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Utama Ecotourism Third Edition
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Ecotourism, third edition Although representing only a small percentage of international and domestic tourism, ecotourism, as a form of alternative tourism, continues to be a viable development option for all countries around the world. Its appeal lies in the fact that ecotourism attempts to safeguard human and ecological conditions, while at the same time activating economic opportunities for individuals and communities. Focusing on an array of economic, social and ecological inconsistencies that continue to plague ecotourism in theory and practice, this third edition continues to examine the evolution of ecotourism in reference to other related forms of tourism, impacts, conservation, sustainability, education and interpretation, policy and governance and the ethical imperative of ecotourism as these apply to the world's greenest form of tourism. This revised and updated edition of ecotourism provides a broad introduction, including: ● ● ● ● ● New information on the magnitude of the tourism industry, nature-based tourism, wildlife tourism and the pros and cons of mass ecotourism. Revised chapters on development, economics, marketing, policy, ecotourism in practice and biodiversity conservation. A section on governance models, ecotourism programmes, operators and guides, interpretation, certification and ecolodge design. A discussion of ecotourism as an ethical or responsible form of tourism. Approximately 300 new references. This critical overview of ecotourism is a useful reference for students, lecturers and researchers. It includes a range of case studies, and considers the perspectives of many adjacent fields, including geography, economics, business, philosophy, biology and environmental studies. David Fennell teaches and researches mainly in the areas of ecotourism and tourism ethics at Brock University, St Catharines, Ontario, Canada. He is the founding Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Ecotourism, and is an active member on editorial boards of many academic journals. Ecotourism Third edition ; David Fennell First published 1999 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Second edition first published 2003 Third edition first published 2008 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007. "To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge's collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk." Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2008 David Fennell All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fennell, David A., 1963– Ecotourism / David Fennell. – Ed. 3. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–415–42931–3 (hardcover) – ISBN 978–0–415–42930–6 (softcover) 1. Ecotourism. I. Title. G156.5.E26F465 2007 338.4'791–dc22 2007009494 ISBN 0-203-93958-1 Master e-book ISBN ISBN10: 0–415–42931–5 (pbk) ISBN10: 0–415–42930–7 (hbk) ISBN10: 0–203–93958–1 (ebk) ISBN13: 978–0–415–42931–3 (pbk) ISBN13: 978–0–415–42930–6 (hbk) ISBN13: 978–0–203–93958–1 (ebk) To my family Contents List of plates List of figures List of tables List of case studies Preface Acknowledgements Chapter 1 The nature of tourism ix xi xiii xv xvii xix 1 Chapter 2 Ecotourism and ecotourists 17 Chapter 3 The social and ecological impacts of tourism 47 Chapter 4 Development, economics and marketing 71 Chapter 5 Natural resources, protected areas and conservation 106 Chapter 6 Policy and governance: managing stakeholder interests 133 Chapter 7 Ecotourism in practice 164 Chapter 8 The ethical imperative 206 Chapter 9 Conclusion 226 Appendix Bibliography Index 232 238 273 Plates 1.1 1.2 2.1 2.2 2.3 3.1 3.2 3.3, 3.4 5.1 5.2 5.3 7.1, 7.2 7.3 7.4, 7.5 7.6, 7.7 8.1 8.2 Tourist development at Cancún, Mexico Alternative tourism can take many forms Mayan ruins To some tourists, culture is the primary attraction Combining natural history and adventure Wilderness users are wise to use existing campsites The impact of park users on the environment takes many forms Leaving plants and animals alone altogether On Canada's west coast, giant trees saved from loggers have generated much interest among ecotourists Petroglyph (painting of a moose), Clearwater River Provincial Park, Saskatchewan The beauty and power of river environments The importance of environmental awareness in programme planning The kayak: mainstay of many adventure-related operations in North America Experienced multilingual interpreters The ecolodge Jaguar, chained up for 24 hours a day as an ecotourism attraction Turtle egg-laying season 5 7 26 26 36 58 58 59 116 117 117 168 170 190 201 213 213 Figures 1.1 1.2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 4.1 4.2 5.1 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 Degrees of sustainable tourism Tourism relationships Hard and soft dimensions of ecotourism Wildlife-based tourism Levels of risk in tour packages Tourism activity spectrum The changing face of ecotourism Impact on recreation sites The tourist area life cycle A sustainable ecotourism cycle of evolution? The environmentally based tourism planning framework Categories of economic values attributed to environmental assets The process of market targeting to achieve institutional objectives The evolving role of parks Satisfaction in recreation and tourism Planning for tourism and recreation Accreditation standards for sustainable accommodation Ecotourism accommodation spectrum Reciprocal altruism A framework of moral philosophy Characteristics of resource protection and development A model of ethical triangulation Moral development in ecotourism organisational cultures Example of an Antarctica code of ethics guideline 14 15 20 32 34 35 36 56 62 66 67 86 96 113 165 167 183 203 207 209 212 218 218 221 Tables 1.1 1.2 1.3 2.1 2.2 3.1 4.1 4.2 5.1 5.2 5.3 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 7.9 7.10 8.1 8.2 Potential benefits derived from an alternative tourism strategy Core indicators of sustainable tourism Ecosystem-specific indicators Comparison of selected ecotourism and nature tourism definitions Relative importance of selected attractions and benefits to Canadian travellers and ecotourists A framework for the study of tourism and environmental stress Guiding principles for fee policy in nature-based tourism Strengths and weaknesses of marketing intermediaries Categories for conservation management Summary of the variables, definitions, indicators and interactions Private reserve types Innovation's place in tourism policy and regulation Policy implementation framework Australian National Ecotourism Strategy objectives Code for the indigenous-sensitive ecotourist Important aspects of programme planning Why conduct needs assessments? General resource inventory SWOT analysis of Kazdagi National Park Programme design matrix Outline for a risk-management plan Major steps in Borg and Gall's research and development cycle adapted to programme planning EcoGuide programme benefits Ecotourism accreditation fees Traditional lodge versus ecolodge Ethical orientations: a comparison Special ethical considerations of tourism 6 10 11 23 42 52 84 104 118–19 125 131 136 138 140 152 166 174 175 176 178 181 182 186 195 200 215 216 Case studies 1.1 2.1 2.2 3.1 3.2 4.1 4.2 5.1 5.2 5.3 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 7.1 7.2 8.1 8.2 Sustainable tourism and the Green Villages of Austria Nature tourism in Texas Nature tourism in the USA Ecotourism in the Galápagos Islands The fate of Mexico's Mayan heartland Urban ecotourism Ecotourism and Monarch butterflies Natural history travel in Shetland, Scotland Last Mountain Lake National Wildlife Area Gorilla tourism in Africa Whale Watch Operators Association Northwest Ecotourism in Brazil Highlighting the not-for-profit sector: Conservation International The struggle for Kakadu Wilderness tourism and outfitting in the Yukon, Canada Greylock Glen ecotourism resort Ethics in question: operators, local people and tourists Ecotourism in Antarctica 13 27–8 28 63–5 69 78–9 93–5 108–9 115 126–7 143 144–5 150–1 155 169 202 210–11 222–4 Preface One of the benefits of coming to ecotourism in its earliest days as a field of study is that I've seen first-hand how the concept has evolved over time. During the latter part of the 1980s, ecotourism was defined by a rather restricted range of opportunities in a few charismatic destinations that were essential in defining the nature of the experience. The market, typically birdwatchers and scientists, was much more predictable for these types of experiences: ecotourists were affiliated with conservation organisations; they heavily invested in the gear that would allow them to better capture these travel experiences; they travelled as ecotourists rather frequently; and they were long staying, well educated, financially well off, and allocentric in their travel desires. Ecotourism ('eco' standing for ecological) also represented a promising platform for conservationists to affect meaningful change in an industry that was increasingly defined by negative socio-cultural and ecological change. The allure of this new type of travel, no doubt stemming from the onset of sustainable development and the media hype generated from its coverage, gave way to an expanding market clamouring to take advantage of new alternative tourism opportunities in places that were virtually terra incognita. Concurrent to this growth in demand were opportunities for service providers to develop their own small-scale ecotourism packages, in their own little corner of the world, without being tied to large tourism organisations. Not surprisingly, the growth in ecotourism supply and demand over such a relatively short period of time has been accompanied by some very serious philosophical and practical inconsistencies that continue to plague ecotourism in study and practice. For example, in a sobering account of her travel experience in the Peruvian rainforest, Arlen (1995) writes that ecotourism has reached a critical juncture in its evolution. She speaks graphically of instances where tourists endured swimming in water with human waste; guides capturing sloths and caiman for tourists to photograph; raw sewage openly dumped into the ocean; mother cheetahs killing their cubs to avoid the harassment of cheetah-chasing tourists; and an ecotourism industry under-regulated with little hope for enforcement. Similar experiences have been recorded by other writers including Farquharson (1992), who argues that ecotourism is a dream that has been severely diluted. She writes that whereas birding once prevailed, ecotourism has fallen into the clutches of many of the mega-resorts like Cancún: the word [ecotourism] changes color like a chameleon. What began as a concept designed by ecologists to actively prevent the destruction of the environment has become a marketing term for tourism developers who want to publicise clean beaches, fish-filled seas and a bit of culture for when the sunburn begins to hurt (Farquharson 1992:8). It comes as no surprise therefore that mass tourism industry developers have capitalised on the concept in implementing their own version of ecotourism: one that is defined by a larger and softer market that is perhaps less ecologically knowledgeable and sensitive than their more traditional counterpart. A second stimulus for undertaking this book was to attempt to represent the vast amount of literature that was emerging on ecotourism. This continues to be an important motive in the third edition, where over 300 new references have been included to bring the discussion xviii • Preface up to date. Happily, ecotourism research continues to advance into many new and more specialised areas (e.g. ecotourism governance), as we would expect, making important contributions beyond basic elements on definition and other related aspects of nomenclature. The importance of ecotourism as a sub-field of study in tourism is represented by the fact that many more books have been published over the past few years, as well as by the development of an international journal, the Journal of Ecotourism, which has been active since 2002. Finally, I have long felt that if we are to continue to make important strides in ecotourism research, we can only do so by incorporating research from outside the field of tourism, and ecotourism more specifically. This third edition continues the trend by reaching out to some noteworthy contributions in fields such as biology and anthropology in an effort to be less insular and more interdisciplinary. An example of this can be found in Chapter 8, where the discussion on human cooperation and ethics provides a firmer foundation for a better understanding of why we are ethical by nature. Acknowledgements Thanks are extended to Dr Ryan Plummer, Brock University, for his comments on Chapter 6, as well as to Agnes Nowaczek for her assistance with new sources. Every effort has been made to contact copyright holders and we apologise for any inadvertent omissions. If any acknowledgement is missing it would be appreciated if contact could be made care of the publishers so that this can be rectified in any future edition. 1 The nature of tourism In this chapter the tourism system is discussed, including definitions of tourism and associated industry elements. Considerable attention is paid to attractions as fundamental elements of the tourist experience. Both mass tourism and alternative tourism paradigms are introduced as a means by which to overview the philosophical approaches to tourism development to the present day. Finally, much of the chapter is devoted to sustainable development and sustainable tourism, including sustainable tourism indicators, for the purpose of demonstrating the relevance of this form of development to the future of the tourism industry. This discussion will provide a backdrop from which to analyse ecotourism, which is detailed at length in Chapter 2. Defining tourism As one of the world's largest industries, tourism is associated with many of the prime sectors of the world's economy. According to Yeoman et al. (2006) tourism has had an average annual increase of 6.6 per cent over the last half century, with international travel rising from 25 million in 1950 to over 700 million by 2002. More specifically, and of interest to our discussion of ecotourism to follow, is the fact that in 1950 the top five travel destinations (in Europe and the Americas) held 71 per cent of the travel market, but by 2002 they held only 35 per cent. Yeoman et al. ascribe this to an increasing desire to visit new places, which in turn has been stimulated by an emergence of newly accessible destinations in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and the Pacific. Because of this magnitude, tourism has proven difficult to define due to its reliance on primary, secondary and tertiary levels of production and service, and the fact that it is so intricately interwoven into the fabric of life economically, socioculturally and environmentally. This difficulty is mirrored in a 1991 issue of The Economist: There is no accepted definition of what constitutes the [tourism] industry; any definition runs the risk of either overestimating or underestimating economic activity. At its simplest, the industry is one that gets people from their home to somewhere else (and back), and which provides lodging and food for them while they are away. But that does not get you far. For example, if all the sales of restaurants were counted as travel and tourism, the figure would be artificially inflated by sales to locals. But to exclude all restaurant sales would be just as misleading. It is this complex integration within our socio-economic system (a critical absence of focus), according to Clawson and Knetsch (1966) and Mitchell (1984), that complicates efforts to define tourism. Tourism studies are often placed poles apart in terms of philosophical approach, methodological orientation, or intent of the investigation. A variety of tourism 2 • The nature of tourism definitions, each with disciplinary attributes, reflect research initiatives corresponding to various fields. For example, tourism shares strong fundamental characteristics and theoretical foundations with the recreation and leisure studies field. According to Jansen-Verbeke and Dietvorst (1987) the terms 'leisure', 'recreation' and 'tourism' represent a type of loose, harmonious unity which focuses on the experiential and activity-based features that typify these terms. On the other hand, economic and technical/statistical definitions generally ignore the human experiential elements of the concept in favour of an approach based on the movement of people over political borders and the amount of money generated from this movement. It is this relationship with other disciplines, e.g. psychology, sociology, anthropology, geography, economics, which seems to have defined the complexion of tourism. However, despite its strong reliance on such disciplines, some, including Leiper (1981), have advocated a move away in favour of a distinct tourism discipline. To Leiper the way in which we need to approach the tourism discipline should be built around the structure of the industry, which he considers as an open system of five elements interacting with broader environments: (1) a dynamic human element, (2) a generating region, (3) a transit region, (4) a destination region, and (5) the tourist industry. This definition is similar to one established by Mathieson and Wall (1982), who see tourism as comprising three basic elements: (1) a dynamic element, which involves travel to a selected destination; (2) a static element, which involves a stay at the destination; and (3) a consequential element, resulting from the above two, which is concerned with the effects on the economic, social and physical subsystems with which the tourist is directly or indirectly in contact. Others, including Mill and Morrison, define tourism as a system of interrelated parts. The system is 'like a spider's web – touch one part of it and reverberations will be felt throughout' (Mill and Morrison 1985: xix). Included in their tourism system are four component parts, including Market (reaching the marketplace), Travel (the purchase of travel products), Destination (the shape of travel demand) and Marketing (the selling of travel). In recognition of the difficulty in defining tourism, Smith (1990a) feels that it is more realistic to accept the existence of a number of definitions, each designed to serve different purposes. This may in fact prove to be the most practical of approaches to follow. In this book, tourism is defined as the interrelated system that includes tourists and the associated services that are provided and utilised (facilities, attractions, transportation and accommodation) to aid in their movement, while a tourist, as established by the World Tourism Organization, is defined as a person travelling for pleasure for a period of at least one night, but not more than one year for international tourists and six months for persons travelling in their own countries, with the main purpose of the visit being other than to engage in activities for remuneration in the place(s) visited. Tourism attractions The tourism industry includes a number of key elements that tourists rely upon to achieve their general and specific goals and needs within a destination. Broadly categorised, they include facilities, accommodation, transportation and attractions, as noted above. Although an in-depth discussion of each is beyond the scope of this book, there is merit in elaborating upon the importance of tourism attractions as a fundamental element of the tourist experience. These may be loosely categorised as cultural (e.g. historical sites, museums), natural (e.g. parks, flora and fauna), events (e.g. festivals, religious events), recreation (e.g. golf, hiking) and entertainment (e.g. theme parks, cinemas), according to Goeldner et al. (2000). Past tourism research has tended to rely more on the understanding of attractions, and how they affect tourists, than of other components of the industry. As Gunn has The nature of tourism • 3 suggested, 'they [attractions] represent the most important reasons for travel to destinations' (1972: 24). MacCannell described tourism attractions as, 'empirical relationships between a tourist, a site and a marker' (1989: 41). The tourist represents the human component, the site includes the actual destination or physical entity, and the marker represents some form of information that the tourist uses to identify and give meaning to a particular attraction. Lew (1987), however, took a different view, arguing that under the conditions of tourist-site-marker, virtually anything could become an attraction, including services and facilities. Lew chose to emphasise the objective and subjective characteristics of attractions by suggesting that researchers ought to be concerned with three main areas of the attraction: 1 2 3 Ideographic. Describes the concrete uniqueness of a site. Sites are individually identified by name and usually associated with small regions. This is the most frequent form of attraction studied in tourism research. Organisational. The focus is not on the attractions themselves, but rather on their spatial capacity and temporal nature. Scale continua are based on the size of the area which the attraction encompasses. Cognitive. A place that fosters the feeling of being a tourist, attractions are places that elicit feelings related to what Relph (1976) termed 'insider' 'outsider', and the authenticity of MacCannell's (1989) front and back regions. Leiper (1990: 381) further added to the debate by adapting MacCannell's model into a systems definition. He wrote that: A tourist attraction is a systematic arrangement of three elements: a person with touristic needs, a nucleus (any feature or characteristic of a place they might visit) and at least one marker (information about the nucleus). The type of approach established by Leiper is also reflected in the efforts of Gunn (1972), who has written at length on the importance of attractions in tourism research. Gunn produced a model of tourist attractions that contained three separate zones, including: (1) the nuclei, or core of the attraction; (2) the inviolate belt, which is the space needed to set the nuclei in a context; and (3) the zone of closure, which includes desirable tourism infrastructure such as toilets and information. Gunn argued that an attraction missing one of these zones will be incomplete and difficult to manage. Some authors, including Pearce (1982), Gunn (1988) and Leiper (1990), have made reference to the fact that attractions occur on various hierarchies of scale, from very specific and small objects within a site to entire countries and continents. This scale variability further complicates the analysis of attractions as both sites and regions. Consequently, there exists a series of attraction cores and attraction peripheries, within different regions, between regions, and from the perspective of the types of tourists who visit them. Spatially, and with the influence of time, the number and type of attractions visited by tourists and tourist groups may create a niche; a role certain types of tourists occupy within a vacation destination. Through an analysis of space, time and other behavioural factors, tourists can be fitted into a typology based on their utilisation and travel between selected attractions. One could make the assumption that tourist groups differ on the basis of the type of attractions they choose to visit, and according to how much time they spend at them (see Fennell 1996). The implications for the tourism industry are that often it must provide a broad range of experiences for tourists interested in different aspects of a region. A specific destination region, for example, may recognise the importance of providing a mix of touristic opportunities, from the very specific, to more general interest experiences for the tourists in search of cultural 4 • The nature of tourism and natural experiences, in urban, rural and back-country settings. ('Back' regions are defined on p. 34.) Attractions have also been referred to as sedentary, physical entities of a cultural or natural form (Gunn 1988). In their natural form, such attractions form the basis for distinctive types of tourism which are based predominantly on aspects of the natural world, such as wildlife tourism (see Reynolds and Braithwaite 2001) and ecotourism (see Page and Dowling 2002). For example, to a birdwatcher individual species become attractions of the most specific and most sought-after kind. A case in point is the annual return of a single albatross at the Hermaness National Nature Reserve in Unst, Shetland, Scotland. The albatross has become a major attraction for birder-tourists, while Hermaness, in a broader context, acts as a medium (attraction cluster) by which to present the attraction (bird). Natural attractions can be transitory in space and time, and this time may be measured for particular species in seconds, hours, days, weeks, months, seasons or years. For tourists who travel with the prime reason to experience these transitory attractions, their movement is a source of pleasure, challenge and sometimes frustration. Mass and alternative tourism: competing paradigms Tourism has been both lauded and denounced for its capacity to physically transform regions. In the former case, tourism is the provider of long-term development opportunities; in the latter the ecological and sociological disturbance to transformed regions can be overwhelming. While most of the documented cases of the negative impacts of tourism are in the developing world, the developed world is certainly not an exception. Young (1983), for example, documented the transformation of a small fishing farming community in Malta by graphically illustrating the extent to which tourism development – through an increasingly complex system of transportation, resort development, and social behaviour – overwhelms such areas over time. These days we are more prone to vilify or characterise conventional mass tourism as a beast, a monstrosity which has few redeeming qualities for the destination region, their people and their natural resource base. Consequently, mass tourism has been criticised for the fact that it dominates tourism within a region owing to its non-local orientation, and the fact that very little money spent within the destination actually stays and generates more income. It is quite often the hotel or mega-resort that is the symbol of mass tourism's domination of a region, which are built using non-local products, have little requirement for local food products, and are owned by metropolitan interests. Hotel marketing occurs on the basis of high volume, attracting as many people as possible, often over seasonal periods of time. The implications of this seasonality are such that local people are at times moved in and out of paid positions that are based solely on this volume of touristic traffic. Development exists as a means by which to concentrate people in very high densities, displacing local people from traditional subsistence-style livelihoods (as outlined by Young 1983) to ones that are subservience based. Finally, the attractions that lie in and around these massive developments are created and transformed to meet the expectations and demands of visitors. Emphasis is often on commercialisation of natural and cultural resources, and the result is a contrived and inauthentic representation of, for example, a cultural theme or event that has been eroded into a distant memory. The picture of mass tourism painted above is outlined to illustrate the point that the tourism industry has not always operated with the interests of local people and the resource base in mind. This was been reinforced through much of the tourism research that emerged in the 1980s, which argued for a new, more socially and ecologically benign alternative to mass tourism development. According to Krippendorf (1982), the philosophy behind alternative The nature of tourism • 5 Plate 1.1 Tourist development at Cancún, Mexico tourism (AT) – forms of tourism that advocate an approach opposite to mass conventional tourism – was to ensure that tourism policies should no longer concentrate on economic and technical necessities alone, but rather emphasise the demand for an unspoiled environment and consideration of the needs of local people. This 'softer' approach places the natural and cultural resources at the forefront of planning and development, instead of as an afterthought. Also, as an inherent function, alternative forms of tourism provide the means for countries to eliminate outside influences, and to sanction projects themselves and to participate in their development – in essence, to win back the decision-making power in essential matters rather than conceding to outside people and institutions. AT is a generic term that encompasses a whole range of tourism strategies (e.g. 'appropriate', 'eco-', 'soft', 'responsible', 'people to people', 'controlled', 'small-scale', 'cottage' and 'green' tourism), all of which purport to offer a more benign alternative to conventional mass tourism (Conference Report 1990, cited in Weaver 1991). Dernoi (1981) illustrates that the advantages of AT will be felt in five ways: 1 2 3 4 5 There will be benefits for the individual or family: accommodation based in local homes will channel revenue directly to families. Also families will acquire managerial skills. The local community will benefit: AT will generate direct revenue for community members, in addition to upgrading housing standards while avoiding huge public infrastructure expenses. For the host country, AT will help avoid the leakage of tourism revenue outside the country. AT will also help prevent social tensions and may preserve local traditions. For those in the industrialised generating country, AT is ideal for cost-conscious travellers or for people who prefer close contacts with locals. There will be benefits for international relations: AT may promote international, interregional and intercultural understanding. 6 • The nature of tourism More specifically, Weaver (1993) has analysed the potential benefits of an AT design from the perspective of accommodation, attractions, market, economic impact and regulation (Table 1.1). This more sensitive approach to tourism development strives to satisfy the needs of local people, tourists and the resource base in a complementary rather than competitive manner. The importance, as well as the challenge, of AT as a softer and more responsible form of tourism is demonstrated by the fact that in Europe, tourism is supposed to double until the early 2030s, with most of this coming in the form of alternative tourism (European Commission 2004). Some researchers, however, are quick to point out that as an option to mass tourism, fullfledged alternative tourism cannot replace conventional tourism simply because of mass tourism's varied and manysided associated phenomena (Cohen 1987). Instead, it is more realistic to concentrate efforts in attempts to reform the worst prevailing situations, not the Table 1.1 Potential benefits derived from an alternative tourism strategy Accommodation • • • • • Does not overwhelm the community. Benefits (jobs, expenditures) are more evenly distributed. Less competition with homes and businesses for the use of infrastructure. A larger percentage of revenues accrue to local areas. Greater opportunity for local entrepreneurs to participate in the tourism sector. Attractions • • • Authenticity and uniqueness of community is promoted and enhanced. Attractions are educational and promote self-fulfilment. Locals can benefit from existence of the attractions even if tourists are not present. Market • • • • Tourists do not overwhelm locals in numbers; stress is avoided. 'Drought/deluge' cycles are avoided, and equilibrium is fostered. A more desirable visitor type. Less vulnerability to disruption within a single major market. Economic impact • • • • Economic diversity is promoted to avoid single-sector dependence. Sectors interact and reinforce each other. Net revenues are proportionally higher; money circulates within the community. More jobs and economic activity are generated. Regulation • • • • • • Community makes the critical development/strategy decisions. Planning to meet ecological, social, and economic carrying capacities. Holistic approach stresses integration and well-being of community interests. Long-term approach takes into account the welfare of future generations. Integrity of foundation assets is protected. Possibility of irreversibilities is reduced. Source : Weaver (1993) The nature of tourism • 7 Plate 1.2 Alternative tourism can take many forms, including recreational fishing enterprises that maintain local control and small-scale design development of alternatives. Butler (1990) feels that mass tourism has not been rejected outright for two main reasons. The first is economic, in that it provides a significant amount of foreign exchange for countries; the second is socio-psychological and relates to the fact that many people seem to enjoy being a mass tourist. They actually like not having to make their own travel arrangements, not having to find accommodation when they arrive at a destination, being able to obtain goods and services without learning a foreign language, being able to stay in reasonable, in some cases considerable comfort, being able to eat reasonably familiar food, and not having to spend vast amounts of money or time to achieve these goals. (Butler 1990: 40) Sustainable development and tourism The measurement of development (i.e. a nation's stage of socio-economic advancement) has often been discussed via key economic indicators, including protein intake, access to potable water, air quality, fuel, healthcare, education, employment, GDP and GNP. The so-called 'developed' world (countries like Australia, the USA, Canada and those of Western Europe) therefore is defined by the existence of these socio-economic conditions, whereby those with more are considered more highly developed (more on development in Chapter 4). Furthermore, one's level of development, either objectively or subjectively, is often equated or synonymous with one's perceived stage of 'civilisation', whereby progress (usually economic) is a key to the relationship between who is civilised and who is not. The Oxford 8 • The nature of tourism English Dictionary defines civilisation as an 'advanced stage of social development', and to civilise as to 'bring out of barbarism, enlighten'. The point to be made is that our perception of what is developed and what isn't, what is civilised and what isn't, is a matter of debate and one that our more recent approaches to development need to better address. For example, it has been noted that the most developed 20 per cent of the world's population (those in the 'West') are thought to use some 80 per cent of the world's resources in achieving development status. If it is our goal to have the entire world 'developed' according to this Western paradigm, the planet will be in serious jeopardy (acknowledging that Western countries are uneven in their use of natural and social resources in their development). Deming (1996) shares the view that humanity needs to take a good long look at civilisation, by observing that people have an insatiable hunger to see more and more of the planet, and to get closer and closer to its natural attractions. This behaviour surfaces continually in tourism as the tentacles of the tourist seek to push the fine line that exists between acceptable and unacceptable human–wildlife interactions. For example, animal harassment regularly occurs in Point Pelee National Park in Ontario, Canada, as thousands of birders converge on the spring migration of birds in the park. Despite posted warnings, tourists continue to venture off the designated paths in identifying and photographing species. Deming asks: in the face of global warming, diminishing habitat and massive extinctions, what can it mean to be civilised? Her response is a plea for limits, both social and ecological, in facing the enemy within: As Pogo said during the Vietnam War, 'We've seen the enemy and it is us.' Suddenly we are both the invading barbarians and the only ones around to protect the city. Each one of us is at the center of the civilized world and on its edge. (Deming 1996: 32) Milgrath (1989) talked of values as fundamental to everything we do (see also Forman 1990). He argues that humans have as a central value the desire to preserve their own lives, which has naturally evolved into a concern and value for other people – a social value. The face of this social orientation, Milgrath says, is most noticeably reflected through economic development priorities with serious implications for the long-term sustainability of societies and the resources upon which they rely. This form of instrumentalism (something valued as a means to an end) takes us away from the realisation that non-human entities have value in and of themselves, and should exist in their own right. This 'ethic of nature' perspective is one which is more broadly intrinsic and ecocentric (Wearing and Neil 1999). Sustainable development has been proposed as a model for structural change within society; one that ventures away from a strictly socio-economic focus to one where development, 'meets the goals of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs' (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987: 43). As such, the principles of ecology are essential to the process of economic development (Redclift 1987), with the aim of increasing the material standards of impoverished people living in the world (Barbier 1987). Sustainable development's advocacy of balance between economic, social and ecological systems makes it especially relevant to tourism where there is a wealth of literature that has emerged since the 1980s. One of the first action strategies on tourism and sustainability emerged from the Globe '90 conference in British Columbia, Canada. At this meeting representatives from the tourism industry, government, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and academe discussed the importance of the environment in sustaining the tourism industry, and how poorly planned tourism developments often erode the very qualities of the natural and human environment that attract visitors. The conference delegates suggested that the goals of sustainable tourism are: (1) to develop greater awareness and understanding of the significant The nature of tourism • 9 contributions that tourism can make to environment and the economy; (2) to promote equity and development; (3) to improve the quality of life of the host community; (4) to provide a high quality of experience for the visitor; and (5) to maintain the quality of the environment on which the foregoing objectives depend. Although their definition of sustainable tourism development was somewhat non-committal (i.e. 'meeting the needs of present tourist and host region while protecting and enhancing opportunity for the future'), a number of good recommendations were developed for policy, government, NGOs, the tourism industry, tourists and international organisations. For example, the policy section contains 15 recommendations related to how tourism should be promoted, developed, defined, in addition to a series of regional, interregional and spatial and temporal implications. One of the policy recommendations states that, 'sustainable tourism requires the placing of guidelines for levels and types of acceptable growth but does not preclude new facilities and experiences' (Globe '90 1990: 6). From the perspective of financial prosperity and growth, there is an economic rationale for sustainability; as McCool (1995: 3) asserts, 'once communities lose the character that makes them distinctive and attractive to nonresidents, they have lost their ability to vie for tourist-based income in an increasingly global and competitive marketplace'. In addition, McCool quotes Fallon in suggesting that sustainability is all about the pursuit of goals and measuring progress towards them. No longer is it appropriate to gauge development by physical output or economic bottom lines; there must also be consideration of social order and justice (see also Hall 1992 and Urry 1992). McCool feels, therefore, that in order for sustainable tourism to be successful, humans must consider the following: (1) how tourists value and use natural environments; (2) how communities are enhanced through tourism; (3) identification of tourism's social and ecological impacts; and (4) management of these impacts. Accordingly, theorists have initiated the process of determining and measuring impacts. As outlined above, Globe '90 was one of the initial and integral forces in linking tourism with sustainable development. This was followed by Globe '92 (Hawkes and Williams 1993) and the move from principles to practice in implementing measures of sustainability in tourism. Even so, it was recognised in this conference that there was much work to be done in implementing sustainable principles in tourism, as emphasised by Roy (in Sadler 1992: ix): Sustainable tourism is an extension of the new emphasis on sustainable development. Both remain concepts. I have not found a single example of either in India. The closest for tourism is in Bhutan. Very severe control of visitors – 2000 per year – conserves the environment and the country's unique socio-cultural identity. Even there, trekking in the high altitudes, I find the routes littered with the garbage of civilization. Although many examples exist in the literature on tourism and sustainable development (see Nelson 1993), few sustainable tourism projects have withstood the test of time. An initiative that has received some exposure in the literature is the Bali Sustainable Development Project, coordinated through the University of Waterloo, Canada and Gadjahmada University in Indonesia (see Wall 1993; Mitchell 1994). This is a project that has been applied at a multisectoral level. Tourism, then, is one of many sectors, albeit a prime one, that drives the Balinese economy. Wall (1993) suggests that some of the main conclusions from his work on the project are as follows: (1) be as culturally sensitive as possible in developing a sustainable development strategy; (2) work within existing institutional frameworks as opposed to creating new ones; (3) multi-sectoral planning is critical to a sustainable development strategy and means must be created to allow all affected stakeholders to participate in decision-making. (See also the work of Cooper 1995, on the offshore 10 • The nature of tourism islands of the UK and the work of Aylward et al. 1996, on the sustainability of the Monteverde Cloud Forest Preserve in Costa Rica as good examples of tourism and sustainability.) The integration of tourism with other land uses in a region has been addressed by Butler (1993: 221), who sees integration as, 'the incorporation of an activity into an area on a basis acceptable to other activities and the environment within the general goal of sustainable or long-term development'. Butler identified complementarity, compatibility and competitiveness as variables that could be used as a first step in prioritising land uses, where complementarity leads to a higher degree of integration, and competitiveness leads to segregation of the activity relative to other land uses. Other models have been more unisectoral in their approach to the place of tourism and sustainability within a destination region. These have tended to underscore a range of indicators that identify sustainable/unsustainable approaches to the delivery of tourism. Examples include Canova's (1994) illustration of how tourists can be responsible towards the environment and local populations; Forsyth's (1995) overview of sustainable tourism and self-regulation; Moscardo et al.'s (1996) look at ecologically sustainable forms of tourism accommodation; and Consulting and Audit Canada's (1995) guide to the development of core and site-specific sustainable tourism indicators (see also Manning 1996). Table 1.2 identifies the core indicators identified in this document (e.g. site protection, stress, use intensity, waste management and so on) which must, according to the report, be used in concert with specific site or destination indicators. This report identifies two categories of this latter group of indicators: (1) supplementary ecosystem-specific indicators Table 1.2 Core indicators of sustainable tourism Indicator Specific measures Site protection Stress Use intensity Social impact Development control Category of site protection according to IUCN index Tourist numbers visiting site (per annum/peak month) Intensity of use in peak period (persons/hectare) Ratio of tourists to locals (peak period and over time) Existence of environmental review procedure or formal controls over development of site and use densities Percentage of sewage from site receiving treatment (additional indicators may include structural limits of other infrastructural capacity on site, such as water supply) Existence of organised regional plan for tourist destination region (including tourism component) Number of rare or endangered species Level of satisfaction by visitors (survey-based) Level of satisfaction by locals (survey-based) Proportion of total economic activity generated by tourism Waste management Planning process Critical ecosystems Consumer satisfaction Local satisfaction Tourism contribution to local economy Composite indices Carrying capacity Site stress Attractivity Composite early warning measure of key factors affecting the ability of the site to support different levels of tourism Composite measure of levels of impact on the site (its natural/ cultural attributes due to tourism and other sector cumulative stress) Qualitative measure of those site attributes that make it attractive to tourism and can change over time Source : Consulting and Audit Canada (1995) The nature of tourism • 11 Table 1.3 Ecosystem-specific indicators Ecosystem Sample indicators a Coastal zones Degradation (percentage of beach degraded, eroded) Use intensity (persons per metre of accessible beach) Water quality (faecal coliform and heavy metals counts) Mountain regions Erosion (percentage of surface area eroded) Biodiversity (key species counts) Access to key sites (hours' wait) Managed wildlife parks Species health (reproductive success, species diversity) Use intensity (ratio of visitors to game) Encroachment (percentage of park affected by unauthorised activity) Ecologically unique sites Ecosystem degradation (number and mix of species, percentage area with change in cover) Stress on site (number of operators using site) Number of tourist sitings of key species (percentage success) Urban environments Safety (crime numbers) Waste counts (amounts of rubbish, costs) Pollution (air pollution counts) Cultural sites (built) Site degradation (restoration/repair costs) Structure degradation (precipitation acidity, air pollution counts) Safety (crime levels) Cultural sites (traditional) Potential social stress (ratio average income of tourists/locals) In season sites (percentage of vendors open year round) Antagonism (reported incidents between locals and tourists) Small islands Currency leakage (percentage of loss from total tourism revenues) Ownership (percentage foreign ownership of tourism establishments) Water availability (costs, remaining supply) Source: Manning (1996) Note: a These ecosystem-specific indicators are merely suggested, and act as supplements to core indicators (applied to specific biophysical land and water regions), and (2) site-specific indicators, which are developed for a particular site. Table 1.3 provides an overview of some of these 'secondary' ecosystem indicators. Research has also discussed tourism and sustainability from the perspective of codes of ethics (codes of ethics are discussed at length in Chapter 8). While indicators are variables that are identified and used to measure and monitor tourism impacts, codes of ethics are lists of guidelines designed to elicit change in the behaviour of stakeholder groups; a form of compliance for acceptable behaviour at a tourism setting. The Beyond the Green Horizon paper on sustainable tourism (Tourism Concern 1992) is a good example of this form of education. To Tourism Concern, sustainable tourism is: tourism and associated infrastructures that, both now and in the future: operate within natural capacities for the regeneration and future productivity of natural resources; recognise the contribution that people and communities, customs and lifestyles, make to 12 • The nature of tourism the tourism experience; accept that these people must have an equitable share in the economic benefits of tourism; are guided by the wishes of local people and communities in the host areas. Nothing is measured but 'rules' are stated for the purpose of prompting or reinforcing this appropriate behaviour. The Tourism Industry Association of Canada (1995) joined forces with the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy in creating a document that demonstrates commitment and responsibility to protecting the environment through cooperation with other sectors and governments at all levels. Their sustainable tourism guidelines were developed for tourists, the tourism industry, industry associations, accommodation, food services, tour operators and Ministries of Tourism. Each of these sections contains appropriate guidelines that deal with policy and planning; the tourism experience; the host community; development; natural, cultural and historic resources; conservation of natural resources; environmental protection; marketing; research and education; public awareness; industry cooperation; and the global village. A final publication that merits attention in this section is the work of the Federation of Nature and National Parks of Europe (1993). Its comprehensive look at sustainable tourism in Europe's nature and national parks provides good insight into the challenge of implementing sustainability in that part of the world. Many of the protected areas in Europe are situated in rural working landscapes (e.g. England, Wales, Luxembourg) and must contend with different pressures as compared with some of the larger and less densely populated areas surrounding the protected areas of Australia and New Zealand, Canada and the United States. However, Europe also contains many large national parks and biosphere reserves that are maintained accordingly. In both cases (rural and wilderness environments) policymakers and practitioners are charged with the task of implementing sustainable tourism in these varied settings. The European national parks document recognises that people must be able to improve the quality of their lives, maintain jobs, improve their economy, enjoy their cultures and promote harmony between cultures. These must be accomplished with an eye to environmental education, political support for the environment, and the protection of heritage values through restorative projects and direct practical help. Sustainable tourism, however, is not without its critics. Hunter (1995), for example, suggests that sustainable tourism development approaches are often flawed because they condone the planning and management of tourism in a manner inconsistent with the design of sustainable development. In particular, tourism does not adequately address issues of geographical scale and intersectoral cooperation which are so important to achieving sustainable development. Furthermore, Macbeth (1994) calls attention to the fact that sustainable tourism is more reactionary than proactive in nature. Macbeth suggests that, 'the history of capitalism is full of examples of how reactionary tendencies are easily coopted by capitalism to sustain its own existence, thus extending the status quo of exploitive relations rather than overthrowing them' (1994: 44). This will continue to occur, according to Macbeth, unless the present form of capitalism is overcome. Liu (2003) argues that sustainable tourism research has been patchy and disjointed because of a critical lack of focus on tourism demand, inter-generational equity, the nature of tourism resources, and so on. The author suggests that a transformation of current research should take place according to a systems perspective in association with an interdisciplinary perspective (see Fennell 2003). McKercher (1993a) feels that tourism is vulnerable to losing sustainability for four main reasons. First, tourism is not recognised as a natural resource-dependent industry; second, the tourism industry is invisible, especially in urban areas; third, tourism is electorally weak, with little support in government; and fourth, there is a distinct lack of leadership driving the industry, which ultimately makes tourism vulnerable to attacks from other land users. The nature of tourism • 13 CASE STUDY 1.1 Sustainable tourism and the Green Villages of Austria Understanding the vital link between landscape and tourism, Austria has embarked upon a policy of sustainable tourism with the aim of preservation and an overall improvement in the quality of the natural environment. Specifically, the following measures have been proposed: 1 2 3 4 5 6 a straightening out of the demand curve to avoid peak demands and burdens; reducing the consumption of space for tourism; preservation of natural landscapes; cooperation with other industries, in particular agriculture and forestry; professionalism within the industry; and a changing of the behaviour of tourists. One of the most significant programmes in Austria is the Green Village endeavour, which is designed to allow communities to accommodate the growing demands of tourism in a sustainable way. Towns are encouraged to incorporate solar panels in their heating, restrict building height to no more than three storeys, keep parking places a minimum of 80 metres away from buildings to eliminate noise and fumes, keep motorways at least 3 km away from Green Villages, restrict vehicular traffic through villages, designate cycle paths, recycle, restrict building to the town site only, eliminate single-crop farming in adjacent farmlands, discriminate in favour of sustainable craftsmen, build hotels using natural products, insist that farmers be able to sell their products locally, and use local, natural pharmaceuticals. Such a philosophy, it is thought, will benefit both communities and the tourism industry. McKercher cites the example of resource use in northern Ontario as a case in point. In this region the economy has been dominated politically by the large extractive industries (forestry and mining). The disaggregated structure of the tourism industry in Ontario's north (predominantly outfitters and lodges) prevents it from having any political decision-making influence at all. Other critical reviews of tourism and sustainability include Goodall and Cater's (1996) belief that sustainable tourism will probably not be achieved, despite the most committed environmental performance; Burr's (1995) work illustrating that sustainable tourism development is unlikely to occur unless the people of rural tourism communities work together to make it happen; and Clarke's (2002) view that no type of tourism can ever properly be sustainable, as sustainability is more typically a process to a desired state rather than an end unto itself. Important in Clarke's message is that sustainability is not just applicable to ecotourism, but rather any form of tourism, including mass tourism depending on how it is planned, developed and managed (see also Laarman and Gregersen 1994). This also means that unique market segments, like ecotourism, can potentially be sustainable based on the use of the natural environment, long-term economic benefits, environmental protection, and stimulates local community development. But they may be equally unsustainable if improperly managed. It is therefore potentially dangerous to look at sustainable tourism as a specific market, instead of from site-specific or regional perspectives. Figure 1.1 illustrates that sustainability has to be more than simply one aspect of the industry (e.g. accommodation) working in a sustainable way. The illustration recognises that 14 • The nature of tourism in essence the tourism industry experiences a tremendous degree of fragmentation by virtue of the fact that consistency in sustainability is not likely to be found across all sectors. The aim, then, for sustainability is to ensure that all aspects of the industry are working in concert. In addition, the figure incorporates the notion of both human and physical elements working within each of the four sectors; that is, the fact that the people working at a physical attraction very much dictate the extent to which sustainability is achieved at the site. This is a notion examined more recently by Font et al. (2006), who observe that tour operators can only be sustainable if suppliers are sustainable in the first instance. But because tour operators have sufficient influence over suppliers throughout the supply chain, and because society is demanding more accountability in tourism operations, tour operators can in fact promote improvements in the performance of their partners. They can do this, according to the authors, through a sustainable supply chain policy and management system; they can support suppliers in reaching sustainability goals; and they can choose suppliers that meet sustainability criteria. The upshot of the relevance of sustainability to all aspects of tourism is the recent move by mass tourism operators to introduce authentic, less commercialised experiences, 'the discovery of cultures and amazing unspoiled places', in the words of Font et al. (2006: 53), in appealing to market demands – keeping pace with society means behaving in a sustainable manner in order to be competitive. It is interesting that this is the case (in reference to unspoiled places) from the mass tourism perspective, given that increasingly there is less Attractions and facilities Transportation 1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 4 4 3 3 2 2 1 Accommodation 1 Tourism: product/behaviour Sustainable tourism (4) Unsustainable tourism (1) Figure 1.1 Degrees of sustainable tourism The nature of tourism • 15 of it to be found (see also Welford and Ytterhus 1998). There has also been discussion on striving to attract the 'most desirable type of tourist' in the destination's efforts to be more sustainable (and profitable). This has been addressed by Kaosa-ard (2002), who reports that in Thailand the national tourism authority has been pressured to find better-quality tourists, as opposed to more quantity. The hotel association in Thailand argues that those who stay in the big hotels (driven by chauffeurs and dining in expensive restaurants) are in fact better tourists because they spend more money at the destination. Conversely, civil groups of one form or another argue that the best type of tourist is one who spends his or her money at locally owned hotels and eats at local food stalls, for example, where money penetrates more deeply and widely. In fact what has been found is that the latter group is seen to be more attractive. Based on a study of 1,200 local and foreign tourists, Kaosa-ard et al. (1993) found that a very desirable cohort of tourists is females, aged 40 and over, who spend more money per day and have a keen interest in cultural attractions – thereby distributing more money into the hands of local people. Conceptualising tourism and sustainability In the previous discussion, mass tourism, AT and sustainable tourism have been analysed individually. The relationship that they share, however, can be more fully appreciated in the conceptual framework shown in Figure 1.2. In a general sense, the illustration provides a good sense of the relative size of mass tourism and alternative tourism according to the corresponding circles in the diagram. Although mass tourism may be said to be predominantly unsustainable, more recently new and existing developments in the industry have attempted to encourage more sustainable practice through various measures, some of which include the controlled use of electricity, a rotating laundry schedule and the disposal of wastes (the arrow indicates that there is a move towards an increasing degree of sustainability in this Sustainable tourism practice Unsustainable tourism practice Mass tourism Socio-cultural tourism AT Ecotourism Figure 1.2 Tourism relationships Source: Adapted from Butler (1996) in Weaver (1998) 16 • The nature of tourism sector). On the other hand, the illustration indicates that most forms of alternative tourism are sustainable in nature (in theory). The AT sphere is shown to comprise two types of tourism, socio-cultural tourism and ecotourism. Socio-cultural AT includes, for example, rural or farm tourism, where a large portion of the touristic experience is founded upon the cultural milieu that corresponds to the environment in which farms operate. Ecotourism, however, involves a type of tourism that is less socio-cultural in its orientation, and more dependent upon nature and natural resources as the primary component or motivator of the trip, hence the division within the AT sphere. The focus of this book is on this lower half of the AT circle only, and supports the belief that ecotourism is distinct from mass tourism and various other forms of AT by virtue of a number of defining characteristics that are discussed at length in the next chapter. Conclusion Given the emergent wealth of literature on tourism, alternative tourism (AT) and sustainability, one cannot help but reflect on where we have been, but also on what is missing. Researchers have written countless reports, codes of conduct, guidelines and indicators, but few attempts and successes can be drawn upon to point the direction, as illustrated in Butler's (1991) sobering analysis of tourism, environment and sustainable development. Perhaps it is still too early, and these anticipated successes will be the next stage of tourism's rather tenuous relationship with sustainability. However, there is a pressing need to move beyond the rhetoric; beyond the table and into practice, for according to Leslie (1994: 35), 'tourism in terms of practice in developing countries is a mirror in which we see the possible mistakes identifiable retrospectively in the development and wasteful consumerist lifestyles of the west'. One cannot discount the importance of the public in operationalising AT and sustainable tourism practices. People have the power to demand goods and services that are developed and presented in an ecologically friendly manner. The public must demand accountability of tourism products, and tourism service providers must demonstrate an adherence to an appropriate vision in striving for meritorious achievements in the area of sustainable development. In doing so, it is those who achieve such lofty levels who may ultimately prosper financially. Summary questions 1 2 3 4 5 Why is tourism so hard to define? What are some of the characteristics that have been used to define attractions? What are the basic differences between mass tourism and alternative tourism? Why is a discussion of values so important in the understanding of sustainable development and sustainable tourism? How do core indicators of sustainable tourism differ from ecosystem-specific stemspecific indicators? 2 Ecotourism and ecotourists As an extension or outgrowth of alternative tourism (AT), ecotourism has grown as a consequence of the dissatisfaction with conventional forms of tourism which have, in a general sense, ignored social and ecological elements of destinations in favour of more anthropocentric and profit-centred approaches to the delivery of tourism products. This chapter presents an in-depth analysis of ecotourism from the perspective of history, definition and linkages to other related forms of tourism, such as nature-based tourism, adventure tourism, cultural tourism and mass tourism. A brief discussion of tourism typologies and profiles is offered as a means by which to understand better the differences that exist between ecotourists and other types of travellers. Ecotourism's roots Until recently, there has been some confusion surrounding the etymology or origin of the term 'ecotourism', as evident in the tremendous volume of literature on the topic. For example, Orams (1995) and Hvenegaard (1994) write that the term can be traced back only to the late 1980s, while others (Higgins 1996) suggest that it can be traced to the late 1970s through the work of Miller (see Miller 1989) on ecodevelopment. One of the consistent themes emergent in the literature supports the fact that Ceballos-Lascuráin was the first to coin the phrase in the early 1980s (see Thompson 1995). He defined it as, 'traveling to relatively undisturbed or uncontaminated natural areas with the specific objective of studying, admiring, and enjoying the scenery and its wild plants and animals, as well as any existing cultural manifestations (both past and present) found in these areas' (Boo 1990: xiv). Ceballos-Lascuráin himself states that his initial reference to the phrase occurred in 1983, while he was in the process of developing PRONATURA, an NGO in Mexico (van der Merwe 1996). Apparently, however, the term has been traced further back to the work of Hetzer (1965), who used it to explain the intricate relationship between tourists and the environments and cultures in which they interact. Hetzer identified four fundamental pillars that need to be followed for a more responsible form of tourism. These include: (1) minimum environmental impact; (2) minimum impact on – and maximum respect for – host cultures; (3) maximum economic benefits to the host country's grassroots; and (4) maximum 'recreational' satisfaction to participating tourists. The development of the concept of ecotourism grew, according to Hetzer (personal communication, October 1997), as a culmination of dissatisfaction with negative approaches to development, especially from an ecological point of view. Nelson (1994) also adopts this particular stand in illustrating that the idea of ecotourism is in fact an old one, which manifested itself during the late 1960s and early 1970s when researchers became concerned over inappropriate use of natural resources. Nelson suggests that the term 'eco-development' was introduced as a means by which to reduce improper use of resources in development. 18 • Ecotourism and ecotourists In other related research, Fennell (1998) found evidence of Canadian government 'ecotours' which were operational during the mid-1970s. These ecotours centred around the Trans-Canada Highway and were developed on the basis of different ecological zones found along the course of the highway – the first of which was developed in 1976. This Canadian version of ecotourism is felt to be rather progressive for the time despite the lack of an explicit look at low impact, sustainability, community development and the moral philosophy labels that are attached to ecotourism in the present day. The ecotours were developed at a time when the Canadian government felt it important to allow Canadian and foreign travellers to appreciate the human–land relationship in Canada, through the interpretation of the natural environment. Although a set definition of ecotourism was not provided, each of the ecotour guides contains the following foreword: Ecotours are prepared by the Canadian Forestry Service to help you, as a traveller, understand the features of the landscape you see as you cross the country. Both natural and human history are described and interpreted. The route covered by the Ecotours is divided into major landscape types, or Ecozones, and a map of each Ecozone shows the location of interesting features (identified by code numbers). While most features can be seen from your car, stops are suggested for some of them. Distances between points of interest are given in kilometres. Where side trips are described, distances are given to the turnoff from the highway. You will derive the maximum value from this Ecotour if you keep a record of the distance travelled and read the information on each point of interest before reaching it. (Fennell 1998: 232) This prompted Fennell to suggest that ecotourism most likely has a convergent evolution, 'where many places and people independently responded to the need for more nature travel opportunities in line with society's efforts to become more ecologically minded' (Fennell 1998: 234), as also suggested by Nelson (see above). This evidence comes at a time when researchers have been struggling to find common ground between ecotourism and its relationship to other forms of tourism. (For other early references on ecotourism see Mathieson and Wall 1982; Romeril 1985.) There seems to be universal acceptance of the fact that ecotourism was viable long before the 1980s, however, in practice, if not in name. As noted above, for example, Blangy and Nielson (1993) illustrate that the travel department of the American Museum of Natural History conducted natural history tours since 1953. Probably the finest examples of the evolution of ecotourism can be found in the African wildlife-based examples of tourism developed in the early twentieth century and, to some, the nature tourism enterprises of the mid-nineteenth century (Wilson 1992). There are examples in the literature that illustrate that human beings, at least since the Romantic period, have travelled to the wilderness for intrinsic reasons. Nash writes that during the nineteenth century many people travelled both in Europe and North America for the primary purpose of enjoying the outdoors, as illustrated in the following passage: Alexis de Tocqueville resolved to see wilderness during his 1831 trip to the United States, and in Michigan Territory in July the young Frenchman found himself at last on the fringe of civilization. But when he informed the frontiersmen of his desire to travel for pleasure into the primitive forest, they thought him mad. The Americans required considerable persuasion from Tocqueville to convince them that his interests lay in matters other than lumbering or land speculation. (Nash 1982: 23) Tocqueville was after something that we consider as an essential psychological factor in travel: novelty. Nash (1982) credits the intellectual revolution in the eighteenth and Ecotourism and ecotourists • 19 nineteenth centuries as the push needed to inspire the belief that unmodified nature could act as a deep spiritual and psychological tonic. It required the emergence of a group of affluent and cultured persons who largely resided in urban environments to garnish this appreciation (e.g. Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Ruskin). For these people, Nash (1982: 347) writes, 'wilderness could become an intriguing novelty and even a deep spiritual and psychological need'. In the United States, the sentiment at the time was not as strong as it was in Europe, where, 'as late as the 1870s almost all nature tourists on the American frontier continued to be foreigners' (1982: 348). When Americans did start travelling to the wild parts of their country it was the privileged classes that held the exclusive rights. A trip to Yellowstone in the 1880s, according to O'Gara (1996), was about three times as expensive as travel to Europe at the time. There was no question that those from the city were especially taken with Yellowstone's majesty, but their mannerisms left much to be desired, as is evident in an account of such tourists by Rudyard Kipling (1996: 56): It is not the ghastly vulgarity, the oozing, rampant Bessemer steel self-sufficiency and ignorance of the men that revolts me, so much as the display of these same qualities in the womenfolk . . . All the young ladies . . . remarked that [Old Faithful] was 'elegant' and betook themselves to writing their names in the bottoms of the shallow pools. Nature fixes the insult indelibly, and the after-years will learn that 'Hattie,' 'Sadie,' 'Mamie,' 'Sophie,' and so forth, have taken out their hairpins and scrawled in the face of Old Faithful. Ecotourism and nature-based tourism Given the ambiguity associated with the historical origins of ecotourism, the purpose of the present section is to identify the key principles of the term, especially the link between nature tourism (or nature-oriented tourism) and ecotourism. For example, Laarman and Durst, in their early reference to ecotourism, defined it as a nature tourism in which the, 'traveler is drawn to a destination because of his or her interest in one or more features of that destination's natural history. The visit combines education, recreation, and often adventure' (Laarman and Durst 1987: 5). In addition, these authors were perhaps the first to make reference to nature tourism's hard and soft dimensions, based on the physical rigour of the experience and also the level of interest in natural history (Figure 2.1). Laarman and Durst suggested that scientists would in most likelihood be more dedicated than casual in their pursuit of ecotourism, and that some types of ecotourists would be more willing to endure hardships than others in order to secure their experiences. The letter 'B' in Figure 2.1 identifies a harder ecotourism experience based on a more difficult or rigorous experience, and also based on the dedication shown by the ecotourist relative to the interest in the activity. The hard and soft path characteristics have been theoretically positioned in work by Acott et al. (1998) on deep and shallow ecotourism. Deep ecotourism is characterised according to intrinsic value, small-scale development, community identity, community participation, and the notion that materialism for its own sake is wrong. Conversely, shallow ecotourism is characterised as a business-as-usual attitude to the natural world, nature is seen as a resource to be exploited in maximising human benefits, management decisions are based on utilitarian reasoning, and sustainability is viewed from a weak or very weak perspective. The void between deep and shallow ecotourism, acknowledging that each are dichotomous positions on a continuum, prompted the authors to observe that shallow ecotourism verges on mass ecotourism. The only difference, they 20 • Ecotourism and ecotourists Nature-related interest Hard (dedicated) Soft (casual) B Hard (difficult) Physical rigour Soft (easy) A Figure 2.1 Hard and soft dimensions of ecotourism Source: Laarman and Durst (1987) note, is in the way each is promoted, where shallow ecotourism would make ecotourism claims in its advertising (e.g. wildlife viewing of one sort or another), with profit taking precedence over social and ecological considerations. (See Weaver 2001a, and Fennell 2002a, for a more in-depth discussion of the hard and soft dimensions of ecotourism.) A subsequent definition by Laarman and Durst (1993) identifies a conceptual difference between ecotourism and nature tourism. In recognising the difficulties in defining nature tourism, they establish both a narrow and broad scope to its definition. Narrowly, they say, it refers to operators running nature-oriented tours; however, broadly it applies to tourism's use of natural resources including beaches and country landscapes. They define nature tourism as, 'tourism focused principally on natural resources such as relatively undisturbed parks and natural areas, wetlands, wildlife reserves, and other areas of protected flora, fauna, and habitats' (1993: 2). Given this perspective, there appears to be consensus in the literature that describes ecotourism as one part of a broader nature-based tourism. This becomes evident in the discussion by Goodwin (1996: 287), who wrote that nature tourism encompasses all forms of tourism – mass tourism, adventure tourism, low-impact tourism, ecotourism – which use natural resources in a wild or undeveloped form – including species, habitat, landscape, scenery and salt and fresh-water features. Nature tourism is travel for the purpose of enjoying undeveloped natural areas or wildlife. And conversely, that ecotourism is low impact nature tourism which contributes to the maintenance of species and habitats either directly through a contribution to conservation and/or indirectly by providing revenue to the local community sufficient for local people to value, and therefore protect, their wildlife heritage area as a source of income. (Goodwin 1996: 288) Ecotourism and ecotourists • 21 The emergence of a basic foundation clarifying the relationship between nature-based tourism (NBT) and ecotourism has not, however, precluded the development of numerous definitions of ecotourism, each seeking to find the right mix of terms. Beyond the early definitions mentioned above, Ziffer (1989) discussed NBT and ecotourism by first considering a variety of terms such as 'nature travel', 'adventure travel' and 'cultural travel' which are largely activity based; and also the value-laden terms such as 'responsible', 'alternative' and 'ethical' tourism, which underscore the need to consider impacts and the consequences of travel. Ziffer feels that nature tourism, while not necessarily ecologically sound in principle, concentrates more on the motivation and the behaviour of the individual tourist. Conversely, ecotourism is much more difficult to attain owing to its overall comprehensiveness (the need for planning and the achievement of societal goals). She defines ecotourism as follows: a form of tourism inspired primarily by the natural history of an area, including its indigenous cultures. The ecotourist visits relatively undeveloped areas in the spirit of appreciation, participation and sensitivity. The ecotourist practises a non-consumptive use of wildlife and natural resources and contributes to the visited area through labor or financial means aimed at directly benefiting the conservation of the site and the economic well-being of the local residents. The visit should strengthen the ecotourist's appreciation and dedication to conservation issues in general, and to the specific needs of the locale. Ecotourism also implies a managed approach by the host country or region which commits itself to establishing and maintaining the sites with the participation of local residents, marketing them appropriately, enforcing regulations, and using the proceeds of the enterprise to fund the area's land management as well as community development. (Ziffer 1989: 6) Like Ziffer's, the following definition by Wallace and Pierce (1996: 848) is also comprehensive, acknowledging the importance of a broad number of variables. To these authors, ecotourism is travelling to relatively undisturbed natural areas for study, enjoyment, or volunteer assistance. It is travel that concerns itself with the flora, fauna, geology, and ecosystems of an area, as well as the people (caretakers) who live nearby, their needs, their culture, and their relationship to the land. it [sic] views natural areas both as 'home to all of us' in a global sense ('eco' meaning home) but 'home to nearby residents' specifically. It is envisioned as a tool for both conservation and sustainable development – especially in areas where local people are asked to forgo the consumptive use of resources for others. Wallace and Pierce suggest that tourism may be ecotourism if it addresses six key principles, including: 1 2 3 4 5 6 a type of use that minimises negative impacts to the environment and to local people; the awareness and understanding of an area's natural and cultural systems and the subsequent involvement of visitors in issues affecting those systems; the conservation and management of legally protected and other natural areas; the early and long-term participation of local people in the decision-making process that determines the kind and amount of tourism that should occur; directing economic and other benefits to local people that complement rather than overwhelm or replace traditional practices (farming, fishing, social systems, etc.); the provision of special opportunities for local people and nature tourism employees to utilise and visit natural areas and learn more about the wonders that other visitors come to see. 22 • Ecotourism and ecotourists Both Ziffer, and Wallace and Pierce recognise that for ecotourism to succeed it must strive to reach lofty goals. By comparison, the Ecotourism Society (now the International Ecotourism Society) advocated a much more general definition of the term; one that advocates a 'middle-of-the-road' or passive position (see Orams 1995), and one which is more easily articulated. This organisation defined ecotourism as, 'responsible travel to natural areas which conserves the environment and improves the welfare of local people' (Western 1993: 8). Preece et al. (1995) used the Australian National Ecotourism Strategy definition of ecotourism in their overview of biodiversity and ecotourism, which is also one that is quite general in nature. The strategy defines ecotourism as nature-based tourism that involves education and interpretation of the natural environment and is managed to be ecologically sustainable. This latter definition is representative of what appears to be an emerging set of core principles that serve to delineate ecotourism. This core includes sustainability, education, a nature base and a conservation mandate or orientation (see Blamey 1995; Diamantis 1999a; Buckley 1994; Kutay 1989; Wight 1993a; Hawkes and Williams 1993; Wallace and Pierce 1996). More recently the Quebec Declaration (UNEP/WTO 2002), the penultimate meeting of the International Year of Ecotourism (in 2002), suggested that five distinct criteria should be used to define ecotourism, namely: nature-based product, minimal impact management, environmental education, contribution to conservation and contribution to community. The foregoing serves to illustrate that there has been no quick or easy formula to define ecotourism, despite the emergence of these core criteria. While basic definitions of the term leave much to the interpretation of the reader (see Table 2.1 for an overview of definitions over time), comprehensive definitions risk placing too many constraints on service providers such that the term becomes impossible to implement. If we examine closely some of the weaker definitions we can see how these may be subject to misrepresentation. The following two examples serve to illustrate this point: Responsible travel that conserves the environment and sustains the well-being of local people. Responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment and improves the welfare of local people. The first definition was used as a long standing definition of ecotourism by the International Ecotourism Society of the USA. The second is a definition used by the South Carolina Nature-Based Tourism Association, also of the USA, which defines a type of tourism inclusive of backpacking, boat tours, cycling, farm tours, fishing, hunting and ecotourism. Although defined in similar context, as above, in reality the two terms are fundamentally different. In the case of the latter, it is a definition which describes a number of types of tourism that rely on the natural environment. In the words of Weaver (2001a: 350), NBT is, 'any type of tourism that relies mainly on attractions directly related to the natural environment Ecotourism and 3S tourism are both types of nature-based tourism'. From this perspective ecotourism is then only one of many forms of NBT that rely on the open-air environment. This corroborates what others, above, have said about the relationship between ecotourism and NBT. Defining both terms in a similar capacity or treating them both as synonymous, however, has many implications. For example, the province of Saskatchewan in Canada uses a similar definition to the ones described above (Ecotourism is, 'responsible travel to areas which conserves the environment and improves the welfare of local people') (Ecotourism Society of Saskatchewan 2000). Using the example of fishing, which is a popular activity in Saskatchewan, such an activity can be responsible, in the implementation of catch limits; it Ecotourism and ecotourists • 23 Table 2.1 Comparisons of selected ecotourism and nature tourism definitions Main principles of definitiona Definitions 1 2 3 4 5 Interest in nature ✔ ✔ Contributes to conservation Reliance on parks and protected areas ✔ Benefits local people/long-term benefits Education and study 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ Sustainable ✔ Culture ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ Enjoyment/appreciation ✔ ✔ ✔ Management ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ Ethics/responsibility Small scale 8 ✔ Low impact/non-consumptive Adventure 6 7 ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ Sources: 1 Ceballos-Lascuráin (1987); 2 Laarman and Durst (1987)b; 3 Halbertsma (1988)b; 4 Kutay (1989); 5 Ziffer (1989); 6 Fennell and Eagles (1990); 7 CEAC (1992); 8 Valentine (1993); 9 The Ecotourism Society (1993) in Goodwin (1996); 10 Western (1993) in Goodwin (1996); 11 Australian National Ecotourism Strategy (1993) in Goodwin (1996); 12 Brandon (1996); 13 Goodwin (1996); 14 Wallace and Pierce (1996); 15 The present study Notes: Variables ranked by frequency of response b Nature tourism definitions a can conserve the environment, in the way hatcheries contribute fish stocks to the lakes and rivers; and it can contribute to the welfare of local people, through the use of an aboriginal fishing guide. The point is that fishing is certainly acceptable as a form of nature-based tourism, but it is questionable as a form of ecotourism because of the practical and philosophical issues surrounding the pursuit and capture of game. In failing to effectively conceptualise ecotourism as a distinct form of NBT, industry stakeholders have misinterpreted and mismarketed ecotourism and in the process created a much bigger – but not necessarily better – industry (more on this in Chapter 4). But why all the fuss over attempts to arrive at the right definition of ecotourism? Bottrill and Pearce (1995) observe that definitional variables are important because they are often used to observe, measure and evaluate what is and what is not ecotourism (see also Wallace and Pierce 1996, and their evaluation of ecotourism principles in Amazonas). In an analysis of 22 ecotourism ventures, Bottrill and Pearce found that only five were classified as ecotourism using the following criteria: motivation (physical activity, education, participation), sensitive management and protected area status. The authors submit that more work should follow to further define and modify the points and criteria raised. Their paper quite nicely addressed the need to move beyond definition to a position where ecotourism operators should be open to ethical and operational scrutiny by the public and other concerned stakeholders. This resonates with the work of Miller and Kaye (1993: 37), who suggest that, 'the merits or deficiencies of ecotourism . . . are not to be found in any label per se, but in the quality and intensity of specific environmental and social impacts of human activity in an ecological system'. 24 • Ecotourism and ecotourists Efforts to define ecotourism have also led to the use of time as a mechanism by which to categorise ecotourists. For example, Ballantine and Eagles (1994) suggested that ecotourists could be defined on the basis of an intention to learn about nature, an intention to visit undisturbed areas, and a commitment of at least 33 per cent of their time to the first two criteria. Blamey (1995) sees some inherent problems with the implementation of such a measure. The time factor may be applicable in the safari ecotourism settings of Africa, but is thought to be more problematic in less-structured ecotourism settings and situations. For instance, Blamey asks if a ten-minute guided nature tour qualifies as a day ecotourism visit. Yet one can't help but grapple for acceptable definitions of ecotourism, as Ballantine and Eagles and others have done; the same has occurred with the meaning of 'tourism' in the past, and similarly for many other social science concepts. While the tourism literature has seen fit to define 'tourism' under many different circumstances – time, space, economics, whole systems models – the same will likely occur for ecotourism. It depends on who is operationalising the concept, and for what purpose. In view of the preceding, I have elected to provide my own definition of ecotourism which emerges from a content analysis of 85 separate definitions of the term (Fennell 2001), but also personal experience. The definition is thought to be comprehensive enough to avoid being misapplied, but not so wide-ranging to be overly restrictive. It is as follows: Ecotourism is a sustainable, non-invasive form of nature-based tourism that focuses primarily on learning about nature first-hand, and which is ethically managed to be lowimpact, non-consumptive, and locally oriented (control, benefits and scale). It typically occurs in natural areas, and should contribute to the conservation of such areas. This definition is structured in recognising that having been identified as a separate form of tourism, ecotourism must be classified and defined as such in order to maintain an element of distinctiveness, even though most ecotourists demand a softer, easily accessible, frontcountry type of experience (Kearsley et al. 1997 in Weaver 1998), and that the 'popular' form of ecotourism demands mechanised transport, easy accessibility and a high level of services (Queensland Draft Ecotourism Strategy in Weaver 1998). The relationship between this very soft form of ecotourism and other types of tourism is a topic that will be discussed later on in this book. That said, it is important to consider that much more than simply demand must go into the understanding of ecotourism and ecotourists. In an attempt to stay clear of this fine line, at least at this stage, a harder stance on ecotourism is adopted. Furthermore, a stricter definition of ecotourism begs for the employment of measurable indicators in determining what is and is not ecotourism. (See Orams 1995 for a description of the hard–soft path ecotourism continuum.) An early example of this type of thinking can be seen through the efforts of Shores (1992), who identified the need for higher standards in the ecotourism industry through the implementation of a scale to measure the level of achievement according to the principles of ecotourism. The scale ranges from 0 (travellers made aware of the fragility of the environment in a general capacity) to 5 (a trip where the entire system was operating in an environmental way). The reader will most certainly recognise the absence of culture as a fundamental principle of ecotourism in the aforementioned definition. This definition views culture only inasmuch as the benefits from ecotourism accrue to local people, recognising that culture, whether exotic or not, is part of any tourism experience. If culture was a primary theme of ecotourism then it would be cultural tourism – not ecotourism. There is no doubt that culture can be part of the ecotourism experience; the point is, however, that it is more likely to be a secondary motivation to the overall experience, not primary as in the case of nature and natural resources. For example, in a study completed by Fennell (1990), it was found that there was no statistically significant difference between the average Canadian traveller and ecotourists Ecotourism and ecotourists • 25 as regards many cultural attractions, including museums and art galleries, local festivals and events, and local crafts. Learning is an essential aspect of the ecotourism experience and past research (see Bachert 1990) has sought to examine how it relates to the need to gain knowledge on-site through interpretation and the information provided by guides and other facilitators. In whalewatching, for example, many people just want to see a whale (novelty or curiosity), while conversely others want a more comprehensive learning-based whale-watching experience (see Chapter 7). Knowledge can be thought of as information one applies to a situation, whereas learning is something that results from participation. There is little question that nature tourists learn from the experience, but it is important to view learning in terms of a primary motivation of the ecotourist. Hultman and Andersson Cederholm (2006: 78) argue that despite the fact that ecotourism is about learning or acquiring scientific knowledge about nature, ecotourists, 'cannot bodily engage with nature in any invasive way; nature must remain pristine'. This is contrary to the ideas of many ecotourism theorists who argue that one must engage or 'get into' nature in order to fully appreciate the affect that it can have – thus reinforcing the education associated with the event (Butler 1992). Experiencing nature first-hand relates to Wilson's (1984: 214) concept of biophilia defined as, 'The innate tendency to be attracted by other life forms and to affiliate with natural living systems'. Ecotourism is thus an outlet for this mindset, whereby the feelings of such users may dictate the forms of recreation participated in and the potential to negate effects of such activities on the natural world (see also Kellert 1985, who notes people and the activities they choose can be correlated with these values towards wildlife). Values also translate into ethics, which is seen as an integral aspect of the definition. Acott et al. (1998: 239) may have got it right when they argued that: 'There are many problems in trying to define ecotourism without proper attention being paid to underlying philosophical and ethical principles.' One's geographic location (e.g., within a protected area or other space deemed important as an ecotourism region) alone, for example, was not enough to determine the environmental values of that individual. Finally, consumptiveness of the activity (non-consumptive to consumptive) should be considered to illustrate that all forms of outdoor recreation and tourism have some type of impact – however insignificant – on the resource base, with some being less severe than others (consumptive forms of tourism include those that are said to consume resources, such as hunting and fishing). Nature-based tourism was defined, above, as a form of tourism that encompasses those forms of tourism (e.g., mass tourism, adventure tourism, low-impact tourism, ecotourism) which use natural resources in a wild or undeveloped form. The emerging set of complex social, economic, physical and ecological relationships in so many different settings has elevated nature-based tourism to one of the most important themes in tourism research today (Hall and Boyd 2005). Its socio-economic importance can be seen through the Survey on the Importance of Nature to Canadians (SINC), which has been used effectively to generate a range of data on the nature-related activities and expenditures of Canadians. Gray et al. (2003) examined survey data between the years 1981 and 1996 in finding that more than 80 per cent of Canadians 16 years of age and over engaged in nature-related activities. Furthermore, the frequency of participation in non-consumptive wildlife viewing increased from 56.7 million days in 1981, to 80 million days in 1996. Conversely, hunting declined from 32.3 million days in 1981 to 20.2 million days in 1996; while fishing declined from 88.7 million days to 72.0 million days in 1996 (see Case Study 2.2). In looking just at wildlife viewing in 1991 and 1996, the authors reported an increase in female wildlife viewing from 47.6 per cent to 50.7 per cent over this five-year period of time. Also, while rural residents represented 27.2 per cent of wildlife viewing (urban: 72.8 per cent) in 1991, the percentage of rural residents dropped to 17.9 per cent by 1996. Overall, nature-related expenditures contributed $11.4 billion to Canada's GDP in 1996, with wildlife viewing representing $1.3 26 • Ecotourism and ecotourists Plate 2.1 Mayan ruins: major attractions in the peripheral regions of the Yucatán Peninsula, Mexico Plate 2.2 To some tourists culture is the primary attraction; to others it is merely a secondary feature of the overall experience Ecotourism and ecotourists • 27 billion, fishing $1.9 billion and hunting $815 million. Outdoor activities in natural areas amounted to $7.1 billion. (See Manfredo et al. 2003, for a discussion of the factors that have led to a shift in wildlife value orientation in the US, from the traditional utilitarian perspective to post-materialist values based on higher-order psychological needs.) In examining the determinants of nature tourism expenditures in Finland, Pouta et al. (2006) found that heavy spending is associated with higher income and middle age. First-time visitors typically stayed longer at the destination and spent more, and higher spending also took place at welldeveloped recreational attractions. The implications for nature tourism development in Finland are that decision-makers ought to focus on recreational services that increase length of stay and motivate those first-time heavy spenders to revisit the destination. Despite the fact that many authors feel the debate on what is and is not ecotourism is over (including nature-based tourism), there is still confusion. For example, Naidoo and Adamowicz prefer not to use the more 'restrictive' term ecotourism because of its inflexibility in describing activities such as hiking and safaris, and prefer nature-based tourism because it is, 'a non-consumptive activity that should rely on intact natural resources to generate resources' (2005: 160). Part of the problem is that given its name 'nature tourism' or 'nature-based tourism', it becomes difficult to equate with activities that are more consumptive in their orientation (e.g. hunting). The activities that we now group under nature tourism, including adventure tourism, fishing, hunting, whale-watching and ecotourism might best be labelled 'natural resource-based tourism'. This latter categorisation implies an element of use, which we know corresponds to any form of tourism that occurs outside and which relies specifically on the natural resource base. Furthermore, it is more analogous to the continuum of conservation (saving for use) and preservation (saving from use). Ecotourism, although it entails use, should apply more to the preservation end of this continuum, while hunting and fishing relate more to the aspect of conservation. This sentiment relates to the work of Ewert and Shultis (1997), who wrote that 'resource-based' tourism includes a variety of tourism endeavours, including ecotourism, adventure tourism and indigenous tourism, and their various activities. The following few examples demonstrate the use and misuse of nature-based tourism and ecotourism in variety of different environments and situations. CASE STUDY 2.1 Nature tourism in Texas Ecotourism in Texas provides an excellent example of how ecotourism is subsumed by nature tourism. In Texas, nature tourism is defined as 'discretionary travel to natural areas that conserves the environmental, social and cultural values while generating an economic benefit to the local community' (Texas Parks and Wildlife 1996: 2). Although hunting and fishing are reported to be traditional mainstays of nature tourism in Texas, the Task Force on Nature Tourism states that non-consumptive activities such as bird and wildlife watching, nature study and photography, biking, camping, rafting and hiking have experienced the greatest growth over the past few years. In Texas, the task force reports that tourism is the third largest industry in Texas, generating $23 billion annually, with the potential to replace oil and gas, and manufacturing as the highest income earner in the future. The Great Texas Coastal Birding Trail is a key ecotourism attraction in the Lone Star State. The goal of this trail is to increase the opportunities for nature tourism in the coastal communities of Texas, in addition to conveying the value of conservation to people living continued 28 • Ecotourism and ecotourists in the region. Although the trail was conceived by the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department, it was made possible by transportation enhancement funds and the Texas Department of Transportation. The trail utilises existing transportation infrastructure (viewing platforms and boardwalks are being added on a continual basis) in creating recreational, economic and educational opportunities for local people and tourists alike. Upon completion in 1998, it comprised three main sections and span over 600 miles of coastline, incorporating some 300 birding stops in nine wildlife refuges, 11 state parks, one national seashore, and several city and county preserves. CASE STUDY