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How do you use theory effectively in empirical research; and how can you learn to do this in a practical way? This is a crucial question to answer for any sociologist; and it is addressed in this article by presenting and analyzing the contents of a course on theorizing that Robert K. Merton taught during 1942–1954 at Columbia University. In teaching this class Merton was probably the first sociologist to single out the topic of theorizing as its own distinct area of knowledge, study and teaching. He also pioneered a new kind of theorizing in sociology, centered around the use of systematic empirical data. In presenting Merton's arguments, special attention has been paid to the tools for theorizing that he devised, such as respecification, reconceptualization and levels analysis. Next to nothing of this material is discussed in Merton's published writings. It is suggested that underlying Merton's work in theory is the idea that it is only through theory that data can become sociology.
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Merton 950:B436F8; emphasis added.
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For helpful comments I thank three reviewers and the editor of The American Sociologist. I also thank the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin for support.
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The material from Soc 213–214 can today be found in "Robert K. Merton Papers, 1928–2003" at Columbia University Rare Book & Manuscript Library (see especially Box 132, Folder 4; Box 436, Folders 7–8; Box 149, Folder 12; Box 365, Folders 4–5; Box 437, Folders 2–4). The material from this course amounts to about four hundred pages and consists of Merton's own notes for his lectures; a small number of pages with notes in Merton's handwriting; notes from Merton's lectures by his teaching assistants Alice Rossi and Hanan Selvin; student assignments, including reading lists; a few essays by students; and material relating to James Coleman's experiences of Soc 213–214.
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The course is described as follows in the Columbia Course Catalogue for 1941–1942: "Critical examination of the use of theory in empirical research. Detailed analysis of standard sociological monographs. Empirical consideration of the interrelations of sociological theory and social structure" (Nichols 2010:89).
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In Social Theory and Social Structure Merton uses several pages to argue that there exists a "rock-bound difference between the finished versions of scientific work as they appear in print and the actual course of inquiry followed by the inquirer" (Merton 1968:4). The former is dismissed as "the story-book version of scientific inquiry." As far as I have been able to establish, Merton uses the term "theoretic work" (e.g. Merton 1945:465); he is nonetheless viewed as having introduced the term "theory work" in sociology (Levine 2006:239).
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See note 26 for an elaboration of this point.
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Merton has referred to the title of his course Soc 213–214 as "the odd-appearing but quite deliberate title" (Merton 1996b:353, 1994:33, 1995a:24). He chose the same title for one of the key chapters in Social Theory and Social Structure, which had originally appeared in a somewhat different form in 1945 in the American Journal of Sociology under the title of "Sociological Theory." From the abstract that accompanies the 1945 article, it is however clear that Merton now wanted to emphasize a different aspect of theory in this article (later chapter) than in Soc 213–214. In the article and chapter, the focus was on "What is theory?"; and in the course on "How do you theorize?" The content in the 1945 article and in Soc 213–214 overlap at times but is for the most part different.
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That the content of Soc 213–214 changed quite a bit over the years is clear from what remains of Merton's lecture notes. As already mentioned, these notes are incomplete in nature, something that makes it difficult to follow the changes that the course underwent over the years. All the material that is cited in the rest of the paper comes from the classes in theorizing Merton taught during the academic years of 1949–1950 and 1950–1951. For these two years there exists quite a bit of material, including some of Merton's outlines for his lectures as well as a set of detailed notes taken during Merton's lectures by his teaching assistants Alice Rossi (formerly Kitt) and Hanan Selvin. More precisely, there exist notes from 16 lectures, out of something like 24 to 26. Alice Ross (1922–2009) got her PhD in sociology at Columbia University in 1957, and Hanan Selvin (1921–1989) in 1956.
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According to Mary Jo Deegan's history of women in sociology, the years 1920–1965 constituted "the dark era of patriarchal ascendancy [in US sociology]" (Deegan 1991:18–21). Deegan also notes that "Robert Merton, Robert Lynd, and C. Wright Mills worked at Columbia, where they established a relatively open context for women in sociology" (Deegan 1991:20). Merton co-authored, for example, a series of studies with female sociologists (e.g. Merton and Kitt 1950; Merton, West and Jahoda 1951; Merton, Fisk and Kendall 1956). He was also the thesis adviser and/or teacher of several well-known female sociologists, including Alice Rossi, Patricia Kendall, Rose Laub Coser and Harriet Zuckerman. For some details about the difficulties of being a female sociologist in the 1950s at Columbia University, see the autobiography of Renée Fox (2011:102–03) and Annemette Sorensen, "Natalie Rogoff Ramsøy as a Female Pioneer in Sociology. Breaking Gender Barriers" (2003).
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The students were also told about Bertrand Russell's distinction between hard facts and soft facts (Russell 1914:70–1). While Merton referred approvingly to these terms, he basically invested them with his own meaning: "I mean by hard data in sociology: those which are relative precise, relatively adequate to being representative of what designated classes of human beings feel, believe, think or do; whereas soft data are those which are either loose, or upon reflection, clearly have no evidential value with regard to being characteristic or representative…" (Merton 1950:B436F8). As an example of a study based on soft data, Merton mentioned The Protestant Ethic. Merton also argued that some facts are better suited than others to test a theory. He would later name these "strategic research materials" or SRM (e.g. Merton 1987). He also noted that the relationship between fact and theory is complex; "what one takes as data…the other takes as problematic" (Merton 1943:B136F4).
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Merton's full description of himself when he arrived to Columbia University in 1941 was as a "confirmed social theorist albeit with something of an empirical bent" (Merton 1994:16). As a graduate student at Harvard Merton had interviewed homeless men during the summer of 1932: "I had had a fair amount of interviewing during my student days at Harvard, not, of course, as part of formal training in the Department of Sociology there which, being largely devoted to theory, did not teach such research procedures back then" (Merton 1998b:202 n.13). The interviewing, Merton continues, was conducted as part of a government program sponsored by Roosevelt; and he primarily did the interviews to make some money (Merton 1998b:203 n. 20; 1990b:xvi). At Tulane University, where Merton worked in 1939–1941 he administered a survey (Merton 1940). It can also be added that even if Merton eventually became good not only in handling theory but also methods and doing empirical research, he clearly favored theory. When once asked by a student why he did not test one of his theories, which was much debated, Merton answered:
how many people are capable of doing empirical tests; hundreds or thousands? How many people are capable of devising theory - only a handful. Testing this theory would not be a worthwhile expenditure of my time. (Cole 2004:835).
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Merton's terminology is sometimes unstable, in his lectures as well as in his published writings. Instead of "re-analysis," for example, "re-examination" is occasionally used (e.g. Merton and Kitt 1950:41). In this article I will use the term that Merton used most often in his lectures.
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Soc 213–214 was, as we know, primarily devoted to teaching the students about the use of theory in doing research. The technique of re-formulation is, however, also used when research impacts existing theory. In this case the re-formulation is driven by a "hitherto neglected but relevant fact which presses for an extension of the conceptual scheme" (Merton 1948a:509, 1968:162). More generally, research can influence theory, according to Merton, in the following four ways: "it initiates, it reformulates, it deflects and it clarifies theory" (Merton 1948:506, 1968:157).
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Or to cite the classical formulation in Social Theory and Social Structure: "The term sociological theory refers to logically interconnected sets of propositions from which empirical uniformities can be derived" (Merton 1968:39, 66). (A "uniformity" is an empirical generalization that has become part of a theory; and the reason for using this special term is that only a "conceptual term" can be part of a theory, according to Henderson 1932). It can be added that Merton's definition of sociological theory is in accordance with Hempel's deductive-nomological model which emphasizes that you go from the general to the specific; more precisely, you use the general to explain the specific through subordination. If Merton had chosen to define sociological theory from the way that he taught the course in theorizing, he would also have wanted to include the reverse movement, from the specific to the general (sociological theory consists of empirical generalities elevated into a set of logically interconnected set of propositions). As opposed to Hempel, finally, Merton does not single out the role of explanation; it is instead built into the way that the propositions are related.
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Merton writes as follows:
Social cohesion provides psychic support to group members subjected to acute stresses and anxieties.
Suicide rates are functions of unrelieved anxieties and stresses to which persons are subjected.
Catholics have greater social cohesion than Protestants.
Therefore, lower suicide rates should be anticipated among Catholics than among Protestants. (Merton 1968:15).
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The translation of Weber's analysis into propositions might look as follows:
Methodical work helps group members to be economically successful.
Economic success is a function of working hard.
Protestantism emphasizes a methodical attitude more than Catholicism.
Therefore Protestants can be expected to be more successful economically than Catholics.
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"I had largely confined those analyses of 'respecification' and 'reconceptualization' to oral publication rather than putting them into print" (Merton 1998b:176). None of these terms (or that of levels analysis) can, for example, be found in the indices to the three editions of Social Theory and Social Structure (Merton 1949a, b, c, 1957, 1968).
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During his life as a scholar Merton cultivated the process of developing ideas during his lectures and then working on these till they were ready for publication. Towards the end of his life he said that this was how most of his articles and books had come into being; and that the process from the first oral publication till the publication in print took about 12 years (Merton 1998a:317).
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While Merton only seems to have presented one version of his levels analysis in Soc 213–214, he presented several in his course on social structure, Soc 215–216 (Merton 1943–1954:B365F4–5). In one of these the levels are as follows: individual actor (Level 1); status, position (Level 2); organization, structure (Level 3); and society (Level 4). In another: opinions (Level 1); positions (Level 2); group cohesion (Level 3); and values, cultural assumptions (Level 4). Merton also emphasized the importance of the order in which the different levels were analyzed.
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A general sociological orientation does not qualify as a theory but can be helpful as an inspiration; it may also draw the sociologist's attention to certain empirical phenomena (Merton 1945:464–65, 1968:149–50). Merton did not regard the works of Simmel and Weber as containing theory properly speaking – but they were full of useful general orientations.
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Merton 1950:B436F8.
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Merton taught three classes on theory at Columbia: "Analysis of Social Structures, Soc 215–216" (1942–1979), "Social Theory Applied to Social Research, Soc 213–214" (1942–1953), and "History of Sociological Theory, Soc 150" (1958–1968). From the dates of these, it is possible to argue that Merton may have replaced the course in theorizing with the one in the history of sociological theory. In 1957–1958 Merton co-taught a course with Paul Lazarsfeld called "Selected Problems in the Relations between Sociological Theory and Methods of Research (Soc 319)" (for all of Merton's classes, see the online finding aid to the Merton collection at Columbia). As opposed to his course on theorizing, Merton's famous course on contemporary theory had a strong focus on structural-functionalism (for a detailed description, see Marsh 2010). The reader who is interested in Merton's take on theory may also want to consult his last major article in this genre, "Three Fragments from a Sociologist's Notebooks," which contains much material on theorizing (Merton 1987).
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Merton's work may also have been the inspiration for the work on theory construction that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s (e.g. Zhao 1996). As to the terminology of "theorizing" versus "theory construction," the following can be said. While Merton repeatedly used the term "theorizing" in his lectures in Soc 213–214, he never used "theory construction." While the two terms are overlapping to quite some extent, there are also some key differences. The emphasis in theory construction, as used by sociologists, is primarily on the parts that make up a theory (proposition, type, explanation, and so on). This is also often accompanied by a focus on the need for formalization. Theory construction differs in this sense from theorizing, which is considerably broader in scope and includes e.g. the dead ends, mistakes, early attempts at explanation, and so on, that are part of the process that precedes the presentation of a study in public (see also Merton 1968:140–41). In theorizing there is also more of an emphasis on how to develop practical rules for how to proceed.
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Some might argue that Merton was at the most a pioneer among sociologists in theorizing with empirical material, on the ground that many other sociologists have theorized before Merton (such as Weber, Simmel and Parsons, just to mention three sociologists who, according to Merton himself in Soc 213–214, had theorized). This argument, however, detracts from Merton's accomplishment in my view. While all sociologists can be said to have theorized, if this term is equated with the production of theory, what Merton did, I argue, was to draw attention to the practical side of this activity, with all its ups and downs, false leads and failed attempts. He also singled out theorizing as a set of practical skills to be learned and taught. To my knowledge, this is something that no other sociologist had done before Merton (and not to be confused with philosophy of science). The reader may also want to compare Merton's views on theorizing with those of Talcott Parsons. The latter tried to outline what theorizing is, as part of the so-called Carnegie project on theory (1949–1951). Parsons views, however, does not seem to have gone beyond insights of the type "try to think as hard as you can" and "you can get inspiration by working with others" (Isaac 2010; see also Isaac 2009).
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It is not clear how many students took Merton's course in theorizing during 1942–1954. As earlier mentioned 55 students were enrolled in 1950–1951 and some 30 students took the course every year, according to one source (Caplovitz 1977:142). How these figure square with the official statistics that only 152 students were awarded a PhD in sociology at Columbia University during the years 1943–1959 (that is, about nine per year) is not clear (Rosenhaupt 1958:6, Sibley 1963:65–6).
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In an interview from 1995, Merton referred to what he called his own "tacit theorizing" in the following way:
It's a strange phenomenon, this tacit theorizing about aspects of social reality before you know what it is that you are looking for. It starts as a vague notion and sometimes ends in nothing. But every so often, the tacit becomes explicit and leads to new problems worth pursuing. (Duncan 1995).
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In the early 1980s Merton wrote the following parable about the use of statistics in sociology, which he sent to Pat Kendall, the wife of Paul Lazarsfeld (Merton 1984:B47F9):
Transcription of a Dream
For lo these many years the People were dwelling in the Land of Columbia with their wives and camels and computers. But the zero order correlations came upon them and the People were sore afraid. So they spoke unto the prophet Paul saying "Canst thou relieve us of this plague of zero order correlations?" And the Prophet Paul told them to buildeth tables of percentages and the correlations would go away. And the people did as he said and they builded many tables (and verily some obtained chairs) and some of the correlations went away. And the people of Columbia waxed fat and had many wives and many concubines.
And it came to pass that the prophet Dudley arriveth from the sands of Oklahoma. And the Prophet Dudley spake unto the people saying, "Repent, ye sinners! Thou worshipeth false Gods!" And he told the People they should follow him down the recursive path, nigh unto the land of Econometrica, whence he had been before them. And the People packed up their wives and camels and computers and followed him (as best they could) and the assistant professors found that many books could be written elucidating the miracle that Education is correlated with Occupational Prestige (when Prestige is estimated from Education) and the assistant professors became full professors, and the residual variance waxed while the man and maidservants decomposed covariances, and the journals were filled with graven images of what appeared to be the road to Bulgaria. But the people cried out, "We know not what this Sociology is and can not read our journals nor yet find any information about society." But the prophet and his disciples said, "Oh, ye of little faith, trust us." So the people stopped reading the journals and devoted themselves to Marxist agitation and all was well in the Land. But the remnant who tarried in Columbia were punished and the Lord smote the Bureau of Applied Social Research to show he/she wasn't kidding.
And it came to pass that the Prophet Leo came down from the clouds and saith, "Moses gave you tablets of clay, but I giveth unto you Tables of Counts plus plenteous notation." And the prophet Dudley was moved, and he spoke unto the People saying "Repent, ye sinners! Thou worshipeth false Gods!" and "Abandon ye those comfortable interval scales and follow me on the road back to tables." And the people despaired and they cried out, "Hey, we just came from there and it was a long walk." But the prophet Dudley said, "Ye speaketh of tables builded from percentages; I speaketh unto you of tables builded from Logs, as told to me by the Wizard of Odds." And the people said, "Oh, I see, I guess" and they packed up their wives and camels and computers and they followed him (as best they could) back to the land of tables. And somewhat fewer assistant professors became full professors because it was a time of drought, and many fewer of the People could read the journals nor [understand them]. (Merton 1984?:B47F10)
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While Merton excelled as a theorist as well as a methodologist and a researcher (Sorensen 1991), this was not the case with Lazarsfeld who lacked a talent for theory and was not interested in testing theoretical ideas. According to Merton, Lazarsfeld was always asking, "What is sociology?" (Rogers 1997:247). He also said: "Paul never believed there was such a subject as sociology" (Rogers 1997:247). According to Coleman, "Lazarsfeld had a difficult time understanding sociological theory"; he also "did not know [theory]" (Coleman 1980:171, 1990d:89; see also (Coleman 1990b:28–9, 1990c:89). According to Bernard Barber, "Lazarsfeld…never understood the basic nature of theory" (Clark 1998:338). Lazarsfeld said himself that he did not view himself as "a 'real' sociologist;" and according to Stephen Turner and Jonathan Turner, he used a kind of "'folk psychology' for…theory" (Lazarsfeld 1975:56, Turner and Turner 1990:105).
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In an article from the 1980s, Merton describes himself as "a longtime qualitative researcher" (Merton 1987:559, 1990a:xxiv). And according to a student who took his class on social structure (Soc 215–216):
In the Sociology 215–216 course, as elsewhere, Merton was much more qualitative than quantitative. He advised us that journals like the British Journal of Sociology and Psychiatry were sympathetic to qualitative, intellectual essay-type articles and were therefore a good outlet for publications. (Marsh 2010:112).
Note, however, that both of these descriptions are retrospective in nature. During the peak of Columbia sociology in the 1950s, a better characterization of Merton would perhaps be as an empirical researcher who insisted that all types of solid knowledge should be used. In 1950, for example, he describes his view on different types of data as follows:
I believe that different methods of systematically collecting and analyzing sociological data need to be brought together and meshed. For if sociologists confine themselves to one type of data – whether this be brief interviews with cross-sections of a population, or governmentally collected demographic data, or historical reconstructions – they will come to limit themselves to those problems which can be studied by means of such data. The methodological tail will wag the sociological dog, and this is neither natural nor pretty. As the theoretical problem is defined, method appropriate for studying this problem will be developed. (Merton 1950:B436F7)
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Raymond Pearl (1879–1940), American biologist.
Documents from the collection Robert K. Merton Paper, Rare Books & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, are cited in the following manner in the text. A document from, say, 1942 which can be found in Box 436, Folder 8 is referred to as: Merton 1942:B436F8. For the places where most of the material from Soc 213-214 can be found, see note 3.
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Merton, R. K. (1996a). The Sorokin-Merton correspondence on 'Puritanism, Pietism, and Science,' 1933–34. In J. Ford, M. Richard, & P. Talbutt (Eds.), Sorokin & civilization (pp. 21–27). New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers.
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Merton, R. K., & Barber, E. (2004). The travels and adventures of serendipity: A study in sociological semantics and the sociology of science. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Written in 1958 with an afterword added by Merton for the 2004 publication (pp. 230–98).
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Appendix 1. Three Weekly Assignments in Soc 213, 1949
4910:25 (for following week):
List five empirical generalizations drawn from sociology, social psychology, or social anthropology.
Write an analysis of the methodological and theoretic status of one of these generalizations, in terms of the questions and considerations raised in the course to date.
4911:01 (for the following week)
List three cases of 'sociological problem formation' from the literature.
Try to characterize in formal, logical terms, just what is entailed in the statement of a problem. That is, from these cases seek to set out, tentatively, the components and structures of the statement of a problem. (Be prepared to find that there are 'types' of problems, and that they may not all have precisely the same organization).
List some examples (at least five) of social science 'tools' or instruments of research.
Indicate some researches in which each of these was used.
Consider any one of these tools, and attempt to indicate, with reference to existing researches, what impact, if any, the instrument had upon the empirical and interpretive content of these researches.
Appendix 2. An Assignment in Levels Analysis from Soc 213, 1950
Select one of two types of items for analysis:
an entire brief journal article, either theoretical or empirical.
a brief section (5–10 pages) from any sociological, psychological or anthropological work you wish, whether from our reading lists in this course or any other in which you are doing work.
As a first step, underscore and itemize the levels of the variable which appear in your selection. Get a feel for the scope; note if there is a difference between the level of the variables between which empirical relationships are established and the level of the variables introduced to account for the relationship. What happens when a theorist or researcher remains on one level? What happens when a level shift occurs? Raise the question to yourself: what difference would it make to introduce variables from a different level?
Then append a few words of comment on to what extent, if any, the use of levels analysis is deemed helpful in such analysis of other people's work.
A note of caution: there is frequently a tendency to use levels as merely a filing system of variables. This should be completely construed as a first step. If it has any merit, it must lie in what happens to your re-interpretation of a study, once the gaps are noted and you attempt to introduce variables from another level.
This is the case just as much in re-working a completed research, as using levels in setting up our own research. For one function of levels analysis, which was not stressed in our list of 'purposes' is an important one: that levels analysis may serve as a guidepost in instituting an intellectual problem, − introducing some help at precisely the point when a problem is most unstructured (if the canvas is large) or overly confining (if the study is too narrowly conceived).
Appendix 3. Instructions for the Term Paper in Soc 214, 1951
The chief objective is to provide an occasion for each member of the group to work out a systematic and detailed statement of the theoretical and empirical place of an important concept (or conception) in sociological theory.
There are many near-prototypes available for the kind of paper here contemplated. Perhaps the most accessible near-counterpart will be found in the separate articles in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, dealing with such concepts, for example, as conformity, consensus, cults, ethnocentrism, folkways, imitation, isolation, social mobility, nepotism, social sanction, status, and so on.
Other near-parallels will be found in those social science symposia in which each chapter is devoted to the review and analysis of major concepts or groups of concepts utilized in a subdivision of a field of inquiry (e.g. Twentieth Century Sociology [1945], or the analytical bibliographic articles in the Psychological Bulletin).
However, these are only approximations to the types of discussion called for in these papers. They either cover too wide a variety of related conceptions in a relatively sketchy fashion; or focus on very extensive bibliographic summaries, or involve comparatively little theoretical analysis of the concepts under review.
Without exaggerating the need for uniformity among the various papers, the limits and content of the course-paper can perhaps be best understood by imagining yourself in the following 'real-life situation':
You are asked by the editor of the new and revised edition of the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences to contribute an article on one of these subjects (you being free to select the subject).
There is no fixed limit to the length of the paper – that will depend largely on your estimate of what is required to develop the major theoretical and empirical considerations on the subject. However, it is assumed that, in general, your account will not run beyond 15,000 words.
You are to assume that your audience is comprised by professional sociologists who will want to turn to your account for an authoritative and critical statement of the given sociological conception, in order to learn (or refresh their knowledge of) the following aspects of it:
the emergence of the concept (which may long antedate the emergence of sociology as an academic discipline).
the development of the concept as it became incorporated into sociological theory with reference to its changing definition (re-specification of the initial variable). Its linkage with other concepts, continuity and discontinuity in the use of the concept by sociologists.
the utilization of the concept in social research of various kinds (those using historical data, comparative sociological data, field materials, etc).
your analysis of the interplay between the concept (and other theoretical concepts with which it has been closely associated) and the empirical studies in which it has been put to use, so that your account is not merely a chronological review of its changing meanings, but an analysis of the logical and empirical considerations which apparently led to these changes.
an indication of the present status of the concept and the respects in which further research and theoretical analysis is, in your judgment, called for.
- (1)
Throughout it is assumed you will document the foregoing points, and will perhaps end your paper with an annotated bibliography of what you have found to be the major contributions to the subject.
- a.
It will probably be helpful to draft a fairly detailed outline of your proposed article within four to 6 weeks, the outline to be based on the preliminary work done during this interval. This outline will be discussed with the instructor in the hope that the discussion will sometimes prove useful.
The intent of this term-assignment is to provide an opportunity for you to work through a body of literature to determine for yourself the present status of a major sociological conception. As Raymond PearlFootnote 32 has said in another though related connection, this kind of work should enable the student to become "really initiated into the realm of scholarship and [to] make contact with the minds that have built the structure whose architecture he must know before he can add his bit to it."
There is some reason to suppose that this procedure will enable many of you to learn more about the selected concept than the generality of sociologists now know and certainly more than is known by the instructor in the course. Yet despite the concentration of work, the paper is unlike the brief assignments of the first semester which were intended as narrowly defined, technical exercises in sociological theory. The scope of this paper can be comparatively wide within the limits set by time, energy, and the need for thorough and documented analysis of the place of the concept in sociological research and theory.
Sample List of Subjects
The following concepts and subjects are only illustrative. Selection of a subject should be based on your own basic interests in sociology and so far as possible should be linked with some part of your current work (e.g. dissertation, other course papers, current researches). Should you be considering a subject not on this illustrative list, it would be helpful to have you notify Mr. Merton or [course assistant] Mr. Selvin.
Social isolation.
Social roles.
Social relativism of thought.
Primary and secondary social relationships.
Social 'manipulation' of others.
Social foundations of mutual trust and distrust (vs integration into group) – pseudo-gemeinschaft.
Social images.
The stranger as a social type.
In-group and out-group formations.
Division of labor – sociological analysis of.
Expert and laity relationships.
Marginal man.
Divided loyalties, cross-pressures, conflicting roles, multiple group membership.
Sociological analysis of a "calling".
Group solidarity.
Interplay of institutional norms and motivation.
Alienation and estrangement.
The concept of ethos.
Institutionalized evasions of institutional norms: mores and counter-mores.
Interplay of formal structure and informal structure.
Reference groups.
Systems of social theory and theories of the middle range.
The concept of social dysfunction.
Conventionalization (the etiquette of social relations).
Cultural lag.
Self-interested and disinterested behavior.
"Human nature".
Cultural consistency and inconsistency.
Social cohesion.
Organizational needs.
Residential mobility.
Social equilibrium.
Age stratification.
"The strainer" ("climber", mobility-oriented).
Social distance.
Group morale.
Definition of the situation (humanistic coefficient).
False consciousness.
Social perception.
Unanticipated consequences of organized social action.
Wertbeziehung [value relevance] (in connection with selection of research problems).
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Swedberg, R. How Do you Make Sociology out of Data? Robert K. Merton's Course in Theorizing (Soc 213–214). Am Soc 50, 85–120 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-018-9399-8
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This outstanding 2 bedroom luxury apartment is set on the second floor (with Lift) and boasts 2 en suite bathrooms, 2 private Balconies and easy access to High Street Kensington. View more.
Presented in exceptional condition throughout, this outstanding 5 bedroom house is set along a desirable residential road offering a wealth of living and entertaining space, quality fixtures and 54' private garden. View more.
Newly developed to high specifications throughout, this stunning 3 bedroom Townhouse offers comfortable and contemporary living/entertaining space, and access to beautiful communal Gardens and a Garage. View more.
2 bedroom penthouse
to rent
A superb 2 bedroom penthouse arranged over 2 floors situated within a beautiful riverside development and benefiting from stunning views of the Thames. View more.
Located within a newly built riverside development, this fabulous 2 bedroom apartment is modern and spacious throughout and features high-specification fixtures and fittings, and a balcony with a view. View more.
Situated in an attractive Garden square, this striking and imposing 2 bedroom flat featuring generous and beautifully presented living and entertaining space with a rear Garden. View more.
Situated within a gated new build development, this smart 2 bedroom property benefits from a bright and spacious accommodation presented with stylish and modern interiors, and features a private Balcony. View more.
Set on the raised ground and lower ground floor of an impressive red brick Victorian building this fabulous 3 bedroom flat boasts stylish interiors with 2 receptions, dining room, high ceilings and wooden floors. View more.
Presented in immaculate condition and benefiting from an exquisite refurbishment, this spectacular 2 bedroom, 2 bathroom luxury apartment boasts high ceilings and a separate kitchen. View more.
Featuring a fabulous master bedroom with en suite bathroom, this smart recently developed 4 bedroom town house boasts a garage and patio garden as well as an exceptional kitchen with dishwasher and space for dining. View more.
2 bedroom maisonette
to rent
This stunning 2 bedroom flat is arranged over 2 floors boasting a spacious reception room with doors to a private Balcony, and a fully fitted kitchen. View more.
This stunning 3 bedroom flat is set in the prestigious Montrose Court, offering an expansive and bright reception room, 3 generously sized bedrooms and benefits from amazing location. View more.
Arranged on the 9th floor of a sought after building (with Lift and Porter) this incredible 3 bedroom lateral apartment boasts 3 en suites, an open plan kitchen and easy access to Harrods. View more.
Located on a pretty tree-lined square moments from Harrods department store, this stunning 2 bedroom flat boasts beautifully finished modern interiors with a charming living and entertaining space. View more.
Enviably located opposite Harrods of Knightsbridge, this wonderfully presented 3 bedroom lateral apartment boasts 3 en suite bathrooms, Lift access and an on site Porter. View more.
Set on the 6th floor (with lift) and bosting an incredible Balcony with views over Harrods, this impressive 3 bedroom luxury apartment offers opulent accommodation in the heart of Knightsbridge. View more.
Ideally located on desirable Princedale Road, this stunning 4 bedroom house boasts substantial accommodation and stylish décor throughout. View more.
A attractive and spacious 5 bedroom extended terrace house offering bright and airy living/entertaining space in a superb location just moments from the wide open spaces of Bishop's Park and the River Thames. View more.
Boasting impressive living space with high ceilings, stylish interiors and a fantastic Balcony, this stunning 2 bedroom flat is situated on sought-after Queens Gate moments from Hyde Park. View more.
Well-presented throughout, this stunning 3rd floor apartment features stylish accommodation comprising a superb reception room with dining area, designer kitchen and three spacious bedrooms in South Kensington. View more.
4 bedroom flat
to rent
Offering an expanse of lateral space with recently remodeled interiors, this superb 4 bedroom apartment is arranged on the 2nd floor (with Lift access) and boasts a bay fronted reception and feature master suite. View more.
Well-presented throughout this wonderfully spacious 3 bedroom flat boasts high ceilings, wood floors, master bedroom with Ensuite and a generous bay-fronted reception room with adjoining dining room. View more.
A fabulous 3 bed flat moments from Hyde Park and Knightsbridge offering ample living space including a large reception room, separate dining room and 2 Balconies. View more.
This stylish 3 bedroom House is separated over 4 floors giving a great flexible living atmosphere, with an open-plan layout running through to stunning views over the River Thames. View more.
This outstanding, newly refurbished 2 bedroom apartment is set on the 2nd floor (with Lift access) of an period building and boasts a charming reception, separate dining room and 2 double bedrooms and 2 bathrooms. View more.
Arranged on the 1st floor of a sought after building (with Lift and Porter) this superb 2 bedroom luxury apartment boasts a modern open plan kitchen and 2 bathrooms (1 en suite). View more.
Set on the 1st floor (with Lift) this smart 2 bedroom apartment offers immaculate accommodation close to many local shops and boutiques while the South Kensington Piazza is nearby. View more.
This fantastic 3 bedroom flat, set in a excellent location moments from Kensington High Street, has been recently refurbished to a high standard, with bright and spacious living space and lovely communal garden. View more.
A stunning 4 bedroom newly built mews house spaciously arranged over 3 floors which offers naturally bright and stylish accommodation. View more.
Boasting an enviable location surrounded by many high end fashionable Knightsbridge boutiques, this stunning 3 bedroom apartment offers a stylish living and entertaining space within a secure residential development. View more.
Enviably positioned in a prestigious address with access to stunning Communal Gardens, this is a recently refurbished 3 bedroom Duplex flat with Lift, integrated audio system, bright rooms and a fabulous Terrace. View more.
This is a stunning newly refurbished 3bedroom lower ground floor flat, offering stylish interiors throughout, superb master bedroom with en suite and walk-in wardrobe and benefits from two decked terraces. View more.
Set on a sought-after residential street in Belgravia, this attractive 2 bedroom flat offers bright and beautifully presented interiors with ample living and entertaining space. View more.
Arranged over the top 3 floors of a handsome period conversion, this exceptional 3 bedroom apartment offers a wealth of space with a generous reception room, separate fitted kitchen and master bedroom with En-suite. View more.
Boasting use of a communal swimming pool, gymnasium, cinema room and 24-hour porter services, this wonderful 2 bedroom, fourth floor flat offers open-plan living space with a private balcony and a master suite. View more.
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Research & Insights
Virtual reality and augmented reality (XR) are newer technologies with an increasing body of research findings in terms of impact and effectiveness for training. However, there is still some confusion about how virtual training be most cost effectively applied in an environment with an increasingly distributed workforce.
This paper explores some of the most frequently asked questions organisations may have when commencing the journey of implementing a virtual learning solution. The paper reflects Snobal's experience over six years developing virtual learning software solutions to global clients across diverse sectors.COMING SOON: How to easily deploy and scale VR/AR business solutions.
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In the 40's and 50s we learned a lot of life skills, from our elders. Shoe repairing, dying, woodworking, metal working, soldering, plumbing, darning, sewing, patching, knitting, gardening, cooking, baking, ginger beer making, wallpapering, painting, cement mixing, plastering, garden wall and fence building. Most of our toys were home made. Sledges, 4 wheelers, bagatelle boards, crib boards, kaleidascopes and many more. With a few tools, glues, sealants and stuff I can still do a lot of minor repairs around the house.
I had a put together bike that only had one high gear cog on the back wheel. Hard work pedaling on the flat, and impossible to ride up even a small slope. Often wondered where and why it came from. Possibly a racing bike? We went through two stages "doing a bike up". First we loaded it up with fancy shiny new accessories from the bike shop, dynamoes, lucas lamps, a bell, mudguards, a carrier, pump, saddle bag, even a rear view mirror. And those cool transfers. Then, at some point we tried to lighten it, stripping it down to bare necessities. even taking off the front breaks. There was the little finger test, all our neighborhood bikes were subjected to. If you couldn't lift it off the ground with your little finger, it was too heavy! Kept us busy, I suppose!
How about the infamous Wiggy's Royal? Not a cool bike at the time. We all wanted a Raleigh!
Not much money around after the war, so we collected stuff that was free. Cigarette cards, bird's eggs (illegal now), shiny objects from magpie's nests, train spotting, and we all had a scrapbook. where we pasted newspaper and magazine photos that we thought would be gone forever, if we didn't save them to look back on. Lol And, of course the autograph book, where my aunt wrote on the first page, "By hook or by crook, I'll be first in this book!" My love was cigarette packages, and the search for them took us far and wide. A great source for the rare ones were the train stations where visitors up from London and far off places would drop them in the litter boxes. A platform ticket was a great investment, for train spotting too. A whole day of fun. Now it's so easy to collect digital images off the internet. I have all the main brands smoked in the 1940's. Each brand, like Players and Woodbines had many versions of their packets, all with slight and not easily spotted differences. I've managed to collect them all, except for the elusive Joy Stick, which has totally disappeared, apparently. My grandfather had a half dozen well worn books on his dresser that I read and reread as a kid. I managed to pick up the originals from boot sales, antique shops, and E Bay. I also have an almost complete collection of all the movies I saw at the Heeley Green, Palace, Coliseum and Carlton, from 10 years of cinema going twice a week. Including the shorts. My childhood memories still live!
"Something for the weekend, sir?"
trastrick replied to RiffRaff's topic in Sheffield History & ExpatsIn polite company the were called "french letters". We called them the generic durex. But getting your first made to measure suit was a rite of passage for a young working lad. Got mine at 16 from Maclin's, top of the Wicker. First selecting the material, crumpled it up in your hand to see if it easily creased. Only ever having one suit, I chose charcoal grey. Took it outside to see how it looked in the sun, looked like medium grey, good enough for a day in Blackpool, then in the dark it looked black, good for the Locarno and City Hall. Then the measuring, then the 2 or three meticulous fittings, and in 3 or 4 weeks, bingo. Ordered extra pants, and glad I did, because that suit took me through some great teenage times!
Where I am, we have a strict curfew from 5pm to 6am. Nobody allowed on the streets except cops and ambulances. I'm tired of home cooking, and I started thinking about what I grew up eating. With some pies, real fish and chips, custard tarts, etc. I wouldn't mind being curfewed for a year!
I'm badly in need of a haircut, here! Are they still open?
What's happening in Sheffield with the COVID19 restrictions? This ex pat would like to know! No fish 'n chips, No pork pies? No beer? No buses?
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsAmong others, those who do not have to take personal responsibility if things **** up?
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsImagine a new campus. The buildings are laid out. The spaces are filled with grass and trees, and flower beds. The walkways between them are geometrically paved, according to the approved plan. It is found that people will not restrict themselves to the walkways, and even ignore the ever present ominous "Do Not" signs, especially when it's raining. so muddy shortcuts are routinely made. The maintenance staff are permanently employed in replacing worn grass, flower beds and dying trees. Then imagine the same scenario, leaving out the walkways, just the grass. Eventually the worn walking routes become clear, and that's where they put the walkways, then the flower beds and trees, once and done. An example of top down planning by committee vs bottom up, common sense planning, by any experienced gardener.
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsSo they say! Lol No valet parking when I was there! "Sorry luv"! And no space to get anywhere near the door. Service vans, some double parked!
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsActually I'm a retired gent, living modestly in a small town on a beautiful Caribbean tropical island. The streets are packed with vendors selling everything from fresh fish, fresh fruit, fresh eggs, to kitchenware. Everywhere, happy, smiling optimistic faces. Every body says "Hola" when passing! I swim everyday, no need to drive, I can walk to the three palm fringed beaches, shops, and my favorite cantinas and restaurants in 15 minutes. Sandals, shorts and T shirt is all you need! May you each enjoy your own version of paradise! (As for the "cultured" part, thank you) But I spent my childhood in Heeley with a welfare mother, and no father. Left school at 15 My life was "planned" for me. The choices were down the mine, a construction site, the steel mill, or learn a trade. I chose a trade, and then chose another "plan". Get out of there at 20. Never looked back! Planning is good! If you get it right!
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsI wouldn't be at all surprised, after reading their MANIFESTO on their web site! Lol Responses to insults allowed? Lol
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsNot hate, just a rant! Lol Disappointment by what Sheffield could have been, and where it was going for the first 10 years after the war! Your much vaunted Meadowhall, (it's just a shopping mall fer chrissakes)) ill designed unsightly government drab buildings, and cheap arcades, with fairgrounds to keep folks happy, trundling trams are strictly 1970's Warsaw!
Spending £1.5bn Moving Sheaf Street
trastrick replied to ShefStealth's topic in Sheffield News & DiscussionsAcross 10 countries in Europe too, up to the Russian border, in 4 summers, Without GPS. All the major cities. Signs in different languages but all had clearly marked "El Centro" signs. Heavy traffic and delays there are normal and expected. Routine. As I said, it's about expectations, Rome comes to mind. On broad streets with no lane markers first one to the next light wins, but it works. On Sheffield train station. Drag two heavy suitcases up and down platform stairways, then told. "The 8.45 to London will now leave from platform...." On the train, nowhere to put the suitcases, and then another "sorry luv" apology, "The buffet car will not be open today due to......." No morning coffee for 3 hours or so. You have to love Sheffield a lot not to follow the "brain drain", like a lot of us did! It's home to a certain kind of mindset that will keep it where it is. "A planning meeting announced, ALL welcome". Lol


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Heuler Tile Company has been in business since 1959, installing stone and tile in the US. They specialize in shopping center installations over 50,000 square feet. During the past decade they have successfully installed over 10 million square feet of tile and stone in shopping centers, hotels, airports and other commercial properties.


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Dr. Anne Carpenter, MD is a Cytopathology Specialist in Charleston, WV and has over 27 years of experience in the medical field. She graduated from Marshall University School of Medicine medical school in 1993. She is not accepting new patients. Be sure to call ahead with Dr. Carpenter to book an appointment.
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nuclear weapons. The ruling clerics – and their pet poodle, Ahmadinejad – arestriking back. One fact that America and the West have perhaps not grasped fullyis that the Iranian hard liners are so conservative, they make George Bush and theRepublicans look like bleeding heart liberals. When they feel threatened, they aregoing to hit back with a vengeance – and they are not going to bother aboutniceties like fundamental rights and due process of law. I know this first hand,because I have lived through Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in 1979.
And why are Ahmadinejad and his black-robed masters worried? Because Iran'seconomy is in a mess. This is particularly inexcusable, since Iran is not one ofthose basket-case Islamic countries, like Sudan or Aden. Iran is literally sittingon a sea of oil. The country's oil reserves are second only to Saudi Arabia andfar greater than those of Iraq. Like the cash rich Saudis, Iranians should beawash in petrodollars. Ordinary Saudi citizens have most basic services providedfree of cost by their government; and most of them do not even pay income tax.Ordinary Iranians, on the other hand, are seeing a steady downward curve in theirstandard of living. Before the Islamic Revolution, one US dollar would fetch you70 Iranian Rials; now it will get you more than 9000. Not surprisingly, inflationis going through the roof. Ahmadinejad's government had promised economicprosperity for the people; not an unrealistic goal considering that Iran is theworld's second largest oil producer and oil prices are going up all the time.However, it has failed to deliver on almost all fronts. The supreme irony is thatIran is now seriously considering rationing gasoline.
It wasn't supposed to be like this. This is the government that got rid of thecorrupt and blasphemous Shah, to usher in a pure Islamic state – even if it was amillennium behind the times. This is the government that got rid of godlessWestern evils like dating and dancing and movies that promoted debauchery anddemeaned women. This is the government that 'saved' women and kept them pure, bycovering them up and forbidding social interaction with the opposite sex; unlesschaperoned and sanctioned by the husbands. This is the government that promotedjihad against the 'enemies' of Mohammed and Allah. In fact, everything they didwas in the name of Allah. In all fairness, Allah should have gratefully blessedthem and their nation with riches and other bounties.
Only Allah did not. And this is what really terrifies Iran's ruling clergy,including the Supreme Leader. If the glorious Islamic Revolution is perceived tobe a failure – and many ordinary Iranians are starting to wonder if it was allworth it – their authority would be seriously undermined. I have a hunch, that onereason that Iran is acting so belligerent over the nuclear processing issue, isthat it is almost trying to goad the West into imposing economic sanctions. Thenthey can blame the Great Satan and his allies for their country's woes. As it is,Iran has been using American support for a change in government as well as apossible military attack, as a pretext to hound its opposition and itssympa¬thizers. Saddam Hussein used the sanctions to good effect; making sureordinary Iraqis were so busy despising the West, that they almost had no energyleft to hate Saddam. George Bush – and Europe – did not get it in Iraq; and theyare not getting it now.
Of course, the government may not be able to get away with such brutality thistime. Back in 1979, the majority of the population backed the Ayatollahs. Eveneducated Iranians, who were secretly horrified at the excesses committed, keptsilent. Perhaps, it was the price to be paid to usher in a pure Islamic state. Andif everyday life was hard, many were content to wait for the 72 virgins till theyreached paradise.
However, the present generation of Iranians – having waited almost 30 years for agrateful Allah to transform their land into a Garden of Eden – are not so patient;or forgiving. They have endured their incomes steadily decline, in real terms;their individual freedoms curtailed; and the ignominy of witnessing the GreatSatan growing ever more prosperous, while they sink deeper into an economicquagmire.
A brief aside about Iranians would be appropriate at this stage. Many Westernerstend to club Iran together with the rest of the Muslim world. Iranians, however,are not Arabs; and would be highly offended if so addressed. Iran, after all,ruled over a vast empire stretching from Europe to India, even before the adventof Alexander the Great – at a time when Arabs were nomadic tribes, scrounging inthe desert. Iranians pride themselves on their history and culture; and considerthemselves infinitely more civilized than their Arab brethren. Even in today'sIslamic Iran, women – notwithstanding the restrictions on dress and socialbehavior – are far more equal to men than their counterparts in, say, SaudiArabia.
Today's generation, then, is fed up with its government, The ruling mullahs seemto be doing all right for themselves, but very little of the promised prosperityis trickling down. The people are questioning their leaders and asking foraccountability. Which is the one thing they are not likely to get. Ahmadinejad andhis gang are responding the only way they know how – with brute force.
Ideally, they would like to roll back the clock to 1979 and usher in a culturalrevolution, when religious zeal and anti-imperialist sentiments carried the day;and helped cloak the shortcomings of the government. It is not likely to work thistime. Most Iranians are still devout Muslims, but only the hoi polloi are stillconsumed with anti-imperialist fervor. Many of them are secretly envious of theWest and would love to emulate that lifestyle.
The government is cracking down in other ways too. Young men wearing T-shirtsdeemed too tight, or haircuts seen as too West¬ern, have been paraded bleedingthrough Tehran's streets by uniformed police officers. To add to theirhumiliation, they are forced to suck on plastic jerry cans, a toilet item Iraniansuse to wash their bottoms. The country's police chief has boasted that 150,000people were detained in the annual spring sweep against any clothing considerednot Is¬lamic. More than 30 women's rights advocates were arrested in one day inMarch, five of whom have since been sen¬tenced to prison terms of up to fouryears. They were charged with endangering national security for orga¬nizing anInternet cam¬paign to collect more than a million signatures sup¬porting theremoval of all laws that discriminate against women.
Eight student leaders at Tehran Uni¬versity, the site of one of the few publicprotests against Ahmadinejad, disappeared into Evin Prison starting in early May.Student newspa¬pers had dared to publish articles suggesting that no humans wereinfallible, including the Prophet Muhammad and Iran's supreme leader, AyatollahAli Khamenei.
A free and independent press is usually the first victim of this kind of 'culturalrevolution' and Iran is no exception. The country's newspaper edi¬tors have beenissued a 'directive', detailing banned top¬ics, including the rise in gasolineprices; or other economic woes like possi¬ble new international sanc¬tions,negotiations with the United States over the fu¬ture of Iraq, civil societymovements and the Iran¬ian-American arrests.
Professors have been warned against attending overseas conferences; or having anycontact with for¬eign governments. The official government line is that they riskbeing recruited as spies. The Iranian-Americans are all being detained, basicallyon the grounds that they were either recruiting, or some¬how abetting, an Americanattempt to achieve a "velvet revolution" in Iran.
On the face of it, the internal turmoil in Iran is a good thing for George Bushand his allies. If Iran is consumed by its own mess, maybe it will foster lessmischief outside its boundaries. It would be unwise to become complacent, however.When things get too hot, the classic tactic employed by people like Ahmadinejad isto create a 'diversion'. What that diversion may be is anybody's guess. The onlycertainty is that it is something America and the West need to be wary about.