to frozen hard ice creams. Safer and still completely delicious alternatives include hard ice creams and gelato, so go ahead and indulge!
5. Sushi
The Australian Food Authority highlights store-bought sushi as a food to avoid completely during pregnancy due to the risk of dangerous bacteria developing as it sits on the shelves, or that could be present in the raw meat or seafood ingredients. Moreover, high mercury levels in certain varieties of fish are also a concern for pregnant women. But, if your sushi cravings are overwhelming, why not try making your own sushi at home – the raw meat and fish free kind?
(This is a sponsored post for Republica Organic)


text: Tonight will be the eighth or ninth exchange. I am very very happy to say we are bonding in such a sweet way my feet are not quite reaching the ground during the day.. From my perception we are experiencing love and intimacy.. It's beautiful, magic, juicy, yummy! There is a huge difference from when we were going at it like rabbits. Just the way she hugs and touches me. Personally I have always believed that I am capable of being in an inspiring relationship.... I think it was really worth the wait for this opportunity. (Male reader)


text:
Cricket News 02/04/03
Report By Shane Dell
The back-lash for English cricket has been swift and severe as a result of the lack of success attained by the England team during the recently completed World Cup.
At a meeting of the First Class Forum (FCF) of the England & Wales Cricket Board (ECB), it was agreed provisionally that there would be a reduction of £4m made from the ECB's 2003 budgeted expenditure. These cost savings affect all parts of cricket in England and Wales, ranging from the grassroots of the game, up to the allocation of central contracts for the England team. One area of savings identified is the allocation of fee payments to each of the 18 First Class Counties, who will in all likelihood, each receive £30,000 less this year than was originally intended.
These cost savings are, primarily, the direct consequence of the ECB withdrawing England from its scheduled ICC World Cup match against Zimbabwe in Harare. As a result of this, the International Cricket Council (ICC) announced last week it would be withholding £2.3m from the ECB, in lieu of likely compensation claims associated with the non-playing of this match. The ECB withdrew the England team because it did not receive satisfactory assurances about the safety and security of the England team and management. The ECB accepts no liability arising from this action, which it believes was fully justified and expects that, following arbitration, they will receive the full £2.3m plus interest, currently held in escrow by the ICC.
Speaking after the meeting, Tim Lamb, Chief Executive of the ECB, said:
"It is regrettable that these cost savings need to be found, but they are part of the financial fall-out from the 2003 World Cup. It is only right and proper that all parts of the game should bear the pain. The ECB is committed to managing cricket on a thoroughly professional and modern basis and like all responsible businesses, we need to balance our books. We will further renew our efforts to run cricket on the most cost-efficient basis."
Other Cricket News - Streaming Audio Report - Up-dated Daily


text:
NEW DELHI: The government has decided not to apply an area limit of 5,000 hectares for special economic zones (SEZs) if two or more such zones are merged, clearing the way for big SEZs in the country.
In an amendment to the SEZ rules, the government has also allowed developers more freedom on selecting the location by defining 'vacant land' where a special zone can be set up as land where there are no functional ports, manufacturing units, industrial activities or structures in which any commercial or economic activity is in progress.
As per the SEZ (second amendment) rules published in the Gazette of India this week, the Centre may consider on merit the clubbing of contiguous (adjoining) existing notified SEZs notwithstanding that the total area of resultant zones exceeds 5,000 hectares.
This is in line with the permission given by the empowered group of ministers (eGoM) on SEZs in the earlier UPA regime to Adani Group's Mundra SEZ in February this year to merge its three SEZs into a single 6,100-hectare entity.
"The amended rules make room for more such mergers to happen," said Hitender Mehta, an expert in the Assocham committee on SEZs while welcoming the move. Developers can now set up two or more zones side by side, respecting the individual caps, and later merge them into a much larger special zone.
Confusion over 'vacant land'
The Indian industry is also relieved that the confusion over the definition of vacant land in the context of SEZs is over. "The incorporation of definition of vacant land in SEZ rules would help a number of developers, as they have been repeatedly asking the government to clarify as to what constitutes vacant land," said LB Singhal, director general, Export Promotion Council for EoUs and SEZ Units.
Last year, there was a lot of debate between the ministries of finance, commerce and law over what constitutes vacant land, following the finance ministry's contention that the Essar Group's steel SEZ in Hazira did not qualify for SEZ benefits since it was built on land that had raised structures.
After several rounds of consultations, the eGoM decided in favour of Essar, stating that since there was no economic activity in the structures when the SEZ was being built, the land would be considered as vacant.


text:
Find below international tenders, e procurement and other procurement related notices from Central Finance and Contracts Unit (CFCU). Tendersontime is the biggest tenders aggregator which covers Funding Agency Loans and Grants, Funding Agency Tenders, MFA Tenders, Funded Tenders, Multilateral Funding Agency Tenders and Bi-Lateral Funding Agency Tenders.
Central Finance and Contracts Unit (CFCU) is an International Aid Agency, which provide loans and grants to developing countries. Tendersontime covers information which includes Tenders, projects, procurement plans, contract award, RRF, RFQ, Expression of Interest, and Notice Inviting Tenders from all funding agencies.
Get Access to 1 Million Global Tenders


text: August 11, 2018 Clarke, Covington Tagged: Author Pseudonym of US author Homer Clarke Venable (1891-? ), active in the 1920s, who specialized in flying adventures for boys; under his own name, he wrote some adult fiction. Covington Clarke novels of sf interest include Desert Wings (1930) and Mystery Flight of the Q2 (1932), the latter being a Lost Race tale featuring the discovery of a lost civilization of Incas. [JC]Homer Clarke Venableborn Missouri: April 1891died works Desert Wings (Chicago, Illinois: The Reilly and Lee Co, 1930) [hb/] Mystery Flight of the Q2 (Chicago, Illinois: The Reilly and Lee Co, 1932) [hb/]links Internet Speculative Fiction Database Picture Gallery Previous versions of this entry 09/09/2006 20/12/2011 21/08/2012 09/08/2013 05/07/2014 07/07/2014 23/10/2014 10/07/2015 20/09/2015 08/01/2017 04/04/2017


text:
The battle for land, to save it from further abuse and mismanagement is ongoing.
Community gardens and food growing projects are on an urban front line at a time when changes in the way we value land are starting to be discussed.
The absolute sanctity of the soil and its part in our overall survival is scratching at the veil of climate change and screaming out to be heard in a consumer addicted and energy hungry society.
Community gardens are pushing for an agenda which is now and is held in the hands of real people whose criteria are not financial. At Greenspace Management we work with community gardens and local people to provide design ideas and technical support.
This might be in the form of short courses/ workshops or working on site offering practical community garden services and managing specific short term projects.
We currently work with
Forest Gate Comunity Garden - http://www.fgcommunitygarden.org
Hoxton Community Garden -


text: It was a beautiful day and being an Exer makes it so much better because I'm not polluting the air with the stench of smoke but most importantly I'm not breathing in the nicotine poison anymore and polluting my organs, I can actually enjoy being outside without the crutch. I didn't do much of anything today except relax and watch hubby clean up some of the garden beds from last Fall, we've only got the snowbanks left and they're melting fast. We may get freezing rain by morning rain throughout the day and possibly snow tomorrow night but it won't stay.


text:
Sheldon is the place, with its Community, out of which the Sheldon Hub is emerging. Sheldon is a place of hospitality and welcome, a place where those wounded in or by ministry can abide for a while as healing begins It is earthy and earthed, passionate and compassionate, loving but not fussy, quiet but generous, skilled and experienced but wearing its expertise lightly, prayerful but not noisy about God.
Offspring take on some of the characteristics of their parents and have new ones of their own. The Sheldon Hub will be anchored in real world Sheldon but not tethered too tightly - we want for it to have freedom to grow into its own personality.
The Sheldon Community are the people with the initial vision for the Sheldon Hub, and the ones bearing, birthing and and bringing it up. But just as it takes a village to raise a child, so the Sheldon Hub is only capable of reaching its full potential if it is embraced by the wider community of everyone in ministry.
Howard Peskett Oct 24, 2016
I like the carefully chosen word pictures of this self-description. May it be so.
Shane Oct 23, 2016
Hope all is well. Hope to be back with you next year


text:
Go To Section
Co. Westmeath
Available from Boydell and Brewer
Background Information
Number of voters:
about 3,000 in 1815
|16 July 1802
|15 Nov. 1806
|22 May 1807
|27 Feb. 1808
|HON. HERCULES ROBERT PAKENHAM vice Smyth vacated his seat
|24 Oct. 1812
|Robert Stearne Tighe
|Robert Morgan Tighe
|29 June 1818
Main Article
The leading interests were those of George Rochfort, 2nd Earl of Belvidere, who was childless and who had been represented since 1798 by his kinsman Gustavus Hume Rochfort; and of George Frederick Nugent, 7th Earl of Westmeath, represented since 1783 by William Smyth. But the Marquess of Buckingham, who had intermarried with the Nugents; the Earl of Longford, whose interest had until recently been dormant; the Tighes of Mitchelstown; the Chapmans of Killua; William Handcock*, patron of Athlone, and Lord Granard, all wished to have their say in the representation. In a predominantly Catholic county, the question of Catholic relief emerged as a basis for alignment and contest, though only one contest proceeded to a poll in this period.
No opposition was offered to the sitting Members in 1802. In the spring of 1806 the Grenville ministry were informed: 'Mr Handcock and Lord Delvin may perhaps be candidates at the general election, but the present Members are likely to remain'.1 At the dissolution, the ministry made no difficulty about supporting Rochfort and Smyth who professed friendship for them, but were embarrassed by Delvin's candidature. As Westmeath's heir, and with the apparent encouragement of the Marquess of Buckingham, he would normally have stood a fair chance, especially as he claimed to have government countenance. He did not, however, inform the Castle of his intentions until it was too late for them to retract, and having 'mismanaged his game' he declined a poll, finding the other two too strong for him. His promise of 'constant attendance' if elected may have reflected on Smyth's poor record in this respect. It is clear that Delvin expected the support of the Catholic interest.2
In 1807 Robert Stearne Tighe of Mitchelstown was the pro-Catholic candidate but, like Delvin, he declined a poll. In February 1808 Smyth retired from Parliament in favour of Lord Longford's brother, Hercules Pakenham. The Catholic party had endeavoured to delay Smyth's retirement to boost their prospects at the by-election, but it came on before they could organize. The Marquess of Buckingham had been prepared to back Tighe as the candidate of the independent and Catholic interest, but Tighe did not come forward, and when Delvin did so his tactics were at once more questionable. He did not consult the marquess, who therefore assumed that he must be standing 'on government politics'. He failed in a bid to secure William Handcock's support by resigning the colonelcy of the county militia in his favour, and likewise in a bid for Granard's support, which was pledged to Pakenham in exchange for previous support in county Longford and reserved for the future in case Granard's second son offered for Westmeath when of age. The Marquess of Buckingham was thus disappointed of 'a sharp contest against government' and Delvin declined without a poll.3
In 1812 Delvin again canvassed, but declined on finding that he must pledge himself to Catholic relief to win votes. Robert Stearne Tighe, who had no such scruples, replaced him and, faced with a coalition of the sitting Members, put up his son with himself. Described in Rochfort's camp as being set up 'on the Catholic interest' with 'political principles ... little less extraordinary than Sir Francis Burdett's' and 'very fond of making speeches', Tighe was alleged by his opponents to be backed 'by all the violent and ignorant Catholics, who would vote for anybody to turn out the present Members'. He counted on Delvin's support, as well as that of Sir Thomas Chapman of Killua and of other gentlemen who had been pledged to Delvin. The Castle, on Rochfort's appeal, endeavoured to frustrate this transfer of interest, assuring Delvin's father, who wished to see him out of mischief with a revenue board place, that they did not regard Delvin as a culprit, but as an unwitting tool of the 'Burdettite' opposition. The viceroy hoped that such a 'shocking fellow' as Tighe would not succeed. Tighe and his son were easily defeated at the polls.4
Tighe again canvassed in 1818, but declined a poll on finding his prospects slender.5 The combined interest of the protestant magnates had proved too strong for him.
Author: P. J. Jupp
- 1. NLS mss 12925, Irish list, 1806.
- 2. HMC Fortescue, viii. 385, 415, 435, 440; Add. 51661, Bedford to Holland, 2 Sept.; Fortescue mss, Grenville to Elliot, 15 Oct., Magan to Grenville, 24 Oct.; Dublin Evening Post, 1 Nov. 1806.
- 3. HMC Fortescue, ix. 175; Fortescue mss, Moira to Grenville, 1 Feb., Granard to Moira, 8 Feb.; Fremantle mss, box 47, Buckingham to Fremantle [3 Feb.]; Wellington mss, Wellesley to Richmond, 10 Feb., to Trail, 11 Feb.; Dublin Corresp. 2 Mar. 1808.
- 4. Add. 40185, ff. 47, 53; 40219, ff. 1, 3, 5, 6, 8; 40222, f. 149; 40237, f. 15; 40280, ff. 63, 64; NLI, Richmond mss 74/1857.
- 5. Dublin Corresp. 22 June 1818.


text:
Tutor profile: Jeong Heun (Annie) L.
Subject: Writing
What is the difference between verbs and adverbs? Give an example of how they relate.
A verb is an action that a noun is performing. For example: "John studied". John is the noun, and studied is the action that is being performed by John. An adverb describes the action that is taking place (the verb) in its intensity, depth or nature. For example: "John studied quietly". This sentence is describing how John (the noun) who is studying (performing an action, or the verb). How did John study? Quietly. The adverb describes how the noun performed the verb, rather than the noun itself.
Subject: Study Skills
What do you think is the most important skill when it comes to studying?
Time management! One of the biggest reason students have trouble in classes, especially going from high school to college is due to time management. This applies to students who do not allocate enough time to studying, and also students who allocate too much time to studying. A student can burn themselves out trying to cover vast materials with little to no help, and this causes a serious issue in eating, sleeping and waking patterns which disrupt studying and test-taking skills. Other students sometimes prioritize other activities more than studying, leading to having to re-take courses that they should not have to.
Subject: English
Within the short story Karintha by Jean Toomer, close read the quote "Men had always wanted her, this Karintha, even as a child, Karintha carrying beauty, perfect as dusk when the sun goes down" in terms of objectification and individuality.
The prose in "Karintha" begins with, "Men had always wanted her, this Karintha, even as a child, Karintha carrying beauty, perfect as dusk when the sun goes down", this shows the direct correlation of Karintha's beauty with the sunset. The use of sunset here evokes a sense of nature, which is being used to describe beauty, and the description begins with what men had wanted but spares any description of Karintha's wants. Toomer writes that Karintha carries her beauty rather than that she is beautiful. This detaches beauty from Karintha, as it is not innate within her, but she is physically carrying it. He describes the beauty that she is holding as perfect as dusk, but by specifying that it is something she is carrying, he describes the beauty itself, not Karintha. The word "this" being used to introduce Karintha's name is also interesting as it objectifies Karintha. She becomes something men had always wanted by the word "this". The word can be used to specify something, such as this one rather than that one, and it is rarely used with a person's name, as the name itself should specify the person. In this context, the use of the word "this" explicitly explains what the men want, but fails to specify Karintha. Even more so, it fails to describe Karintha as an individual, as the word choice allows us to understand Karintha as something that men desire.
Contact tutor
needs and Jeong Heun (Annie) will reply soon.