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Foundations of Canadian Communication Thought
Abstract: Reviewing the communication writings of five English-language theorists, namely, H. A. Innis, George Grant, Northrop Frye, C. B. Macpherson, and Marshall McLuhan, the article proposes that, foundationally, Canadian communication thought is dialectical, critical, holistic, ontological, oriented to political economy, and concerns mediation and dynamic change. Running through the thought of these five theorists is some variation of the basic time-space dialectic first formulated by Harold Adams Innis. Canadian communication thought is distinct from the American discourse and raises issues that ought to be of continuing concern for the new millennium.
Résumé: Passant en revue les écrits en communication de cinq théoriciens anglophones, c'est-à-dire, H. A. Innis, George Grant, Northrop Frye, C. B. Macpherson et Marshall McLuhan, cet article propose que, à ses fondements, la pensée canadienne en communication est dialectique, critique, holistique, ontologique, orientée vers l'économie politique et portée vers la médiation et le changement dynamique. Présentes dans la pensée de ces cinq théoriciens, il y a des variations sur la dialectique fondamentale temps-espace d'abord formulée par Harold Adams Innis. La pensée canadienne en communication est distincte de l'américaine et soulève des questions qui devraient continuer à nous stimuler dans le nouveau millénaire.
Canada has a rich heritage of communication thought. This paper relates and compares aspects of the thought of five foundational theorists writing in the English language to discern whether there exists a mode of communication study that may be termed "quintessentially Canadian."
Foundational theorists selected for this inquiry are: Harold Innis, George Grant, Marshall McLuhan, C. B. Macpherson, and Northrop Frye. Choice of the latter two may be surprising for some readers. The eminent University of Toronto political philosopher C. B. Macpherson, after all, never referred to himself as a communication theorist, nor do papers and books of renowned literary critic Northrop Frye appear often in the curricula of Communication Studies departments. Yet, Macpherson's writings on property and political philosophy are rich in communicatory insight and, likewise, Frye's proposal that verbal structures (stories, myths, poetry, scientific discourse, and so forth) mediate human relations qualify him as being a preeminent communication theorist.
In a larger study (Babe, in press), I have incorporated also the communication writings of five other theorists, namely, Graham Spry, John Grierson, Dallas Smythe, Irene Spry, and Gertrude Robinson, arguing that their thought too is largely consistent with that of the five addressed here.
Canada as milieu
The bleakness of the Canadian landscape and the country's inhospitable climate are often cited as factors configuring the Canadian mind and artistic imagination. "Nature is consistently sinister and menacing in Canadian poetry," remarked literary theorist Northrop Frye (1971a, p. 142). Whereas Puritans migrating to the Thirteen Colonies described their new homeland in paradisicial terms (Elder, 1989), settlers in the northern half of North America, according to Frye, developed a "garrison mentality,"1 by which he meant an image of themselves as collocations of people huddled in the wilderness for mutual support-an outlook markedly different from the rugged individualism typifying much of American thought.
More fundamentally, Frye (1982) also argued that the Canadian terrain engenders a "double" or dialectical vision: the bleakness of the landscape versus the imaginative purposefulness which people impute to it; the individual's struggle for survival versus the concomitant need for community; frontier versus farmland; wilderness versus metropolis, and so forth.
According to west coast political analyst Herschel Hardin (1974), however, the landscape provides but a superficial understanding of the Canadian identity, and to focus exclusively on that is sheer "escapist fantasy" (p. 13). For Hardin, rather, the deeper contradictions concern: (1) French versus English Canada; (2) the regions versus the federal centre; and (3) Canada versus the United States. Arthur Kroker (1984) also attributed the dialectical cast of Canadian thought primarily to the country's proximity to the United States.
The Canadian preoccupation with community in the face of isolation, regionalism, bilingualism, multiculturalism, and climatic adversity, and with maintaining an identity in the face of a powerful neighbour, may well have contributed also to what I have found to be a much greater concern for ontology in the Canadian discourse compared to the American. Ontology concerns, for example, speculations or beliefs regarding the place of individuals and/or groups within the larger whole. It relates to questions of natural law versus positive law, and to human nature. It inquires into what is ultimately real-the reality behind appearances. Whereas American communication researchers, as Sandra Braman notes, typically avoid specifying or endorsing ontological positions (Braman, 1994), in Canadian communication thought such is not the case; indeed the Canadian discourse is rife with explicitly ontological concerns.
Furthermore, the Canadian discourse is more critical in Paul Felix Lazarsfeld's sense of the term. In a classic 1941 article, Lazarsfeld proposed that critical communication research differs fundamentally from mainstream or "administrative" research in two basic ways: First, referring specifically to increasing concentration of media control and the proliferation of techniques for manipulating large audiences,2 he maintained that critical research "develops a theory of the prevailing social trends" (Lazarsfeld, 1972, p. 160). Second, he continued, critical research presumes "ideas of basic human values according to which all actual or desired effects should be appraised" (p. 160). Indeed it is from this notion of appraisal that the very name, critical, derives. Critical research, then, being evaluative, presumes enduring values (an ontological presupposition) whereby policies, activities, events, modes of human interaction, institutions, and so forth may be appraised, and which serve also as goals to which one may aspire. Critical researchers, Lazarsfeld remarked, "have the idea ever before them that what we need most is to do and think what we consider true and not adjust ourselves to the seemingly inescapable" (p. 161).3
There are also other key points of departure: Canadian communication thought is more holistic and humanities-oriented; it emphasizes dynamic change and exhibits a greater concern for equality. It is more likely to denigrate advertising, public relations, and media motivated primarily by profit. It exhibits stronger attachment to the maintenance of culture through time in the face of commercial, political, and technological pressures. Canadian communication thought also emphasizes the importance, and the power, of the human imagination, and it studies how our imaginations are moulded, or at least influenced, by prevailing institutions, by predominant media of communication, by our stories or myths, by the arts, and by our educational systems.
Perhaps most significantly, however, Canadian communication thought focuses on media, or better on mediation, and on milieux. Experience is seldom direct, according to foundational Canadian communication theorists, and almost invariably relations among people are understood as being mediated by institutions, technologies, philosophies, stories, myths, property law, mass media, and so forth. As well, people are understood as living within a milieu or milieux which bias or condition modes of perception and interaction. Canadian communication theorists often inquire into who controls or affects the means of mediation, into how that control is exercised and for what (whose) purposes. This emphasis on control contributes to the political economy dimension characteristic of Canadian communication thought.
On dialectics
Space limitations dictate that not all the aforementioned commonalties of Canadian discourse and its distinctiveness from mainstream American communication thought can be explored directly or in depth here. This paper therefore focuses on the role of dialectics in Canadian communication thought. Nonetheless, it is to be emphasized that many of the other traits noted above are readily discernible from what follows, and indeed can be thought of as being necessary concomitants (or even as characteristics) of dialectical modes of analysis. In this regard it is instructive to defer to Henry Giroux's (1981) depiction of the dialectic: Dialectical concepts and processes, of course, entail the clash or tension of opposites, out of which issue either new syntheses or, at the very least, balance, equilibrium, or continuing tension. Dialectical logic sees contradiction as the primary means whereby higher truths are attained and deems standard (Aristotelian) logic to be unduly static and rigid. Dialecticians claim, furthermore, that events and indeed history are largely outcomes of contradictory forces.
In addition, however, Giroux claims the dialectic comprises several "central categories" or characteristic features, one being a concern for the social totality: Dialectics conceive not a world in which things, meanings, and relations are removed from human history, but where everything exists in a context of human action. In other words, there is no room in dialectical thought for fragmented, isolated, and ahistorical analyses. Social totality, moreover, presumes that the irreducible unit of analysis is the relation, not the thing.
Furthermore, the dialectic emphasizes mediation; in other words, it proposes that our experiences are not direct. Giroux (1981) writes, "Social and political forces mediate between ourselves and the larger society; [mediation] . . . replaces the myth of the autonomous individual" (p. 120). This, in turn, implies that dialectical modes of analysis are inherent, or should be inherent, to communication studies since communication is concerned with mediation and media.
Finally, according to Giroux, dialectics imply transcendence or synthesis, that is, a refusal to accept the world as it is. Transcendence indicates both a normative (or "critical") dimension and a conviction that from struggle or contradiction better conditions can emerge.
A dialectical cast of mind, however, is not common in Western social science where the goal usually is to detect linear, unidirectional causation ("effects research," for example, in communication studies).4 Nor are dialectical analyses typical in American thought in the humanities. In part this may be because powerful cultures encourage people to see things instrumentally, that is, in terms of how power can be exercised most effectively ("administrative research"). Moreover, according to liberal/pluralist political and economic doctrines of the invisible hand (as developed prototypically by Adam Smith and John Rawls), analysts need not delve into contradictions and conflictual relations because, it is held, each person exercising her power and seeking her own interest contributes automatically, albeit inadvertently, to the "common good."
People at the margins, however, can see things differently, that is, dialectically: unable to escape exposure to dominant discourses, they nonetheless understand that these discourses are not their own. So when Harold Innis took up a teaching position in 1920 at the University of Toronto, for example, after studying at the University of Chicago, he espied a dearth of materials dealing with Canadian economic history and adopted the position that economic models developed in older, industrialized economies should not with impunity be imported into emergent, peripheral ones. It was his contention that economic history and economic theory should be closely integrated, that history provides the test whereby theory is to be judged. He therefore set about developing a "philosophy of economic history or an economic theory suited to Canadian needs" (Innis, 1956, p. 3).
Innis: The dialectic of space-time
Innis is if anything a dialectical writer. Running through both his staples and his communication theses are oppositions between periphery and centre, culture and empire, continuity and change, time and space. He saw markets and the price system not simply as givens, as do mainstream economists, but as instruments whereby dominant cultures "penetrate" traditional ones and transform them into societies premised on present-mindedness, self-interest, money value, commodity exchange, and individualism. Through staples like fish, fur, timber, minerals, and wheat, which for mainstream economists are merely commodities and resources subject to and illustrating the "law of comparative advantage," Innis linked modes of transportation, geography, social structure, culture, political organization, business, and economic history, and most significantly relations between imperial centres and their colonial margins. Innis' was an interdisciplinary analysis of cultures in collision, of societies brought into contact (i.e., into communication) by the media of staples. Regarding the fur trade, for instance, he remarked,
The history of the fur trade is the history of contact between two civilizations, the European and the North American. . . . Unfortunately the rapid destruction of the food supply and the revolution in the methods of living accompanied by the increasing attention to the fur trade by which these products were secured, disturbed the balance which had grown up previous to the coming of the European. The new technology with its radical innovations brought about such a rapid shift in the prevailing Indian culture as to lead to wholesale destruction of the peoples concerned by warfare and disease. (Innis, 1962, p. 388)
Innis developed his communication thesis during the last decade of his life. His attention turned from Canadian to world history. In place of staples he proposed that various means of enscription and other artifacts mediate human relations and thereby bias or help structure modes of human interaction. According to Innis, space-bound cultures use predominantly space-binding media-media that are light, transportable, easy to work with, and have a large capacity to carry and store messages. Time-bound or traditional cultures, conversely, rely predominantly on time-binding media-media with low message capacity, intractable, difficult to move, and enduring.
Innis proposed that in addition to attempting continuously to extend empire geographically, space-biased cultures "spatialize" time, that is break it into discrete, uniform, measurable chunks that can be valuated in monetary terms. Like Lewis Mumford, Innis recognized that the mechanical clock is basic to this task. Through clocks, workers are summoned to factories and can be recompensed according to the "time" they put in; "measurement of time," he remarked, "facilitated the use of credit, the rise of exchanges, and calculations of the predictable future essential to the development of insurance" (Innis, 1971, p. 72).
This is not, of course, the only possible conception of time. "Time-bound" communities by definition are not likewise engrossed in the moment. For them, time flows; human life is understood as "a great stream of which the present is only the realized moment" (Innis, 1971, p. 67). Events are a succession of recurrences (the cycle of life) even though each instance may be charged with particular value and significance (Innis, 1971). The biblical book of Ecclesiastes captures well the conception of time as eternal recurrence:
A time to be born, and a time to die;
a time to plant, and a time to pluck up what is planted;
a time to kill, and a time to heal;
a time to break down, and a time to build up.
Just as space-bound cultures have a unique concern with time, so time-bound cultures also conceive space in a particular way. For them, space is neither unlimited nor something to be appropriated and annexed; rather, it is differentiated in terms of being sacred or profane, or perhaps more accurately as having differing degrees of sacredness. For time-bound cultures spatial boundaries sustain community and their way of life. Space is where the community lives, where it maintains its connections with the past, and where its future unfolds. This conception is totally at odds with the notion of space maintained by space-biased societies for whom the desire is predominantly to conquer new territories, create larger markets, and organize land into efficient configurations (factories, assembly lines, territorial divisions of labour, and so on). Space, like time, in other words, is commodified in space-biased cultures.
Particularly important for Innis as inculcators of space-biased consciousness in the twentieth century are mechanized (that is, mass) media. Newspapers, he maintained, played a large role in transforming the conception of time from that of continuity to sequential uniformity, and of space from concerns for locality to borderless geographic extent organized through principles of commodity exchange. According to Innis, the telegraph and faster presses combined to give financial advantage to papers serving geographically extended markets with current "news" (Innis, 1971). Reliance on advertising added to these pressures since advertisers are interested in fast turnovers. Hence, the "bias" of newspapers was set: journalism came to be written "on the back of advertisements," emphasizing regionalism rather than localism, functioning in a manner destructive of "time and continuity" (Innis, 1971, pp. 186, 188).
The transition from one conception of time or of space to the other, according to Innis, is typically accompanied by conflict and struggle. The enclosure movement in England, the Oka crisis in Canada, and Indonesia's genocidal treatment of the East Timorese, Innis would undoubtedly agree, are in essence struggles among adherents to rival conceptions of space and of time.
Innis insisted that a balance between institutions, practices, and media exerting control through time and ones managing control over space is essential for stability. Undue emphasis on one mode of control or organization relative to the other inevitably leads to disorganization (Innis, 1971). For our present space-biased era, Innis' plea for balance amounts, in essence, to "a plea for time." He wrote: "The modern obsession with present-mindedness . . . suggests that the balance between time and space has been seriously disturbed with disastrous consequences to Western civilization" (Innis, 1971, p. 76).
For Innis, however, a real sense of time is not simply to affirm that events and objects exist as a "succession of particular states"; rather, it is to recognize, or believe, or have faith, that there exists "a state of permanence beyond time" (Innis, 1971, p. 89). This is a question of ontology. A concern for Time according to Innis, the economic historian, therefore, is not the same as a concern for History. To the contrary! Whereas historical analyses imply that events are unique and that all things change, a concern for Time entails a concern for that which does not change. This is precisely George Grant's main theme and dialectic.
Grant's dialectic of time
Just as Innis proposed that human artifacts, particularly modes of transportation, the means of inscription, and technologies for extracting staples, constitute milieux within which human communication and social organization are shaped, so too did political philosopher George Grant regard "technology" as a general mediation decisively affecting modes of human interaction and the formation of values and ontological perspectives. Grant distinguished between "antiquarian" and modern conceptions of time. By antiquity Grant meant civilizations prior to the rise of Western science, that is, prior to "the age of progress." People of antiquity believed that meaning and value are intrinsic to the universe. Accordingly, by repeating, imitating, and fulfilling divine acts as revealed in sacred stories and myths, people thought of themselves as participating in a fixed order of meaning and goodness. Actions not conforming to or re-creating the sacred were of, at best, little significance to the ancients. Grant frequently referred to Plato's conception of time as "the moving image of an unmoving eternity" (Grant, 1995, p. 41). Through the doctrine of pure forms, Plato maintained that the most real and perfect order is an ideal, incorporeal one. Although perfection, being an ideal, exists by definition in the immaterial realm of ideas, it nonetheless can have profound material consequences. As Grant (1969b) expressed the point, "The desire for good is a broken hope without perfection, because only the desire to become perfect does in fact make us less imperfect" (p. 47). However, Grant reflected, with the "age of progress," belief in a fixed order of goodness (what he termed "mythic consciousness") all but disappeared. Attention came to be riveted on "unique and irreversible events" (p. 21). Modern people believe that humans make all meaning, that people create all value, and hence that we are "the measure of all things." Grant termed this conception, time as history, meaning time-as-change.
For Grant continual "technical achievement" has been the major agent in the transition to modern consciousness (1969a, p. 15). Technological change weakens people's sense of continuity, particularly annihilating conceptions of natural law, including belief in the sanctity of human life. He maintained that positive (or legislated) law, devoid of considerations of natural law (that is, law intrinsic to the universe and extrinsic to human culture or consciousness), ultimately is tyrannical. That is because positive law is set by the most powerful in society, and generally to their own advantage, and parri passu to the disadvantage of the weak. Grant (1981) prophesied:
If tyranny is to come in North America it will come cosily and on cat's feet. It will come with the denial of the rights of the unborn and of the aged, the denial of the rights of the mentally retarded, the insane and the economically less privileged. In fact it will come with the denial of rights to all those who cannot defend themselves. It will come in the name of the cost-benefit analysis of human life. (p. 13)
Grant submitted further that our technological order is sustained by the mass media, the arts, and the educational system, which together ensure that antiquarian conceptions of time, community, equality, continuity, justice, and law remain largely unarticulated, leaving us thereby more or less oblivious to the prisons in which we live. For him, it is primarily by loving and by remembering the teachings of the ancients (that is by recovering a sense of time) that our best hope for freedom is to be found (Grant, 1969b).
Both Innis and Grant, then, were critical, holistic, dialectical thinkers. Both proposed strong connections between societal evolution and technological change, and both warned that society cannot survive if, in Grant's words, it puts "its faith in techniques and not in wholeness" (Grant, quoted in Christian, 1993, p. 144). Like Innis, Grant railed at growing control over educational curricula by business interests and was appalled at the emphasis afforded narrow, technocratic instruction. Like Innis, Grant lashed out at commercial media, viewing them as propaganda agents for liberal, capitalist modes of control. Innis and Grant alike dwelt on the dark side of liberalism and commodity exchange. Each thinker was deeply concerned that North America in general, and Canada in particular, were becoming increasingly depersonalized and alienating due to the growing predominance of these modes of thought and interaction. Canadian governments, they felt, were choosing power/objectivity/scientism/ technology rather than equality/love/community/continuity. Such choices, both scholars attested, were ripping apart the social fabric: "Values" (how Grant hated that term; he felt it denoted something people create rather than something that is given) were being effaced or reconstituted in accordance with the nihilism of technological society.
Frye's double vision
Similar themes recur throughout the immense corpus of writing of Northrop Frye. In Fearful Symmetry, Frye (1969) maintained that people generally adhere to or dwell in one or other of two "cosmologies." One is the "realist" or objectivist worldview which conceives the universe as existing independently of the thinker or observer. The task of knowing for those subscribing to this cosmology is to understand the world "as it is." This cosmology accords well with what George Grant referred to as time as history, and to what Innis called space-bias. For Frye, however, this outlook is unduly unimaginative and ultimately, he declared (as did Innis and Grant), nihilistic. Untempered by the human imagination, scientism (what Frye also sometimes called "the truth of correspondence") turns people into "psychotic apes" (Frye, quoted in Cayley, 1992, p. 53), that is, animals possessing the powers to reason but bereft of any answers to questions concerning why we are here and who we are.
The other "cosmology," according to Frye, is imaginative, subjectivist, and mythological. This is the lived ontology of the poet William Blake and was adopted at times by his disciple, Northrop Frye. It is much the older of the two and in Fearful Symmetry said to be much the superior. There are, Frye acknowledged, many imaginative worldviews, but each one, he insisted, positions humans at the very centre of things. The earth, for example, according to mythopoeic understanding, was created for human enjoyment. When a person accepts that proposition, the environment immediately takes on "a human shape" (Frye, 1969).
In addition to close and obvious similarities between Frye's mythopoeic worldview and both Grant's antiquarian notion of time and Innis' conception of time-bound cultures, all three theorists recommended "balance." Innis commended balance between time-binding and space-binding media of communication, and Grant between the modernist and antiquarian conceptions of time since either one on its own is completely unsatisfactory.5 Likewise, Frye extolled double vision-an ability to see simultaneously the fallen (material/fragmented) world and an unfallen (imaginatively united or reconstructed) one. Fallen, or normal vision, sees things "as they are," complete with antitheses, oppositions, struggles, fragmentations, and an absence of meaning. The imaginative vision, in contrast, transcends the absurdity or nihilism of fallen vision. The imaginative vision, however, must be kept in check by the "truth of correspondence," as otherwise people can lose all touch with reality.
In Frye's view, however, science too has mythic elements. Science spawns the myth of progress, for example, which he insisted has had particularly devastatingly harmful consequences. Developing out of science and technology and from Darwinian speculations regarding the origin of the species, the myth of progress has been used to "justify" horrendous acts, even to the point of exterminating "primitive" peoples. At times, in addressing the myth of progress, Frye was positively Innisian, as in the following extract: "According to the myth of progress, history shows a progress from primitive to civilized states, which turns out on investigation to be a progress in technology, though it is often called science. If two cultures collide, the one that gets enslaved or exterminated is the primitive one" (Frye, 1971b, p. 85).
Also like Innis, Frye proposed that the means of message transmission have a bearing on the nature of the messages transmitted. In oral society, he suggested, the chief transmitters of culture are people with poetic and rhetorical skills, particularly the bards, prophets, and religious leaders. Reliant on memory, oral culture uses verse, formulaic units, stock epithets, and metrical phrases (Frye, 1971b). He characterized oral and early writing cultures as expressing themselves "in continuous verse and discontinuous prose" (p. 41). Discontinuous prose consists of a series of disconnected but easily remembered proverbs or aphorisms-the Gospels of the New Testament, for instance. Continuity in verse, on the other hand, is achieved by mnemonic devices such as rhythm and rhyme. A culture habituated to writing, on the other hand, tends toward "continuous prose and discontinuous verse." Continuous prose denotes continuity of ideas and logic, a requisite for the development of philosophy and history. Discontinuous verse means that poetry makes a break with continuous rhythms and rhymes, and is intended more to be read than heard.
Frye contended that writing helps transform a society's myth of concern from the language of prescription ("thou shalt not"), and from stories recounting origins ("in the beginning . . ."), to a more conceptual and propositional language (Frye, 1971b). People therefore begin to think less in terms of community and common heritage ("common good"), and more in terms of an objectively given world. Indeed Frye proposed that it was writing that gave rise to the truth of correspondence. In part this was because authors and readers in a culture with writing are less reliant on memory since they can turn to documents which can be cross-referenced, stored, and compared. As well, writing allows for greater abstraction and the induction of general principles (laws of nature).
Frye could be Innisian also in comparing old and new media. He remarked that media developed primarily in the twentieth century, such as film, radio, and television, follow "the imperial rhythms of politics and economics more readily than the regionalizing rhythms of culture" (Frye, 1982, p. 38). He remarked also that "the fight for cultural distinctiveness . . . is a fight for human dignity itself" (p. 43), the implication being that in homogenizing cultures mass media erode people's sense of uniqueness and hence of worth. Frye (1967) concluded, again in a manner worthy of Innis, "The triumph of communication is the death of communication: where communication forms a total environment, there is nothing to be communicated" (p. 38).
Like Grant and Innis, Frye expounded upon the dialectic of time versus space. But Frye, unlike Grant, was no Platonist, at least once he lost his early religious fervour. Frye, rather, followed Blake, whom he viewed as the antithesis of Plato. He summarized: "To Plato, whose Muses were daughters of Memory, knowledge was recollection and art imitation: to Blake, both knowledge and art are recreation" (Frye, 1969, p. 85).
McLuhan's dialectic of eye versus ear
Marshall McLuhan self-consciously borrowed from Innis when he transmuted the dialectic of time/space into that of eye/ear. By focusing on sensory modes of message perception instead of biases inherent to different modes of message diffusion, McLuhan went some distance in depoliticizing Innis. However, McLuhan's dialectic nonetheless can easily be recast into time/space once more, and hence re-politicized. This is because the eye orients receivers to objects in space, whereas the ear inclines people to the invisible and hence mystical, engendering community and intersubjectivity, also accentuating the importance of continuity.
Like Frye, McLuhan expressed a continuing concern for myth, although he differed fundamentally from Frye on the nature and role of myth in modern society. Frye, it will be recalled, maintained that myth is an imaginative construct lending meaning to an otherwise meaningless universe; myths for Frye, then, are inconsistent with the scientific "truth of correspondence," and hence he deemed them to be flights from reality, albeit flights necessary to lessen psychological turmoil. For McLuhan (1962), in contrast, myth is the highest form of truth because it generalizes particulars. Myths affirm patterns. In adopting this position, McLuhan was much closer to the idealism and natural law position of George Grant and to Innis' conception of authentic time-bias than to Frye's atheistic existentialism.
True to his pronouncements, McLuhan spoke and wrote in mythic terms: of King Cadmus and the dragon's teeth (McLuhan & Watson, 1971), which he likened to letters of the alphabet chewing up oral culture; of Narcissus' self-absorption through bodily tension (McLuhan, 1964), which he saw paralleling our own mesmerization with technological devices; and most fundamentally, albeit usually implicitly, of the biblical story of the Fall and Resurrection (McLuhan interview with G. E. Stearn [Stearn, 1969]).
Although eye/ear is a much less politicized mode of analysis than time/space, McLuhan (1962) nonetheless was aware of and pointed to certain power dimensions of technological change. "There can be no greater contradiction or clash in human cultures," he pronounced, "than that between those representing the eye and the ear" (p. 68). Moreover, McLuhan saw the innovator as a political force since new technologies heighten people's awareness of their environment and hence lessen the "taken-for-grantedness" of their surroundings; technological innovators and artists alike, in McLuhan's view, are therefore enemies of the established order, a notion not unlike Innis' conception of struggle by peripheral groups to wrest power from entrenched interests by developing new media to bypass established "monopolies of knowledge." McLuhan noted further that information speed-up makes porous previously well-defined borders. Historically, the independence of villages and city-states declined as information movement accelerated. McLuhan (1964) declared that when this happens, new centralist powers invariably take action "to homogenize as many marginal areas as possible" (p. 93). Although he acknowledged that the wheel, roads, paper, money, and the mechanical clock were important innovations accelerating transactions and thereby shifting power, the phonetic alphabet and typography for him were of utmost significance: "The phonetic alphabet has no rival," he insisted, "as a translator of man out of the closed tribal echo-chamber into the neutral visual world of lineal organization" (McLuhan, 1964, p. 93).
Parallels between McLuhan's thought and Frye's are manifest. Both proposed, for instance, a magical kingdom where meaning once abounded. Both contended that the rise of objectivity banished this magical kingdom and placed humanity in a fragmented world. Whereas Frye proclaimed that, once removed from the garden (through the "truth of correspondence"), one can re-enter only sporadically and temporarily through suspensions of disbelief as when reading a novel or viewing a play, McLuhan insisted that, through electronics, humanity enters the garden automatically and inadvertently once more.
Although seldom if ever referring specifically to the dialectic in his own work, McLuhan was in fact the most dialectical of the writers surveyed here. In addition to counterpointing orality and literacy, ear and eye, acoustic and visual space, cool and hot media, and so on, his treatment chiasmus illustrates well his penchant for dialectics. By chiasmus, McLuhan meant that reversals occur when processes are taken to extremes. For example, virtue pushed far enough becomes a vice (McLuhan & Watson, 1971). Applied to communications, the electric telegraph and ensuing electronic media have sped-up information movement to such an extent that there is now an implosion rather than an explosion: centres of power, according to McLuhan (1964), no longer extend their reach as they did with "mechanical" media like the printing press; rather, the movement with electronics is toward the negation of centres of power. As in a pointillist painting, everyone and everything is increasingly understood as being related simultaneously in a complex system of mutual interdependence. The notion here is that the seeds of reversal are within every process, an idea McLuhan elaborated most fully in his Laws of the Media (McLuhan & McLuhan, 1988).
Macpherson's dialectic of property
Finally, C. B. Macpherson's dialectical analyses of property and political philosophy can likewise be understood as variations on Innisian themes of time-space. Macpherson (1978) defined property not as a thing, but as an enforceable claim to some use or benefit. He also distinguished between property as a concept and property as an institution, arguing that these dual aspects are in continual interaction, either reinforcing or contradicting one another. "What [people] see," he wrote, "must have some relation (though not necessarily an exact correspondence) to what is actually there"; he added: "Changes in what is there are due partly to changes in the ideas people have of it" (p. 1). During times of stability, property as a concept and property as an institution are mutually supportive, the concept justifying the institution and the institution verifying the concept. During times of transition, however, conceptions of property inconsistent with the institution foreshadow change in the institution. Therefore, a good starting point for those interested in reforming property (i.e., changing social relations) is to challenge property's justificatory theories and its commonly accepted meanings.
Historically, property has been conceptualized and institutionalized dichotomously: Private property is the right to exclude others from some use or benefit, whereas common property is the right of an individual not to be excluded (Macpherson, 1973). For example, the right to access streets and parks, according to Macpherson, is a property right common to all; in Canada so is Medicare, unemployment insurance, and education up to and including the secondary level.
It is precisely because property can be set as either an enforceable right to exclude or as a right not be excluded that Macpherson declared that property helps define and redefine relations among people. In our terms, property mediates human relations. To have property is to be able to participate in social/communicatory life; to have no property (no rights of access) is to be foreclosed from this. Property therefore signifies the selective protection of interests and thereby denotes the selective capacity to participate in social, economic, and communicatory life.
Macpherson (1978) further emphasized that although both private and common property are created and enforced by the state or the community, these are rights of individuals (including corporations as "artificial persons"). He wrote: "In neither case does the fact the state creates the right make the right the property of the state. . . . The state creates the rights, the individuals have the rights" (p. 5).
Further, Macpherson (1978) maintained that modes of property always require justification. He declared:
Any institution of property requires a justifying theory. The legal right must be grounded in a public belief that it is morally right. Property has always to be justified by something more basic; if it is not so justified, it does not for long remain an enforceable claim. If it is not justified, it does not remain property. (pp. 11-12, emphasis added)
Through the ages, property has been justified either as being necessary for people to realize their "fundamental nature" or as a "natural right." Disputes concerning what type of property is best, therefore, are usually couched in terms of "human nature," or with regard to what comprises a "natural right" to property. Political philosophers such as John Locke, who supported private property, promoted a particular view of human nature-what Macpherson (1962) referred to as proprietary individualism, that is, a "conception of the individual as essentially the proprietor of his own person or capacities, owing nothing to society for them. The individual [is] seen neither as a moral whole, nor as part of a larger social whole, but as an owner of himself" (p. 3).
Proprietary individualism means, furthermore, that people are considered, and consider themselves to be, divisible, that aspects of the person (her skills and energy) can with equanimity be hived off and sold to others. Labour, therefore, can and should be sold in the marketplace as a commodity. Proprietary individualism, in brief, provides an ontological justification for the market economy and for relations of commodity exchange. It also constitutes a rationale for immense disparities among people in terms of their capacity to access the means of living.
In contrast to human nature as proprietary individualism, John Stuart Mill proposed that the human essence is that of exerter, enjoyer, and developer of capacities and skills. That conception of humanness, Macpherson declared, was also endorsed by the ancients (Plato, Aristotle, the Church fathers), but the market economy and its justificatory philosophy penetrated human consciousness to such a degree that the developmental view of human nature all but vanished. Utilitarians since the time of Jeremy Bentham have viewed the human essence as essentially a bundle of appetites demanding satisfaction. Macpherson (1973) wrote, "the idea of man as activity rather than consumption" is what we need to retrieve (p. 5).
Common property, of course, is subversive of commodity exchange and the price system, both of which Innis associated with space-bound cultures. Common property, on the other hand, is consistent with Innis' notion of time-bound society. Moreover, just as Innis proposed a trend from time-binding to space-binding media of communication, so Macpherson (1973) detected a movement historically from common property to private property, the latter being, in his view, "largely an invention of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries" (p. 122). Furthermore, Macpherson's dialectic concerning rival conceptions of human nature, namely, people as infinite accumulators and consumers versus users and developers of their talents and capacities, is quite consonant with the space/time dialectic of Innis. Whereas Innis urged a balance between time-binding and space-binding media and made "a plea for time," Macpherson implored us to "retrieve" the sense of people as doers and exerters of their capacities and urged a larger place for common property.
Moreover, Innis and Macpherson had similar notions of mediation. Neither saw communication as merely the dispatching of messages by autonomous senders to recipients. Rather, for both these writers, as for the other theorists considered here, senders, recipients, messages, and media are simultaneously parts and products of an ongoing social order. If we conceive ourselves as infinite acquirers and accumulators, Macpherson charged, that is because the philosophical/propertied order into which we have been born tells us that this is who we are and requires that we act accordingly.
Finally, it is in the context of mediation that asymmetrical power relations are treated by both writers. Innis focused on relations between centre and periphery and ascribed these significantly but not exclusively to the means of inscription; Macpherson concentrated on relations between owners of the means of production and workers, and ascribed asymmetric power relations to the mode of property. Innis declared that relations between centre and margin, between time and space, must be readjusted to restore balance and prevent chaos; for Macpherson (1978), the ratio between private property and common property must be altered to allow greater opportunity to fulfill the human potential and to prevent environmental collapse.
Macpherson (1973) discerned a "race" between ontology and technology. By ontology he meant the predominant conception, at any particular time, of the human "essence." By a race he implied not only that ontology and technology are both subject to change, but also that it really matters which changes the more quickly. Only if the conception of the human essence as doer, exerter, and developer of capacities quickly replaces the view of people as infinite desirers and accumulators can technological advance remain consistent with democratic freedoms.
Having detected and summarized key themes and concerns that permeate the thought of these five foundational writers, let me conclude by addressing the implications and importance of their thought for the present and future.
The writers treated here are virtually univocal in their condemnation of the market as the chief means of organizing human activity and, by implication, of subordinating communication systems to commercial concerns. In the view of these theorists, markets cause people to be unduly individualistic in their actions, whereas human existence is radically contingent upon the actions of others. The price system and the ensuing concerns for economic power and efficiency, narrowly conceived, tend to wipe out the ethic of community. Media trends which further commodify communication, these theorists admonish, are erosive also of democracy and hence of human rights.
These theorists, at least implicitly, urge us to consider critically the communication environment (the "cultural ecology," in McLuhan's words6) in which we are immersed, and thereby begin to free ourselves from the power of professional communicators who do not necessarily use the media to promote the common good. Individually and in combination our theorists issue a clarion call to resist, and thereby to become more free.
Harold Innis, for instance, warned of "present mindedness," a tendency for people to be preoccupied with the concerns of the day and to think that these are unique to the present time. Near the time of his own death he warned that Canadians "are indeed fighting for our lives. . . . We can only survive by taking persistent action at strategic points against American imperialism in all its attractive guises" (1952, pp. 19-20). Likewise, George Grant (1969b) pronounced: "The present darkness is a real darkness" because we have largely forgotten our ancient compasses (p. 68).
Indeed, there is a rhetoric circulating which assuages some people's anxieties by contending that we are entering a new era-an "information society," the "end of history," a new millennium, a Third Wave-which renders history irrelevant and venerable concerns obsolete. This is forgetfulness raised to the level of ontology!
Taken together, though, the communication theorists reviewed here retrieve issues as old as human history, questions and issues that simply do not go away, indeed ones which we ought now to be considering in the context of burgeoning technological change in the field of communication: What is truth; what is knowledge; and how do these relate to the means of communication? What is an individual; what is a culture; and what is the relationship between individual and society? What is power; how is power exercised; for what purposes ought power to be exerted; and how should it be distributed and controlled? What is the relation between communication and power? What is freedom; what is technology; and what are the connections between freedom and technology? What is equality; what is justice; and how can these be attained? How do peoples relate to one another? Is there transcendence and, if so, how is that achieved or experienced? How can we judge?
Studying the communication thought of these acclaimed scholars increases awareness of questions we should continue to ask, and presents some answers that may fit circumstances in which we find ourselves and thereby help open up further possibilities for the pursuit of freedom, equality, justice, and peace in the early decades of the twenty-first century.
- 1
- Frye wrote: "Small and isolated communities surrounded with a physical or psychological `frontier,' separated from one another and from their American and British cultural sources: communities that provide all that their members have in the way of distinctively human values, and that are compelled to feel a great respect for the law and order that holds them together, yet confronted with a huge, unthinking, menacing, and formidable physical setting-such communities are bound to develop what we may provisionally call a garrison mentality" (Frye, 1997, p. 73).
- 2
- Critical scholars today, it may be noted, have identified additional, concomitant trends: increases in the commodification of information and communication, the globalization of information systems, a shrinking of the public sphere, and growing disparities between the information rich and information poor.
- 3
- It is important to note that Lazarsfeld was himself an administrative researcher par excellence. He founded research institutes and served clients like CBS. He determined the size of radio audiences, their composition, and the "gratifications" listeners derived from media use. He even helped construct the so-called "minimum effects model" of media which claims that media content is essentially insignificant in terms of personal and social effects, a panacea to media organizations if ever there was one. Nonetheless, despite his marked administrative bent, Lazarsfeld not only acknowledged the vital importance of critical research to the proper functioning of a humane, democratic society, but gave practical expression to this belief by making space available, albeit not without serious disagreement, to critical researchers Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno (see Hardt, 1992).
- 4
- According to American historian of communication thought Everett Rogers, concern for effects constitutes "the dominant focus of communication research" in the United States. Researchers in this tradition test the consequences on recipients of one-way transmissions. Although appropriate for certain questions (the relation between television violence and children, for instance), the approach, according to Rogers (1994), is "inconsistent with communication as interrelationships and as processes of mutual influence" (p. 100).
- 5
- Grant found much merit in modern conceptions of time, law, and justice. He acknowledged that the freedom-to-do inherent in the modern conceptions had brought about multitudinous improvements-modern medicine and the plethora of labour-saving devices, for instance. No sane person could doubt this, Grant affirmed. That being the case, modern accounts of law and of justice must be true. But hence his dilemma. For while both modern and antiquarian accounts of time, law, and justice are true, Grant saw them to be mutually exclusive. In Philosophy in the Mass Age, he expressed his perplexity by asking how these two, "true" accounts could even be "thought together" (Grant, 1995, p. 70). Difficulty there may be, Grant opined, but assuredly both must be thought since either one by itself is "wholly unacceptable." On the one hand, antiquarian conceptions of law and justice allow people to attribute horrendous conditions to the "will of God" and, on the other hand, "the worst crimes of the twentieth century have been perpetrated in the name of progress and man's right to make history" (p. 71).
- 6
- "Genetic studies of human groups offer no certainty and very small data, indeed, compared to cultural and environmental approaches. My suggestion is that cultural ecology has a reasonably stable base in the human sensorium, and that any extension of the sensorium by technological dilation has a quite appreciable effect in setting up new ratios or proportion among all the senses" (McLuhan, 1962, p. 35).
Babe, R. E. (in press). Canadian communication thought. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Braman, S. (1994). Commentary. In R. E. Babe (Ed.), Information and communication in economics (pp. 92-103). Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Cayley, D. (Ed.). (1992). Northrop Frye in conversation. Toronto: House of Anansi Press.
Christian, W. (1993). George Grant: A biography. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Elder, R. B. (1989). Image and identity: Reflections on Canadian film and culture. Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
Frye, N. (1967). The modern century. Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Frye, N. (1969). Fearful symmetry: A study of William Blake. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (Originally published in 1948)
Frye, N. (1971a). The bush garden: Essays in the Canadian imagination. Toronto: House of Anansi Press.
Frye, N. (1971b). The critical path: An essay on the social context of literary criticism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Frye, N. (1982). Divisions on a ground: Essays on Canadian culture (J. Polk, Ed.). Toronto: House of Anansi Press.
Frye, N. (1997). Conclusion to a literary history of Canada. In Northrop Frye, Mythologizing Canada: Essays on the Canadian literary imagination (Branko Gorjup, Ed.; pp. 63-111). Ottawa: Legas. (Originally published in 1965 in Carl F. Klinck [Ed.]. Literary history of Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
Giroux, H. A. (1981). Ideology, culture, and the process of schooling. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Grant, G. (1969a). Technology and empire. Toronto: House of Anansi Press.
Grant, G. (1969b). Time as history. Toronto: CBC Learning Systems.
Grant, G. (1981, October). The case against abortion. Today, p. 3.
Grant, G. (1995). Philosophy in the mass age (W. Christian, Ed.). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (Originally published in 1959)
Hardin, H. (1974). A nation unaware: The Canadian economic culture. Vancouver: J. J. Douglas.
Hardt, H. (1992). Critical communication studies: Communication, history & theory in America. London & New York: Routledge.
Innis, H. A. (1952). The strategy of culture. In H. A. Innis, Changing concepts of time (pp. 1-20). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Innis, H. A. (1956). The teaching of economic history in Canada. Reprinted in H. A. Innis, Essays in Canadian economic history (Mary Q. Innis, Ed.; pp. 3-16). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (Originally published in 1929 in H. A. Innis, Contributions to Canadian economics 2. Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
Innis, H. A. (1962). The fur trade in Canada: An introduction to Canadian economic history (Rev. ed., prepared by S. D. Clark & W. T. Easterbrook). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (Originally published in 1930)
Innis, H. A. (1971). The bias of communication. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (Originally published in 1951)
Kroker, A. (1984). Technology and the Canadian mind: Innis/McLuhan/Grant. Montreal: New World Perspectives.
Lazarsfeld, P. (1972). Administrative and critical research. In Qualitative analysis: Historical and critical essays (pp. 157-167). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. (Article originally published in 1941 as "Remarks on administrative and critical research," Studies in Philosophy and Social Sciences, 9[1])
Macpherson, C. B. (1962). The political economy of possessive individualism: Hobbes to Locke. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Macpherson, C. B. (1973). Democratic theory: Essays in retrieval. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Macpherson, C. B. (Ed.). (1978). Property: Mainstream and critical positions. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
McLuhan, M. (1962). The Gutenberg galaxy: The making of typographical man. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
McLuhan, M. (1964). Understanding media: The extensions of man. New York: Mentor.
McLuhan, M., & McLuhan, E. (1988). Laws of the media: The new science. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
McLuhan, M., with Watson, W. (1971). From cliché to archetype.New York: Pocket Books. (Originally published in 1970)
Rogers, E. M. (1994). A history of communication study: A biographical approach. New York: Free Press.
Stearn, G. E. (Ed.). (1969). McLuhan: Hot and cool. New York: Signet Books. (Originally published in 1967)


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Both Spain and the U.S. are playing key international roles in the drama the continues to unfold over the future of Venezuela despite a divide between the left and the far left in both countries that is driven by ideology, oversimplification of the issue and President Donald Trump's support for interim president Juan Guaidó. The left should be leading on this important human rights issue but instead they are squabbling among themselves. The people of Venezuela deserve better.
At the heart of this is the question of who is the legitimate leader of Venezuela and who has attempted some sort of coup d'etat, a term that have been thrown around indiscriminately. Any support for or rejection of Guaidó's interim presidency is based on two questions, the first being the legitimacy of the election held in May of 2018 and subsequent inauguration of Nicolas Maduro on January 10 of this year. The European Union, the Organization of American States, the Lima Group, the Human Rights Inter-American Commission as well as 46 countries deemed it illegitimate. A low turnout of 46% underscores the people's lack of faith in the election amid violations of Venezuela's constitution including the banning of several opposition parties and leaders. Who found this election to be legitimate? Russia, China, Cuba, Iran, Egypt, Syria and Turkey, among others. Not exactly a list that emits democratic light.
If Venezuela's 2018 election was indeed fraudulent, then the second question is about the legitimacy of Guaidó's claim as interim president. This depends on a reading of Venezuela's constitution, particularly articles 233, 333 and 350, which give the National Assembly the right to name an interim president in the absence of a president of the republic until new elections are held.
Making cross-border left-right comparisons almost always a foolish endeavor. The left in Spain and the United States do not match up in many ways, but we can make some comparisons is on an issue by issue basis, like this one. And based on the two questions of legitimacy, there is no reason for the left to split over support for Maduro or Guaidó, yet they do.
In the U.S., Democratic primary frontrunners former Vice President Joe Biden and Senator Bernie Sanders have clashed over the issue as have Pedro Sanchez and Pablo Iglesias. Ideology plays a part in this, something Trump has stoked in rallies and tweets about choosing sides in this presidential showdown that he frames as a fight against socialism. In this, he misses the point: while socialism may fall on the left of a left-right economic continuum of socialism vs. capitalism, what this doesn't take into account is an up and down axis of authoritarians vs. libertarians. Maduro's failed leadership and the humanitarian crises that Venezuelan's are suffering from is about his illiberal and authoritarian approach to governing, including the fraudulent 2018 election.
Democratic primary frontrunner, Senator Bernie Sanders has declined to call Maduro a dictator and has also refused to say if Guaidó has a legitimate claim to the interim presidency. In January he tweeted: "...we must learn the lessons of the past and not be in the business of regime change or supporting coups—as we have in Chile, Guatemala, Brazil & the DR [Dominican Republic]. The US has a long history of inappropriately intervening in Latin American nations; we must not go down that road again." While trying to prove that he can handle foreign policy, Sanders is showing his deep lack of experience and understanding by conflating the past misadventures of the U.S. in Latin America with the current humanitarian crises in Venezuela.
This has led to clashes with other Democrats, including fellow primary frontrunner Joe Biden who tweeted that"Maduro's regime is responsible for incredible suffering. The U.S. must stand with the National Assembly & Guaidó in their efforts to restore democracy through legitimate, internationally monitored elections." Biden is not alone in this position, he is joined by most Democratic primary candidates as well as Speaker Nancy Pelosi, all of which support new elections in Venezuela but oppose any sort of military intervention.
Sanders isn't alone either. The left-wing activist group Code Pink has gotten into the picture by occupying the Venezuelan Embassy in Washington in protest of any U.S. intervention in Venezuela. They've hung signs from the embassy declaring "No Coup, Peace With Venezuela" and "No War for Oil" and in an op-ed in the Washington Posttheir co-director conflates it with the invasion of Iraq. She also frames Code Pink activists as the victims of Venezuelan protesters who have stopped food from coming in to the embassy. In their zeal to 'protect' Venezuelan's from a war, Code Pink activists have missed the crushing irony of their woes, apparently they haven't heard of the "Maduro diet" due to severe food shortages.
Iglesias takes his opposition to supporting Guaidó further than Sanders, but we can see this same sort of left-right oversimplification of the issue. In a tweet in January, Iglesias tweeted: "Trump and his allies are not interested in democracy and human rights in Venezuela, they are interested in their oil. Spain and Europe must defend international legality, dialogue and peaceful mediation, not a coup d'état." Sound familiar? He doubled down more recently, saying "We strongly condemn the coup d'état."
My writing on these pages as well as others confirms my opposition to just about everything Trump does in the name of my country. Supporting Guaidó is probably the only decent foreign policy inclination he has had and one that has been heavily guided by the more moderate and internationally savvy Republican Senator Marco Rubio. Yes, it's important to oppose the military intervention that national security advisor, John Bolton and secretary of state Mike Pompeo are flirting with.
Trump's support of Guaidó's interim presidency is a terrible reason to call it a coup as is some vague idea that Maduro represents the left and Guaidó represents the right. This is about putting an end to the humanitarian crises in Venezuela and supporting democratic values. The people of Venezuela and Juan Guaidó are attempting a very heavy lift, they are up against corrupt forces with immense power and wealth and the backing of Russia and China. They deserve our unequivocal support.
This op-ed was published in Spanish en El Español.


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BJBs F-141 Rev A/B Polyurethane Elastomer
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You can enhance the contour and shape of your cheeks using basic cheek implants. This is especially the case if your cheeks have no definition now, if your face is flat or if your face is too narrow. It can make you appear younger and can enhance your overall look. For this reason, it is a good way to make your look appear better. Continue reading
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New Book! Beginner's Guide to Developing a High School Cybersecurity Program
About the T in STEM is back. I took June off from the podcast to focus more on getting the book done! We'll it's here and in this episode, I share with you what you'll find in the book, where you can buy it, and how to get a discount on the book when you purchase from STEM Geek Boutique.
- About the T in STEM was named to the list of top Education IT influencers. You can check out the full list here. Lots of other great podcasts listed here worth checking out!
- Getting ready to head out to the CSTA conference this week where I will be presenting on our Cyber Center of Excellence and sharing a bit more about my book. Can't make it? Here's the list of resources I will be going over in the presentation.
- Now let's go over the contents of my new book the Beginner's Guide to Developing a High School Cybersecurity program. Listen to the podcast for your 25% off discount code when you purchase directly from STEM Geek Boutique
from About the 'T' in STEM https://www.heathermonthie.com/new-book-beginners-guide-to-developing-a-high-school-cybersecurity-program/
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"Yellow Fever": Kenyan Short Tackles Allure of Whiteness To African Beauty
Kenyan filmmaker Ng'endo Mukii is the type of woman that can be expected to tell bold stories through a multifaceted lens. A sort of mixed-media film showcasing elements of animation, documentary narrative, and dancing, her award winning short film "Yellow Fever" is a beautifully choreographed hodge podge of concepts that weave together in perfect harmony. Using memories and interviews from Mukii's family members, "Yellow Fever" studies Westernization and Globalization's effects on African woman, their understanding of beauty standards and their own self-image. From discussing African hairstyles to skin bleaching trends, the film evolves to become a rather frank portrait. Used as Mukii's thesis project at London's Royal College of Art, this Kenyan short was a festival favorite and winner of the Silver Hugo for Best Animated Short at the 2013 Chicago International Film Festival. Interested in the concepts of skin and race as well as studying the destabilized standards of beauty within African communities, Mukii knows her subject well, and for this I believe we can trust her work to start a much needed discussion amongst all audience types. While you're at it, why not check out more of the best (and free!) short films on the web.


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This article will talk about developmental milestones and delays among visually impaired children, and some practical ways to address them.
By Supriya Das
Parents, who usually come to me for consultation or enrolment of their babies in Saksham's intervention program, either come with a lot of disappointments or lot of hope. When you are left with no option other than bringing up a child with a challenge, then anxiety, sadness, frustration, anger, tiredness and unrealistic expectations are natural. My first suggestion to such families always is to slow down, stop thinking negatively and start acting as per the demands of the present situation. It is hard but definitely not impossible. One can surely pull through.
Some parents get to know about the presence of a visual challenge in their baby right at the time they are born. However some may come across it in later months when they see few or no signs of their baby's visual connectivity with them and the immediate surroundings. The earlier you notice the better. Hence, watch out for early signs of a visual disability in your baby in order to address the challenge. Here is a checklist:
- White pupil, cloudiness of the iris, persistent redness, swelling or discharge from the eyes.
- Excessive watering, blinking or sensitivity to light or sunlight
- Aimless gaze, erratic eye movements or a cross-eyed look
- The child does not make eye contact when you talk to him/her
- Does not see objects until held very close
- Does not notice objects, toys or people around
- May flail hands when you offer a toy or an object and may not be able to grab it
- Tilts head or moves eye balls in peculiar directions to look at or find objects
If you notice any of these signs in your baby then surely get a medical diagnosis done. Once you get a confirmation by the medical practitioner about the existence of a visual challenge, seek immediate support from either early intervention experts or a vision therapist who can assist with the rehabilitation process. Remember that your baby is growing at a regular pace. You need to offer the right opportunities so that he/she achieves the developmental milestones to his/her best potential at an appropriate age. Keep in mind that every child is different and so is the visual challenge. Hence, babies with a visual impairment may reach their developmental milestones at different ages. This is also dependent on that age at which you start the rehabilitation process.
Let us have a look at some significant vision milestones from birth to two years of age that aid in overall growth and development in all babies and toddlers.
Birth to four months- Babies without disabilities, at this age, focus on objects or faces which are at a distance of about ten inches. They perceive the world usually in black and white. They start to track mobile objects and try to reach for them. Eye hand co-ordination and depth perception begin to develop at this period.
5 to 8 months- Babies without disabilities develop colour-sensitive vision by now and start to crawl. This further aids in eye-hand-foot-body co-ordination. Eye movement and depth perception continue to develop.
9 to 12 months- Babies without disabilities begin to use both eyes together and judge distances and grasp and throw objects with greater accuracy. Crawling continues and they get more mobile.
1 to 2 years: Eye-hand co-ordination and depth perception are well developed in babies without disabilities by now. They get more interested in exploring, listening and looking around.
You must have realized by now that vision plays a significant role in motor milestones and overall development. Hence, you need to be proactive and find ways to can ensure that your baby achieves these milestones in spite of the visual disability. Let's look at some activities that you can perform with your baby.
If your baby has some vision:
- Use a nightlight or other dim lamp in the baby's room
- Use black and white or light and dark contrasting toys- it would be best to go for black, white and red.
- Frequently change the position of the baby cot and also change the baby's position in it.
- Keep reach-and-touch toys in the baby's proximity. Use toys that make a sound.
- Talk to the baby as you move around the room.
- Encourage crawling and other forms of movement. Give the baby a lot of freedom to experience the home environment.
- Let the baby touch and explore a variety of things.
- Name objects every time the baby touches them.
- Give the baby toys/objects to play with that have different textures and shapes.
These strategies are quite helpful in achieving positive results. However, expert support is also required. Experts will conduct assessments, develop a planned program and provide guidance as per the nature of the baby's disability. One small piece of advice: Don't be frustrated if the baby is not accomplishing the activities in the first attempt. It is best to wait and try again later.
Give ample time to yourself as well as to your baby! Some resources that you may find useful:
1. https://pathways.org/ - This website provides a lot of information on developmental milestones of babies and toddlers.
2. Leo Learns by Doing DVD is an excellent tool for parents, educators and care givers that shares step by step strategies and techniques to help babies with visual impairment develop skills and abilities. If interested, follow the link to check it out: https://www.good-lite.com/Details.cfm?ProdID=588.
Photo Credit- Arnav Sengupta
About the Author
Supriya Das is Program Co-ordinator at the Infant to Toddler Program at Saksham, an NGO that works in the domain of disability. Her area of expertise involves working with children with visual impairment, deaf blindness, and multiple disabilities. She also works with parents, care givers and communities to create awareness and provide training.
At Saksham's Infant to Toddler Program, early intervention services are provided to children with sensory impairment (age 0-4) and training support to their families. Connect to Saksham on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/SakshamIndia2003/. For more information, Supriya can be reached at email@example.com. She also writes a blog on teaching and learning strategies for children with visual impairment, deaf-blindness and multiple disabilities which can be accessed athttp://igrowup.weebly.com/


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For their most recent tour, Dada Life hosted a contest where the winner would go on tour with Dada Life for a week. The winner, named Nolan, was able to live with Dada Life during this week and had VIP status for every show, as well as all the champagne and bananas he wanted. This web series, entitled "Seven Days in Dada Life" documents Nolan's week with Dada Life and life on the road. Check out episode 1 below.
"Follow" Dada Life: | Facebook | Twitter |


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A stock represents a share of ownership in a business. When you hold one or more shares of stock in a company, you actually own a piece of that company. Your percentage of ownership will depend on how many shares you hold in relation to the total number of shares issued by the company.
What are stocks?
Stock equals ownership
A stock represents a share of ownership in a business. When you hold one or more shares of stock in a company, you actually own a piece of that company. Your percentage of ownership will depend on how many shares you hold in relation to the total number of shares issued by the company.
Investors who purchase stock are known as the company's stockholders or shareholders. The price of shares reflects the public's level of interest in owning the shares. If a lot of investors want to buy shares, they bid against one another, driving up the market price of the stock. If interest is low, competing bids are few and far between, and the price of shares is likely to fall.
Stock ownership can give you a share of profits and other perks
Your percentage of ownership in a company represents your share of the risks taken and profits generated by the company. If the company does well, your share of the total earnings will be proportionate to how much of the company's stock you own. The flip side, of course, is that your share of any loss will be similarly proportionate to your percentage of ownership, though you are not personally financially responsible for any share of the liabilities of the company in which you hold an equity interest.
Beyond that, depending on the company and the types of shares you have, stock ownership may carry other benefits. Specifically, you may be entitled to dividend payments (which you can generally receive either in cash or additional shares), capital gains payouts, voting rights, and other corporate privileges. For example, common stockholders have the right to vote for candidates for the board of directors and on other important issues.
Why invest in stocks?
Many investors never venture beyond the world of cash alternatives–bank accounts, CDs, money market accounts, and Treasury bills. They take comfort in knowing that these investment vehicles provide maximum safety coupled with liquidity that allows them to access their money easily if they need it. However, while these investments are relatively low risk, they generally yield minimal returns; some may not even keep pace with inflation. At some point, most investors want the potential for greater returns, which is where stocks enter the picture.
A variety of factors motivate people to invest in stocks. Many view equity investments as an opportunity to accumulate wealth or to prevent inflation from eventually reducing the purchasing power of their money. They generally take a long-term view, hoping their stocks will appreciate in value over time. They may also be interested in the dividends that some stocks pay, which shareholders may accept in cash or (in some cases) reinvest in additional shares of the company. Dividends and any increases or drops in the stock's price combine to produce the stock's total return.
Stock investing involves risk including loss of principal.


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If the last two months have taught us anything (other than that Fed is panicking) it's that "hedge" funds sometimes aren't so good at hedging.
In fact, between i) the outright breakdown of the historical relationships between asset classes (volatilities and correlations) that are used to construct optimal "risk-parity" funds and ii) a number of "superstar"-specific disasters such as the Valeant debacle, anyone paying 2 and 20 might want to do a sanity check because as the recent performance of Pershing Square, Greenlight, and Paulson (who apparently decided that the best way to allocate capital was to spread it among Puerto Rico and Greece) seem to show, these leverage-assisted, beta train-riding, carried interest tax loophole-exploiting fund managers are ill-prepared to protect capital in the event of a real downturn.
And while we wait anxiously to see who will be the first big name to liquidate, some of the "little" guys have already thrown in the towel. Here's WSJ:
A messy stretch in global markets claimed two more victims as a pair of hedge-fund firms decided to shut down.
MeehanCombs LP, a Connecticut firm that managed about $300 million at its peak last year, will return most of its client money at the end of the month, President Eli Combs said. The fund was down 6% last year and 7% this year through August after it suffered mounting losses in the spring and summer.
Meanwhile, former Pacific Investment Management Co. executive John Brynjolfsson said he would return outside capital in his California-based Armored Wolf LLC hedge-fund firm, and manage only his own cash by year-end.
"The past year has been pretty horrendous" for some of the firm's funds, particularly those exposed to a vicious downturn in commodities, Mr. Brynjolfsson said. "Some of our clients have thrown in the towel."
The average Americas hedge fund fell 1.74% in September, pushing managers into the red for the year, according to Morgan Stanley estimates reviewed by The Wall Street Journal. High-profile managers including William Ackman and David Einhorn are down by double-digit percentages.
MeehanCombs was in worse shape than many peers due mostly to its heavy exposure to a shaky Europe.
The firm's chief investment officer, Matthew Meehan, maintained a handful of large bets on some European banks, such as Germany's HSH Nordbank, that became a drag on returns, according to investor documents and a person familiar with the matter. Mr. Meehan's tendency to hold far more bullish than bearish wagers in areas such as junk bonds also turned against him as markets viewed as risky began to sell off en masse.
And that pretty much says it all: the "tendency to hold far more bullish wagers in junk." In other words, the inability to kick a gambling habit.
Of course it wasn't that long ago that Eli Combs was a "rising star". Recall the following from Institutional Investor ca. … well, ca. just a little over a year ago:
He might live in Rowayton, Connecticut, and work in Greenwich, but Eli Combs isn't your cookie-cutter hedge fund manager. For starters, he's a vegetarian. Ohio native Combs, 43, graduated from Miami University with a liberal arts degree before earning an MS in finance from City University of New York and an MBA from Yale University. In 2001 he became a private banker with Goldman Sachs Group in New York. Over the following decade Combs and his family settled in Carroll Gardens, Brooklyn, as he moved into hedge fund management. In April 2012, with seed capital from asset manager BlackRock, he and Matthew Meehan, a former colleague from New York hedge fund Eos Partners, launched MeehanCombs, a Greenwich-based hedge fund that manages just shy of $300 million and focuses on credit and distressed investing. It's important to Combs and Meehan that their firm be not only best-in-class when it comes to investment performance but a model of good governance.
Yes, it's very important to Combs and Meehan that they are "best-in-class" when it comes to performance and good governance which is why they have done horribly at both. But don't be too hard them, because even the PE heavyweights of the world are finding this to be a particularly difficult operating environment. Via Bloomberg:
Bain Capital is liquidating its Absolute Return Capital hedge fund after more than three years of losses, citing a "challenging" environment for macro trading.
The fund, run by Jonathan Goodman and Jeff Woolbert, had about $2.2 billion in assets as of Aug. 1, including $552 million of internal money, according to an investor presentation dated August 2015. The fund was down 13 percent this year through July, which would be its worst year since inception in 2004.
"As you know, the environment for global macro fundamentals-based trading continues to be challenging," the Boston-based firm told clients in a letter Tuesday. "That factor, combined with the lack of certainty over when a recovery will take hold, led us to conclude that the time was right to return capital to you."
Of course the real question here is this: if this is the kind of performance one can expect in a downturn and if asset classes continue to become more and more correlated, one certainly wonders how bad the rout will be if/when things actually get bad, because let's face it, what we've seen over the last 45 days or so is just a warm up.
But if you're inclined to believe that it's still a good idea to fork over what, in mutual fund/ETF terms would be a laughably high expense ratio only to see your capital vaporized by egotistical, Fed put-surfing gurus, then be our guest and if you're particularly adventurous, you can start by handing your money over to the funds that decided to participate in Standard Chartered's new EM synthetic CDO...


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Launch the LiveSlides app.
Open a presentation in PowerPoint.
Go to the TINT website.
Navigate to the page you'd like to present.
Copy the URL from your browser.
Paste the URL into the LiveSlides dialog and click "Insert".
A placeholder image will now appear in your slide.
Enter presentation mode to view the live web content.
Choose your presentation software and operating system for instructions on inserting TINT into Keynote on Mac or PowerPoint on Windows.


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The statements contained herein and the products described have not been evaluated by the Food and Drug Administration. Neither LifeVantage nor its products are intended for the purpose of diagnosing, treating, curing, or preventing any disease.
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