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Evaluation of Forest Cover Change between 2005 and 2009 in four Regional States of Ethiopia
By Daniel Homeier
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Table of Contents:
Research Highlights
Executive Summary
Works Cited
Research Highlights
- This chapter examines relationships between governance institutions, access to forests, population pressures, and changes in forest cover in Ethiopia.
- Qualitative (literature review) and quantitative (spatial and statistical) data were analyzed for four Regional States: Tigray, Amhara, Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples region (SNNP).
- Additional data on household tree planting were obtained from the 2009 Ethiopian Rural Household Survey.
- Governance institutions at the regional level vary substantially. This is reflected in the observed differences in distribution of forest cover across regions.
- Areas farther from roads, which consequently may have less access to financial resources, experienced greater forest loss than areas closer to roads.
- Although deforested areas tend to be relatively densely populated, afforestation can occur in population dense areas.
- Despite observed declines in closed forest cover, tree planting has likely increased thin forest cover.
- International carbon markets may be able to also play a role in increasing forest cover, especially if regionally focused.
Executive Summary
"Evaluation of Forest Cover Change between 2005 and 2009 in four Regional States of Ethiopia" is the second chapter in Environmental Policy Review 2011, a report produced by the Environmental Policy Group in the Environmental Studies Program at Colby College in Waterville, Maine.
Forests are globally threatened, especially in Ethiopia where 12% or less of land area is forested. Loss of forest cover may be due to a number of factors, such as the cutting of timber for fuel wood and the expansion of agriculture. At the same time, changes in household tree planting practices, among other things, may be increasing forest cover in some degraded areas. By drawing upon a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analysis of forest cover within four Regional States – Tigray, Amhara, Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples region (SNNP) – this study aims to explore the relationships between governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures, and changes in forest cover in Ethiopia.
A review of literature suggests regional governance institutions across Ethiopia are distinct from one another. GIS analyses of forest cover changes from 2005 to 2009 reveal that this distinction is reflected in the distribution of forests within and across regions. More specifically, forests vary in relation to regional boundaries, roads and railroads, cities, and population density from region to region. Generally speaking, densely populated areas are more deforested than less populated areas. Surprisingly, some areas closer to roads are less deforested than areas farther from roads.
Analyses of household-level survey data from 2004 to 2009 show that household tree planting increased substantially in all regions over the past decade, especially in the Tigray and Amhara regions. During the same time period the area of thin forest (forest in which trees and vegetation are sparse) increased most in Tigray and Amhara. The reflection of household tree planting practices in national forest cover data highlights the potential importance of household tree planting in a country facing threatened forest resources.
Differences in regional governance institutions suggest efforts to increase forest cover in Ethiopia must be regionally focused to fit regional conditions, including road access and population density. Efforts seeking to utilize global carbon markets such as REDD+ may more effectively increase forest cover if regionally focused. Finally, household tree-planting, a tool for increasing forest cover while addressing social concerns such as poverty, should be part of any regional development efforts.
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Due to the combined stresses of population pressure and limited access to alternative resources, Ethiopian forests are under significant strain. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), forest area accounted for approximately 12% of Ethiopia's total land area in 2005 (FAO, 2010). EarthTrends (2003) suggests forest cover in Ethiopia may be substantially less, as little as 5%. By any measure forest cover in Ethiopia is low compared to the 20.8% average for East Africa; and Ethiopia's forest cover is expected to continue decreasing in coming years (Mekonnen, 2009; European Commission et al., 2003).
Deforestation, along with other forms of land use change, is a substantial contributor to economic and environmental problems, ranging from global climate change to local food and energy scarcity. Forests provide numerous ecosystem services, or benefits provided by proper ecosystem functioning. Some ecosystem services provided by forests include erosion control, nutrient cycling, maintenance of biodiversity, water purification, control of desertification, carbon sequestration, and climate stabilization (Nair & Tieguhong, 2004). Deforestation alone was responsible for nearly 25% of worldwide anthropogenic CO2 emissions during the 1990s (Houghton, 2003). Improvement of forest management practices are estimated to be capable of reducing worldwide CO2 emissions substantially (Sohngen, 2009). Inextricably linked to ecosystem services, deforestation plays a role in a variety of social concerns, such as poverty and energy availability (Alem et al., 2010; Burgess et al., 2010). Rural and poor communities internationally, including those in Ethiopia, depend on forests for sources of energy, food, timber and income (Burgess et al., 2010; Scherr et al., 2005). Even urban areas depend heavily on forest resources: Alem et al. (2010) found that nearly one million trees must be cut annually to account solely for the amount of charcoal that is brought to Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. 1
By drawing upon Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analyses of forest cover within four Regional States: Tigray, Amhara, Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples region (SNNP), this study aims to investigate the influence of governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures on changes in forest cover in Ethiopia. These three variables were chosen because of their theoretical importance to forests as suggested by the literature (Mena et al., 2006; Berry, 2003; European Commission et al., 2003; Rudel et al., 1998). For example, in their 2003 report, the European Commission et al. identified institutions and population pressure as "driving forces" impacting Africa's forests. They also identified increased access to forest via roads as a serious concern. Berry (2003) similarly identified institutional issues and population growth as root causes of land degradation in Ethiopia, while other researchers beyond Africa, such as Mena et al. (2006) and Rudel et al. (1998), have found that road access is significantly related to deforestation.
This chapter proceeds as follows. The methods section outlines the methodology followed for data collection and analysis, while a brief history of land use and institutions pertaining to forests in Ethiopia is provided in the historical context and institutions section. The results section contains the quantitative section of this chapter, providing land cover findings produced by spatial analysis. The discussion section then explores the relationship between the land cover findings and the history of land use and institutions to further develop our understanding of declining forest cover in Ethiopia, and the conclusions section summarizes the primary findings of this chapter and provides policy recommendations.
I collected three primary types of data; preexisting literature and interview data, spatial data, and survey data (containing household tree planting information) to evaluate how governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures influence patterns of forest cover change in four Regional States: Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and SNNP (Figure 2.1).
Figure 2.1 Study regions and national and provincial capitals of Ethiopia, GADM, 2011.
Literature Review and Interview Data
I used Web of Knowledge, Environment Complete, and Google Scholar to find peer reviewed journal articles pertaining to forest related institutions globally and in Ethiopia. In addition to an online literature search, I collected anecdotal information pertaining to forest cover and regional governance institutions through phone and email conservations with individuals involved in forests in a few of the study regions (for a complete list of interviews and attempted interviews see the Works Cited section). While I was not able to create a complete data set of regional institutions due to a lack of readily available institutional information at a regional level, I was able to make preliminary conclusions based on available sources.
Spatial Analysis
Spatial analyses sought to evaluate how (1) governance institutions, (2) access to forests, and (3) population pressures might influence forest cover. These three sets of variables are used to explain patterns of forest cover change in Ethiopia, and specifically whether a given parcel experienced reforestation, no change in forest, or deforestation between 2005 and 2009. Governance institutions are represented by region and proximity to regional borders. Access to forests is represented by spatial and quantitative analysis of forest cover as a function of distance from roads and railroads. Population pressures are represented by spatial and quantitative analysis of forest cover as a function of distance from cities and of the surrounding population density.
I collected GIS data primarily from ESRI, a popular source of GIS software (ArcGIS) and other online resources, including Ionia, the European Space Agency's global land cover organization, and DIVA-GIS, a web portal for online GIS resources supported by the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR). For a complete list of GIS data sources (many of which are freely and publicly available through DIVA-GIS) see Table 2.1. For a depiction of variables used to represent governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures in relation to forest cover change from 2005 to 2009, see Appendix 2F Figure 2.12.
Based on the availability of land cover data, I broke down spatial and statistical analysis into two main time periods, 2005 and 2009, for temporal comparison. It is important to note that 2005 spatial data is an amalgamation of data from 2005 to 2006, while 2009 data is strictly from 2009. I performed analyses of change in forest cover and visual representation of spatial data using ArcGIS 10 (for a more detailed explanation of my GIS analyses see Appendix 2E).
Table 2.1 GIS data sources, description and URL.
In regards to forest cover classifications, I considered the closed to open (>15%)broadleaved evergreen and/or semi-deciduous forest (>5m in height) land use classification the least thin forest cover (henceforth "closed forest cover"). I considered the open (15-40%) broadleaved deciduous forest (>5m) land use classification to be a thinner forest cover (henceforth "open forest cover"). Lastly, I considered the mosaic forest/shrubland (50-70%)/grassland (20-50%) land use category to be the thinnest forest cover (henceforth "mosaic forest cover"). 2
Survey Data Analysis
Finally, in order to investigate household tree planting practices, I used tree planting data from the 2004 and 2009 versions of the International Food Policy Research Institute's Ethiopian Rural Household Survey (ERHS). The ERHS is an extensive questionnaire that began in 1989 and is administered approximately every five years to households within 15 villages in Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and SNNP. The ERHS villages were chosen so that one to three villages per agro-ecological zones and sub-zones were represented. Within each village, households were selected randomly. While not representative of the entire country, the ERHS can be "considered broadly representative of households in non pastoralist farming systems as of 1994" (Dercon & Hoddinott, 2011). I performed statistical analysis of the ERHS data to evaluate tree planting practices data using STATA SE 12.0. More specifically, I used bivariate analyses to explore the relationship between region and forest cover change, and a probit regression to explore the relationship between the number of trees planted and the regional location of tree planting. I also used Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression to explore the relationship between tree planting and education attained by household heads.
Historical Context and Institutions
In order to fully understand why forest cover in Ethiopia is sparse and threatened, a brief overview of the laws and institutions that shape forest use and protection is necessary. The Ethiopian historical context most relevant to forest cover is marked by three periods defined by the evolution in land rights systems: pre-1975 land reform, land reform under the Derg regime, and the post-Derg era up to today.
Pre-1975 Land Reform
Before 1975, Haile Selassie maintained a monarchy, controlling Ethiopia as an emperor. As Gebreegziabher (2009) notes, three land rights systems existed prior to and during Selassie's regime: the risti system; the gulti system; and church holdings. The gulti system of land rights is analogous to feudalism; gulti holdings were those held by royal individuals. Because of a lack of information regarding church land holdings and the relative rarity of the gulti, the most well-known and common historical Ethiopian land rights system is the risti system.
The risti system, like many traditional African land rights systems, was one in which land was communally held (Besley, 1995). Although individuals could claim the legal right to use land through proof of relation to the original landholder, they could not transfer rights to family members or to others by way of sale. To meet the needs of new individuals, land was redistributed; further weakening individual rights to a particular area and solidifying the reality that no one had rights to any one parcel of land. The system was considered relatively egalitarian in that equal distribution of land was ensured through a lottery system based on land quality (Gebreegziabher, 2009). But by weakening individual user rights, the risti system essentially deincentivized investment by land users (i.e., farmers) in the land they were using, often resulting in land degradation (Gebreegziabher, 2009).
Land Reform and the Derg Regime
Ethiopian land rights changed drastically during the mid-1970s. The historical system of decentralized land rights ended in 1974 when the Derg, a Marxist military junta, pushed Emperor Haile Selaisse from power. The Derg installed a government backed by the Soviets, led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, and promptly initiated nationwide land reform (Keeley & Scoones, 2000). The military regime seized all land, eliminating any existing rights, and redistributed land on a household basis. Through redistributions of land, nationalization of farms, abolishment of tenant farming and hired labor and control of prices, supplies, and markets, the government maintained centralized control over land distribution (Jagger et al., 2005; Holden, 2002; Keeley & Scoones, 2000). Because there was not enough land to redistribute evenly among all individuals within Ethiopia, and because hired labor was outlawed, a group of landless households was created. In recognition of widespread unemployment coupled with growing national environmental threats, the Derg initiated extensive conservation measures countrywide. The rural landless were thus put to work implementing vast state-run conservation projects, including tree planting.
In the long-run, however, the Derg forestry initiatives had little positive effect on forest cover (Jagger et al., 2005; Hoben, 1995). The conservation measures practiced by the Derg were recognized as byproducts of centralized, top-down rule. This often resulted in the destruction of tree planting efforts once the Derg regime fell, satisfying the desire of the people to revolt against the centralized regime, but environmentally only serving to further degrade the land (Keeley & Scoones, 2000). Tedla Haile, of Forum for Environment, an Ethiopian NGO, asserted that even today some reforestation programs are criticized by local communities for being too top down in nature (2011).
Although the Derg's state-run land reform and centralized conservation projects were, for the most part, ineffective, elements of the Derg regime have shaped the contemporary resource management landscape in Ethiopia (Bewket, 2002). The Derg regime directly influenced Ethiopian forests by the fact that seedling or sapling trees planted during the Derg regime would have developed into a mature forest by the 21st century (Bewket, 2002). In other words, any evaluation of forests today must consider the actions that may have influenced forests decades prior.
Post Derg – Today
The decline of the Derg paralleled that of the Soviet Union. By 1991 the Derg was ousted and replaced by a transitional government. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was elected to power. With the new government came a new democratic constitution. Governance was shaped around ethnic divisions within the country in an effort to move away from centralized government (Keeley & Scoones, 2000). For a variety of reasons, including the ethnic complexity of Ethiopia and its historical ethnic tensions, ethnic division of the country has proved to be challenging (Abraham, 2005). For example, the Abyssinian part of the country (located in the northern part of Ethiopia, now the Tigray and Amhara regions) has historically dominated the southern regions, resulting in fewer resources and less governing power in the south (Keeley & Scoones, 2000).
In addition to a new ethnically based governance scheme, woodlot management was decentralized and community management was reinstated (Jagger et al., 2005). Some lots of land were even privatized in forest re-planting efforts. However, land in Ethiopia is still state-owned, as Article 40 of the Constitution states: "the right to ownership of rural and urban land is exclusively vested in the state… and shall not be subject to sale or exchange" (FDRE, 1995).
Although EPRDF policies were a step away from the centralized control put in place by the Derg, land tenure has remained a heated political issue due to uncertainty created by the lack of a well-designed and enforced policy (Holden & Yohannes, 2002). Continuing land redistributions, such as those in 1992, 1993, and 1997, have not helped to reduce uncertainty amongst land-users. It is entirely feasible that such uncertainty can act as the lack of transferable land rights did during the pre-1975 period of Ethiopian history by weakening incentives to improve land, resulting in degradation. Ironically, protected National Forest Priority Areas were some of the areas hardest hit by failure of centralized control (Melaku, 2003). In light of this, localized (or decentralized) management of forests based on community based forest management is touted as one potential solution to deforestation (Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007).3
Current Institutional Context
Today, there are at least two levels of institutional context pertinent for the study of forest management in Ethiopia: federal and regional. 4
Federal Institutions
The government bodies that oversee forestry issues (to varying degrees) are: the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MoARD), the Federal Environmental Protection Authority (EPA), the Federal Ministry of Water Resources (MoWR), and the Federal Ministry of Mines and Energy (MoME). While all of these government bodies have specific roles regarding forestry, MoARD has the most significant role, which includes the listing of endangered native tree species and the coordinating of relevant federal and regional bodies (Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007).5 For a detailed list of federal institutions relevant to forests in Ethiopia see Table 2.3.
These combined institutions, along with other lesser federal institutions concerned with forest policy, have had little success in conserving forests or increasing forest cover in Ethiopia, in large part due to poor funding and low priority within the government (Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007; Million, 2004 & 2001). Because of such relatively weak federal institutions, authors such as Keeley and Scoones (2000, p. 110) have observed that "the federal level has become less important, and it is in the regions that policy agendas are set, decisions taken and projects implemented."
Regional Institutions
As mentioned above, regional-level institutional power is effectively greater than national power in Ethiopia today (Keeley & Scoones, 2000). Regions, however, differ from one another in terms of both institutional strength and local participation in government. In their comparison of the Tigray and SNNP regions Keeley and Scoones (2000) found that in SNNP, there is little evidence of local participation, while in Tigray, there is a rich history of local participation in government. This seemed to affect citizens' confidence in the policy process. The distinction between Tigray and SNNP is not surprising considering the historical influence of the north: Tigray regional council members, for example, were closely involved with the EPRDF (Keeley & Scoones, 2000). Further emphasizing the disparity in power between administrative levels within Ethiopia, institutions at the woreda level (an administrative level a step smaller than regions) have been identified as too weak even to provide simple evaluation of tea plantation impacts on forests (Environmental Economics Policy Forum on Policies to Increase Forest Cover, 2007). For a brief outline of each study region and its respective forest policy landscape, see Table 2.3.
Table 2.2 Federal institutions relevant to Ethiopian forests, see notes for sources.
Table 2.2 Notes: The Forest Conservation, Development and Utilization: Proclamation No. 94, Ethiopian Forestry Action Program, Ethiopian Constitution: Proclamation No. 1, Conservation Strategy of Ethiopia and Environmental Policy of Ethiopia, Policy and Strategy on Forest Development, Conservation and Utilization, and Woody Biomass Inventory and Strategic Planning Project, source: Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007; Forest Development, Conservation and Utilization: Proclamation No 542 and Ethiopian Wildlife Development and Conservation Authority Establishment: Proclamation No 575, source: Forum for Environment, 2011.
Table 2.3 Regional comparisons of factors relevant to forests, see notes for source.Table 2.3 Notes: Source for all four regions: Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007, p. 73-103. Information from region to region was inconsistent, as a result "no information" does not necessarily preclude that feature from a region, it simply means that Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute either did not find the information or include it.
Land Cover
Figure 2.2 depicts the change in forest types between 2005 and 2009. For visual purposes, the legend was simplified so that forest (dark green) represents closed forest cover that did not change between 2005 and 2009, thin forest (beige) represents open and mosaic forest cover that did not change between 2005 and 2009, forest growth (bright green) represents open and mosaic forest cover that changed to closed forest cover between 2005 and 2009, and thin forest growth (red) represents closed forest that changed to open and mosaic forest cover between 2005 and 2009 (i.e., loss of closed forest).
Two things stand out in this figure of forest change. First, there is very little closed forest in Ethiopia and it is primarily located in the SNNP and Oromia regions. Second, much of the little closed forest that did exist in 2005 was converted to mosaic or open forest by 2009. For a more detailed analysis of land use change, see the explanation of Figures 2.4 and 2.5 below.
Figure 2.2 Growth and loss of closed forest and thin forest cover in study regions, GlobCover, 2011.
Figure 2.3 depicts change in all three forest cover types clumped into a closed/open/mosaic forest classification, between 2005 and 2009. Compared to Figure 2.2, Figure 2.3 uses a more inclusive definition of forest, including closed to open (>15%) broadleaved evergreen and/or semi-deciduous forest (>5m), open (15-40%) broadleaved deciduous forest (>5m), and mosaic forest/shrubland (50-70%)/grassland (20-50%). The legend was again simplified for visual purposes so that forest (dark green) represents land falling in the general forest cover classification in both 2005 and 2009. Forest loss (red) represents change from the general forest cover classification to all other land cover types (such as agriculture). Forest growth (bright green) represents change from all other land cover types to the general forest cover classification. Other (beige) represents land classified as non-forest in both 2005 and 2009.
Unlike the previous figure, this figure depicts a larger coverage of general forest cover and a great deal of growth in the general forest cover classification. This figure also depicts the distribution of general forest cover along the eastern border of the Amhara and Oromia regions and more generally in the southeastern part of the country.
Figure 2.3 Growth and loss of closed/open/mosaic forest land cover and other land cover types (i.e., agriculture) in study regions, GlobCover, 2011.
Comparing mean Euclidean distances between features and areas of afforestation, unchanged forest, and deforestation within regions reveals a few things regarding the distribution of forests relative to features. 6 Predictably roads, compared to boundaries, cities, and railroads (when applicable), tend to be closer to afforestation, unchanged forest, and deforestation (Table 2.4). For the most part, deforestation areas tend to be closer to boundaries, cities, railroads, and roads than afforestation areas. Roads in the Amhara and Oromia regions are exceptions, as is the SNNP boundary.
Boundaries, cities, railroads, and roads tend to be nearly the same distance from afforestation (~.30km) and deforestation areas (~.28km) from region to region. The administrative boundary of SNNP, however, is an exception, the mean distance to afforested parcels in SNNP is triple (.91km) the distance to boundaries in the other three regions, and the mean distance to deforested parcels is five times as great (1.40km).
Unchanged forest – that is, forested area that remains forested over time – tends to be closer to roads than afforestation and deforestation areas, with the exception of in Oromia. Unchanged forest does not seem to be consistently near or far, compared to afforestation and deforestation areas, to boundaries or cities. Railroads, due to their presence in only two regions, are impossible to compare across all four regions. That said, they tend to be relatively far from all three forest change types compared to other features.
Table 2.4 Mean Euclidean distances between feature and areas of afforestation, deforestation, and unchanged forest normalized by maximum Euclidean distance from feature within region, GlobCover, 2011.
A comparison of the mean population density of afforestation, unchanged forest, and deforestation areas reveals distinct trends from region to region (Table 2.5). For example, in Tigray afforestation and unchanged forest occur in less densely populated areas than deforestation. The same is true for Oromia. The opposite, however, is true for SNNP, where deforestation occurs in less densely populated areas than afforestation. Compared to the other three regions, Amhara is an outlier in that deforestation occurs in areas less densely populated than both unchanged forest and afforested areas. Notably, overall density in Amhara is high relative compared to the other regions. Generally, unchanged forest tends to be in less densely populated areas than deforestation areas.
Table 2.5 Mean population density (people/km2) for areas of afforestation, unchanged forest, and deforestation, GlobCover, 2011.
In the figures below the analysis of land cover from 2005 to 2009 is broken down into two comparisons for easy interpretation. The first is a percentage of the study regions' total land area, represented by four forest cover types in 2005 and 2009. This is designed to depict differences in distribution of land cover between regions. The second is a comparison of forest cover types within each region to illustrate changes in land cover distribution between 2005 and 2009. Figures 2.4 and 2.5 depict the first comparison while Appendix 2B shows the second comparison. All depictions contain three forest cover types: mosaic forest shrubland/grassland, open broadleaved deciduous forest, and closed to open broadleaved evergreen or semi-deciduous forest.
In 2005, closed forest cover represented a relatively small percentage of all four study areas' total land area (see Figure 2.4). Tigray and Amhara contained the lowest percentages, with .01% and .10%, respectively. Oromia and SNNP had greater percentages of closed forest cover, with 3% and 2% respectively. Oromia and SNNP had greater percentages of open broadleaved forest, both being 6%, than Tigray and Amhara, 1% and 3% respectively. Conversely, Tigray and Amhara had greater percentages of mosaic forest, with 18% and 22% respectively, compared to 17% and 11% for Oromia and SNNP.
Figure 2.5 Percentage of study regions' land area represented by four land cover types in 2009, GlobCover, 2011.
Across all four study regions, closed forest decreased from 1,224,953 ha to 1,046,666 ha from 2005 to 2009, resulting in a 44,000 hectare per year decrease (or a 14.6% change).
Household Tree Planting
Although not representative of tree cover, the Ethiopian Rural Household Survey (ERHS) tree planting data can inform the forest cover data results. For example, regional increases or decreases in forest cover may be explained by corresponding changes in household tree planting practices within the same region. More specifically, the ERHS planting data suggest that in 2009, in comparison to 2005, across all four regions the average household planted a greater number of trees. Increases were proportionally greatest in the Tigray region, followed by Amhara, SNNP and Oromia (see Table 2.6).
Table 2.6 Mean number of trees planted per household in 2004 and 2009, ERHS 2011.Table 2.6 Notes: Mean number of trees is based on the total trees planted per household in 2004 and in 2009.
A probit regression evaluating the decision to plant any tree (yes/no) as a function of the region in which the planting household was located found that the Amhara, Oromia, and SNNP regions were all significantly different (at a greater than 95% confidence level) from Tigray in their decision to plant in 2009 (See Table 2.7). Due to the complexity in interpreting probit regression coefficients, it is only reasonable to conclude that being in Amhara or Oromia reduces the odds of planting trees, while being in SNNP positively influences the odds of planting (based on the coefficient sign).
Table 2.7 Probit regression for tree planting as a function of household location by region in 2009, ERHS, 2011.
Table 2.7 Notes: *, **, and *** indicates statistically significant at a 5%, 1% and .1% level (respectively). For the Region variable, the category Tigray was omitted to avoid collinearity.
Evaluating the number of trees to plant and the level of education held by the household head with an OLS regression found that relative to having no education, having one to six and six to twelve years of education has a significant (at a slightly greater than 95% confidence level for both) effect on the number of trees planted in 2009 (see Table 2.8). Based on the coefficient, this impact is substantial; households in which the household head had some education on average planted over 300 more trees than those with no education. University level education, however, was not found to have a significant influence on planting behavior.
Table 2.8 An Ordinary Least Squares regression evaluating the number of trees planted and level of education of head of household in 2009, ERHS, 2011.
Table 2.8 Notes: *, **, and ** indicate statistically significant at a 5%, 1% and .1% level (respectively).
The evolution of Ethiopian governance institutions provides a valuable context for understanding forest cover in Ethiopia. For example, changes in property regime types, which occurred as governments changed during the 20th century, has had little positive influence on forests in Ethiopia (Melaku, 2003). In response to the widespread failure of highly centralized governments such as the Derg, communal management is an option considered today for improved resource management (WRI, 2003). This is, unfortunately, based on the assumption that because of the widespread use of the risti system, communal land ownership defined pre-1975 Ethiopian land regimes. Such an assumption is based on a generalized notion of pre-1975 Ethiopia and results in the loss of details regarding diverse situations and potentially inaccurate perceptions of power structures and their effects (Rahmato, 1990). Therefore, when communal management is implemented as a solution, it does not always solve the environmental and social issues that many hope it will (Crook, 2003). Changes in the structure of governance institutions, such as implementing communal resource management, must consider all aspects of the institutional landscape.
In the case of Ethiopia, the relationship between national and regional administrative power is an aspect of governance institutions that must be considered. Kefauver, in the first chapter of Environmental Policy Review 2011, found that regions generally adopt national level policy. Therefore, while national institutions may be poorly enforced, it is still important that policy is created at a national level. For example, the recent creation of The Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Readiness Preparedness Proposal at a national level means that the policy may be implemented at a regional level to improve foreign investment in Ethiopian forests (EPA, 2011). However, a lack of strong national level policy means that regional policies may be an unorganized patchwork of forest policies that do not address the cross boundary nature of environmental problems, such as forest degradation and loss. The analysis of forest cover presented here, especially when measured in relation to regional boundaries, population density of forest areas, and in terms of changes in forest cover across boundaries, supports the conclusion that differences in regional governance institutions are reflected in forest cover. Differences in tree planting practices, as measured by the ERHS, also provide support for this conclusion.
The variation in distance of regional boundaries from forest parcels suggests that regional boundaries, and the regions they enclose, are distinct from one another. For example, forest change tends to be relatively far from SNNP's boundaries compared to other regions, suggesting that SNNP's regulation of forest use along its boundaries may be weaker than other regions'. That said, it is important to note that administrative boundaries tend to follow natural features, such as mountain ranges, and therefore cannot be used with great confidence to describe forest cover characteristics. But comparing the changes in forest cover across regions may be a more reliable way of showing that regions are distinct from one another. For example, the sizeable increase observed in mosaic forest within the Tigray and Amhara regions compared to the Oromia and SNNP regions suggests that the two northern regions may differ in regards to tree planting or deforestation institutions. 7
The differences in regional scale policy are exacerbated by a lack of regional scale information, such as whether or not NGOs are involved in preventing deforestation or the extent of protected forest areas. Robert Sturtevant, a Peace Corps volunteer working at the Wondo Genet College of Forestry (and a Natural Resources and Extension Forestry Specialist at the Colorado State Forest Service), expressed also having a difficult time finding forestry information (2011). Regardless, federal creation of institutions, strengthening of property rights throughout Ethiopia, and encouraging local management may be vital to growth of forest cover (Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007).
Considering the disparity in national and regional power and inconsistencies in governance institutions across regions, international institutions are unlikely to have a major role in shaping forest cover in Ethiopia. That said, REDD+, a mechanism with which wealthy nations pay developing nations to reduce deforestation and degradation utilizing a carbon market, is an example of an international funding institution that could be implemented in Ethiopia (Parker et al., 2008; Peskett et al., 2008). In addition to REDD+, two financing mechanisms and programs, the Global Environmental Fund and the World Bank BioCarbon Fund, have already managed to support beneficial programs for forests in Ethiopia despite the challenging institutional landscape. Both the Humbo Regeneration Project and the Sodo Reforestation Project are supported through World Vision, suggesting such an organization has potential for providing future benefits to Ethiopian people and forests. For a brief outline of international institutions supporting a carbon market that may benefit forests in Ethiopia, see Table 2.9.
Table 2.9 International institutions relevant to carbon markets and Ethiopian forests, see notes for sources.Table 2.9 Notes: World Bank BioCarbon Fund, source: The World Bank Carbon Finance Unit (http://wbcarbonfinance.org/Router.cfm?Page=BioCF); World Vision, source: World Vision (http://www.worldvision.org/content.nsf/about/who-we-are?open&lpos=top_drp_AboutUs_WhoWeAre); REDD +, source: Slunge, 2011 and Peskett et al., 2008.
How access to forests by way of roads influences forest cover may inform the way in which international efforts, using institutions such as REDD+, may best focus their efforts. Based on the distribution of forest change relative to roads, forests tend to be deforested in areas farther from roads and remain unchanged (or in some instances become afforested) in areas closer to roads. This somewhat counterintuitive finding – that access to forests via roads decreases the likelihood of deforestation – may suggest that the wealth, development, and increased ease of enforcement that come as a result of roads may be beneficial for maintaining and increasing forest cover. In other words, the additional economic opportunities provided by roads may effectively remove the resource strain on forests while increasing their intact value. While this supports the general theory of the environmental Kuznets curve, in which "there is an inverted U-shape relation between environmental degradation and income per capita," it suggests that the tipping point after which environmental degradation decreases, at least in Ethiopia, may be relatively low in terms of GDP, perhaps requiring rural households have access to only a few vital, but relatively inexpensive, resources (Stern et al., 1999).
The role of population pressure, in terms of distance from cities and population density of forest areas, in influencing forest cover further supports the conclusion that economic development may decrease deforestation and increase afforestation. Generally, forested parcels that remain forests appear in less population-dense areas than deforested areas. Similarly, standing forests tend to be farther from cities, and thus the populations they contain. Both of these findings are consistent with the notion that population pressures result in resource pressure (European Commission, 2003). But at the same time, based on the findings from Amhara and SNNP, it seems afforestation often also occurs in relatively densely populated areas. This implies that while population pressure often threatens forest, it does not necessarily have to.
How governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures work together to influence forest cover across all four study regions within Ethiopia reveals inconsistencies with the literature. As FAO (2010) and estimates cited by Mekonnen (2009) suggest, forest cover in Ethiopia is low, ranging from 5% to 12%. Across all four study regions, the loss of approximately 44,000 hectares of closed forest per year between 2005 and 2009 seems high based on the EarthTrends 2003 estimate of 40,000 hectares of forest loss per year between 1990 and 2000. Conversely, compared to estimates by FAO in 2010, based on a WBISPP 2000 report, of approximately 60,000 hectares of forest loss per year between 2000 and 2005, the findings seem low.
Although any measure of forest cover in Ethiopia is low, the country seems to fare slightly better than surrounding countries. Ethiopia lost slightly less forest from 1990 to 2000 than Sub-Saharan Africa overall (EarthTrends, 2003). Furthermore, East Africa generally fares better in terms of forest loss than other regions within Africa: Africa as a continent accounted for more than half of the world's forest loss between 1990 and 2000 and most of that forest loss was concentrated in Southern and West Africa (European Commission et al., 2003). This may be in part explained by tree planting efforts, as measured by the ERHS, in Ethiopia.
Not only do the ERHS tree planting figures suggest that the Tigray and Amhara regions increased tree planting substantially, but also the Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute noted substantial tree planting practices in the same regions (2007). 8 Furthermore, the observed increase in tree planting coincides with a sizeable increase in mosaic forest cover and decrease in other land uses in the same regions. Tree planting is, therefore, a likely cause of the increase in mosaic forest cover. Based on the positive impact tree planting has had in Tigray and Amhara, Bishaw's suggestion that initiatives to incentivize tree planting should be incorporated into afforestation and reforestation projects seems like a worthy one (2001). Considering one to twelve years of education positively increases the number of trees planted per household, marrying tree planting efforts with educational efforts will likely improve tree planting outcomes. Such a union further emphasizes that regardless of their effect on forests, tree planting programs are valuable in that they support local communities with food, fuel wood, income and ecosystem services (Bishaw, 2001; Hagos et al., 1999).
In evaluating governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures within the Regional States of Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and SNNP, it is clear that regions within Ethiopia are distinct from one another in regard to all three variables. Any future efforts to increase forest cover in Ethiopia therefore must consider regional context. International carbon finance institutions, such as REDD+, will likely be more successful if they are implemented at a regional scale and are not exclusively reliant on strong national institutions (as such institutions may not be present or, if present, may not be locally enforced or contextually appropriate). National-level efforts to improve forest policy, such as implementing carbon finance, are still vitally important but must be recognized as a foundation upon which regional administrations can build their own policy, allowing them to adapt policy to meet regional needs. With this in mind, a well-organized and comprehensive dataset of forest information on a regional scale is needed. Such a dataset is especially valuable considering the variety of roles regional boundaries, roads, cities and population density play in shaping forest cover within regions. These factors ought to be considered when locating projects that aim to improve forest cover. Such projects would be wise to incorporate tree planting, as it seems to have significant potential to increase forest cover.
Works Cited
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Agrawal, A., and E. Ostrom. "Collective Action, Property Rights, and Decentralization i Resource Use in India and Nepal." Politics & Society 29.4 (2001): 485-514. Print.
Alem, S., et al. "Wood Charcoal Supply to Addis Ababa City and Its Effect on the Environment." Energy & Environment 21.6 (2010): 601-09. Print.
Bekele, Melaku. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 21, 2011.
Besley, T. "Property-Rights and Investment Incentives – Theory and Evidence from Ghana." Journal of Political Economy 103.5 (1995): 903-37. Print.
Bewket, W. "Land Cover Dynamics since the 1950s in Chemoga Watershed, Blue Nile Basin, Ethiopia." Mountain Research and Development 22.3 (2002): 263-69. Print.
Bishaw, B. "Deforestation and Land Degradation in the Ethiopian Highland: A Strategy for Physical Recovery." Northeast African Studies 8 (2001): 7-26. Print.
Bosquet, Benoit. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 30, 2011.
Brown, D. R., et al. "Poverty Alleviation and Environmental Restoration Using the Clean
Development Mechanism: A Case Study from Humbo, Ethiopia." Environmental Management 48.2 (2011): 322-33. Print.
Burgess, P. J., A. J. Moffat, and R. B. Matthews. "Assessing Climate Change Causes, Risks and Opportunities in Forestry." Outlook on Agriculture 39.4 (2010): 263-68. Print.
Dercon, S. and Hoddinott, J. "The Ethiopian Rural Household Surveys 1989-2009: Introduction." (2011): n. pag. Web. 20 Nov. 2011.
EarthTrends. Country Profile: Forests, Grasslands, and Drylands – Ethiopia, 2004. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute. "Policies to Increase Forest Cover in Ethiopia." (2007): n. pag. Web. 17 Nov. 2011.
Ethiopian Environmental Protection Authority (EPA). "The Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Readiness Preparedness Proposal." (2011): n. pag. Web. 13 Nov. 2011.
European Commission, African Development Bank, and Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. "Forestry Outlook Study for Africa. Africa Forests: A view to 2020." (2003): n. pag. Web. 13 Nov. 2011.
Food and Agriculture Administration of the United Nations (FAO). CountrySTAT, 2011. Web. 20 Sept. 2011.
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). "Global Forest Resources Assessment 2010 – Country Report: Ethiopia." (2010): n. pag. Web. 17 Nov. 2011.
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). "Land Cover Classification System." (2000): n. pag. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). "Ethiopia: Soil Fertility Initiative—Concept Paper." (1998): n. pag. Web. 17 Nov. 2011.
Forum for Environment. "Ethiopian Environment Review." (2011): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Gebreegziabher. "Institutions and Sustainable Land Use: The case of Forest and Grazing Land in Northern Ethiopia." (2009): 1-16. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Global Environment Fund (GEF). Global Environment Fund Website (2011). Web. 14 Nov. 2011.
Haile, Tedla. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 10, 2011.
Hagos, F., Pender, J., and Gebreselassie, N. "Land degradation in the highlands of Tigray and strategies for sustainable land management: Socio-economics and policy research working paper 25." (1999): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Hoben, A. "Paradigms and Politics – the Cultural Construction of Environmental-Policy in Ethiopia." World Development 23.6 (1995): 1007-21. Print.
Houghton, R. A. "Revised Estimates of the Annual Net Flux of Carbon to the Atmosphere From Changes in Land Use and Land Management 1850-2000." Tellus Series B-Chemical and Physical Meteorology 55.2 (2003): 378-90. Print.
Institute of Biodiversity Conservation. "National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan." (2005): n. pag. Web. 17 Nov. 2011.
Ionia. GlobCover, 2011. Web. 14 Nov. 2011.
Keeley, J., and I. Scoones. "Knowledge, Power and Politics: The Environmental Policy-Making Process in Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 38.1 (2000): 89-120. Print.
Kuroda, Kaz. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 17, 2011.
Melaku, B. "Forestry property rights, the role of the state and institutional exigency: the Ethiopian experience." (2003): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Mena, C. F., R. E. Bilsborrow, and M. E. McClain. "Socioeconomic Drivers of Deforestation in the Northern Ecuadorian Amazon." Environmental Management 37.6 (2006): 802-15. Print.
Million Bekele. "Ethiopian Forest Action Program (EFAP) and its status." (2004): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Million Bekele. "Country report-Ethiopia, Forestry outlook studies in Africa." (2001): n. pag. Web.21 Nov. 2011.
Morris, Tim. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 30, 2011.
Nair, P. K. R., B. M. Kumar, and V. D. Nair. "Agroforestry as a Strategy for Carbon Sequestration." Journal of Plant Nutrition and Soil Science-Zeitschrift Fur Pflanzenernahrung Und Bodenkunde 172.1 (2009): 10-23. Print.
Parker, C., Mitchell, A., Trivedi, M., and Mardas, N. "The Little REDD Book: A guide to governmental and non governmental proposals for reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation." (2008): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Peskett, L., Huberman, D., Bowen-Jones, E., Edwards, G. and Brown, J. "Making REDD work for the poor: Briefing paper prepared on behalf of the Poverty Environment Partnership (PEP)." (2008): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Rudel, Tom, and Jill Roper. "The Paths to Rain Forest Destruction: Crossnational Patterns of Tropical Deforestation, 1975–1990." World Development 25.1 (1997): 53-65. Print.
Scherr, S., White, A., Kaimowitz, D. "A new agenda for forestry conservation and poverty reduction: Making markets work for low-income producers" (2004): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Senbeta, Fayera. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 20, 2011.
Slunge, D., et al. "Can Strategic Environmental and Social Assessment of REDD+ Improve Forest Governance?" University of Gothenburg School of Business and, Economics and Law Working Papers in Economics 493 (2011). Print.
Sohngen, B. An analysis of forestry carbon sequestration as a response to climate change. (2009): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Stern, David I., Michael S. Common, and Edward B. Barbier. "Economic Growth and Environmental Degradation: The Environmental Kuznets Curve and Sustainable Development." World Development 24.7 (1996): 1151-60. Print.
Sturtevant, Robert. (2011). pers. comm. Internet. October 31, 2011.
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Kyoto Protocol, 1997. Web. 28 April. 2011.
The World Bank. World Bank Carbon Finance Unit, 2011. Web. 14 Nov. 2011.
WRI. "Decentralization a local voice." In World Resources 2002–04—Decisions for the Earth: Balance, Voice and Power. (2003): n. pag. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.
Appendix 2A
Table 2.A International institutions relevant to Ethiopian forests, see notes for sources.
Table 2.11 Notes: Convention on Biological Diversity, source: Institute of Biodiversity Conservation 2005 and Convention on Biological Diversity (http://www.cbd.int/convention/about.shtml); Kyoto Protocol, source: Brown et al., 2011; UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and Kyoto Protocol, source: United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (http://unfccc.int/kyoto_protocol/items/2830.php); Global Environment Fund, source: Environmental Economics Policy Forum, 2007 and Global Environment Fund (http://www.globalenvironmentfund.com/).
Appendix 2B
Figure 2.B1 Land use in Tigray region, Ethiopia, in 2005 and 2009. The three land uses noted are not representative of all land uses in Tigray (i.e., those identified as other in figures 2.4 and 2.5), GlobCover, 2011.
Figure 2.B2 Land use in Amhara region, Ethiopia, in 2005 and 2009. The three land uses noted are not representative of all land uses in Amhara (i.e., those identified as other in figures 2.4 and 2.5), GlobCover, 2011.
Figure 2.B3 Land use in Oromia region, Ethiopia, in 2005 and 2009. The three land uses noted are not representative of all land uses in Oromia (i.e., those identified as other in figures 2.4 and 2.5), GlobCover, 2011.
Appendix 2C
Table 2.C1 2005 Land cover type and coverage (ha) in study regions, GlobCover, 2011.Figure 2.B4 Land use in SNNP region, Ethiopia, in 2005 and 2009. The three land uses noted are not representative of all land uses in SNNP (i.e., those identified as other in figures 2.4 and 2.5), GlobCover, 2011.
Table 2.C2 2009 Land cover type and coverage (ha) in study regions, GlobCover, 2011.
Appendix 2D
Table 2.D Contacts during the Fall of 2011
Appendix 2E
The GIS model outlined in Figure 2.E1 is a basic reclassification procedure consisting of two steps. First, I utilized the reclass tool to identify areas of forest and no forest in the 2005 and 2009 data. Second, by adding the two reclassified rasters using the raster calculator I was able to identify forest change (forest loss, unchanged forest and forest growth).
Figure 2.E1 Reclassification of GlobCover Land Cover model.
Figure 2.E2 depicts the method I utilized to calculate mean distance of roads, cities, regional boundaries and railroads from areas of forest (those created in Figure 2.E1). This model consists of three steps. First, for each variable I used the Euclidean Distance tool to create Euclidean distance rasters. Second, I used the raster calculator to multiply the Euclidean distance raster by the forest change raster so that the output would be the forest raster with Euclidean distance values for each pixel. Third, I divided the mean distance of each Euclidean distance raster by the maximum Euclidean distance possible in that raster no normalize the values. I also incorporated population density into this model by skipping the Euclidean distance step so that forest pixels would assume the population density value.
Figure 2.E2 Mean Euclidean distance analysis model.
Appendix 2F
Figure 2.F Variables representing governance institutions, access to forests, and population pressures in relation to forest cover change 2005-2009, GlobCover, 2011 and GADM, 2011.
- The probit regression of ERHS tree planting as a function of household location further supports the conclusion that regions are different from one another in terms of forest cover, in this case by number of trees planted per household. ↩
- The increase in mosaic forest cover in the Amhara and Tigray regions in conjunction with the relatively small decrease in open and closed forest and a decrease in other land uses suggests that other land uses are possibly transitioning from very thin forest to less thin forest. This makes sense considering mosaic and open forest cover are likely the result of either one of two things, the degradation of closed forest or the forestation of non-forested land. A similar difference exists between open and mosaic forest. Forested mosaic cover may result in open forest while degraded open forest may result in mosaic forest. ↩
- For a more nuanced explanation of community forest management, see Agrawal and Ostrom, 2001. ↩
- Although not entirely relevant for a regional level analysis of forest cover, the international institutions outlined in Appendix A Table 2.11 are those most likely to influence forest cover in Ethiopia. ↩
- During the pre-1975 and Derg period, various institutions influenced forests and forest policy in Ethiopia, such as Public Ownership of Rural Land Proclamation No. 31/1975 (Environmental Economics Policy Forum for Ethiopia and Ethiopian Development Research Institute, 2007). For the sake of simplifying analysis, this review focuses on the post-Derg institutions. ↩
- Euclidean distance is the distance from a pixel representing a forest parcel to the closest feature of interest pixel. ↩
- The increase in mosaic forest cover in the Amhara and Tigray regions in conjunction with the relatively small decrease in open and closed forest and a decrease in other land uses suggests that other land uses are possibly transitioning from very thin forest to less thin forest. This makes sense considering mosaic and open forest cover are likely the result of either one of two things, the degradation of closed forest or the forestation of non-forested land. A similar difference exists between open and mosaic forest. Forested mosaic cover may result in open forest while degraded open forest may result in mosaic forest. ↩
- The probit regression of ERHS tree planting as a function of household location further supports the conclusion that regions are different from one another in terms of forest cover, in this case by number of trees planted per household. ↩


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I have just returned from a little trip to Thailand, specifically to our sister property, Soneva Kiri for theSLOW LIFE Symposium. Soneva Kiri lies on the fourth biggest island of Thailand, Koh Kood, where, unlike in many other places, tourism does not dominate the island's economy and resources. After a short flight on Soneva Kiri's private plane we landed at the resort and the action started immediately. A tour of the Eco Centro, snorkelling in the house reef of Soneva Kiri and finally a walk in the tropical rainforest of Koh Kood looking for butterflies and for a 'secret' waterfall pool to jump in.
The SLOW LIFE Symposium is a gathering of sustainable thinkers, NGOs, corporations, journalists, and innovators with a shared interest in making humankind's activities more sustainable.
This year's theme revolved around Planetary Boundaries and how to guarantee progress while remaining within humanity's safe operating space. The Symposium was chaired by Jonathon Porritt, Johan Rockstrom, and Jean Oelwang and discussions ranged from what exactly are the Planetary Boundaries, how can we better communicate them to a broader audience, how can we incorporate them into companies' policies, national and international policies, and how can we make sure that decisions made are not transgressing the tipping points to avoid having consequences on a global level.
The participants, many of whom are world leaders in their field and who are shaping the sustainability agenda for the entire world, allowed us to explore how to implement Johan's Planetary Boundaries model across the agro-forestry industry, mass agriculture, Global Environment Facility, private equity and so much more.
Stay tuned to see the outcomes and projects resulting from of this year's SLOW LIFE Symposium.
Discover more: www.soneva.com

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After a week of mixed political weather, Michael Howard felt his party's week in the seaside resort had ended on a high note.
In shirt-sleeve mode - and after a risky, occasionally bristly but effective on-stage interview with TV veteran Michael Brunson - the Tory leader delivered his second speech of the conference.
It amounted to a call to those vital swing voters who have handed Tony Blair a double victory, to trust him and his party with power.
He pulled together all the threads that have run through the week - honesty and trust, action not words, keeping promises, the ten word programme - and added some more of his personal commitment to Britain.
And it went down extremely well. There was the overwhelming impression that the conference representatives were - at the very least - relieved they had a leader who looked the part and could do all this stuff. A pro.
UKIP voters
It did indeed end a conference which started under the shadow of the Hartlepool by-election disaster but gradually saw Tory spirits lifted.
Mr Howard's big speech on Tuesday certainly struck a chord with the representatives, offering a personal and occasionally emotional exposition of the roots of his Conservatism.
He faced criticisms that he had moved to the right, particularly on Europe, in an attempt to woo would-be UKIP voters.
And that is certainly something Labour will use against him in the campaign.
But that was never going to be something to worry representatives at this conference.
What they clearly delighted in was the presentation of a detailed plan of action for the first days and months of a future Tory government.
It gave them something concrete to latch onto and wave on the doorstep.
Performing better
Mr Howard also pitched his campaign squarely on the issue of trust, which has buffeted the government for the past 12 months - and that gave them something to feel virtuous, even superior about.
Party bosses were also boosted by millionaire businessman Paul Sykes' decision to abandon UKIP in the wake of that party's claim it was out to "kill" the Tories.
And it all came against the backdrop of Tony Blair's continuing troubles over Iraq and his leadership.
There are still plenty who point out that, if the Tories are to have any chance of winning the next election, they should be performing far better in the polls.
But party strategists have mapped out a case showing Labour's massive majority is far from unassailable and that they have a real fighting chance of pulling off what would undoubtedly be a major coup at the next election.
Finally, as one senior party boss was prepared to admit, they didn't mess up during the week in Bournemouth. On recent history, that is no small thing.
But did Michael Howard succeed in his conference aim of sending his troops away from Bournemouth into the election battle convinced they really can win?
Or will the clouds quickly gather again once politics returns to normal.


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The romantic drama Beautiful Creatures tells the story of 17-year-old Ethan Wate (Alden Ehrenreich), whose world is shaken up with the arrival of Lena Duchannes (Alice Englert), the niece of Macon Ravenwood (Jeremy Irons), the reclusive owner of gothic Ravenwood Manor. Immediately drawn to each other, it becomes apparent that Lena is a Caster with powers beyond her control, and the two are faced with a curse that will claim her for either the Light or the Dark on her 16th birthday.
At the film's press day, actress Viola Davis – who plays Amma, a Seer with her own reservations about a union between Ethan and Lena – talked about why she wanted to be in this film, how she personally feels about past lives, how being from the South herself helped inform her character, what she discovered about her own family from the research she did for the role, working with her young co-stars, and filming scenes with Jeremy Irons. She also talked about her roles in Prisoners, which she's filming now with Hugh Jackman and Maria Bello, and Ender's Game, which she recently did with Harrison Ford. Check out what she had to say after the jump.
Why was this attractive to you? Why did you want to be in this movie?
VIOLA DAVIS: It was attractive to me because, at first, I thought that she was just a regular woman, and then you peeled away the scars, and her being the keeper of this library, and her being able to channel spirits, and I liked that depth of character without beating someone over the head with it. It was that mysterious part of her. I like creating a rich inner life of a character because I sometimes feel like everybody wants to see everything played out on screen, in a way that's very dramatic. I like an interesting inner life. I think it's harder to play. I think it's more challenging. That was the case with Amma. I loved it.
Was it liberating not to have to wear a wig for this character?
DAVIS: Yes, absolutely! The other day, I had to do a video thing and because I'm wearing my hair in this movie I'm doing now (Prisoners), I got a color job that fried my hair, so I was letting it rest. I braided it and put on a wig, for the first time in awhile, and I was like, "Ah!" Listen, I love my wigs. My daughter goes to my drawer and says, "Mommy, you wanna wear your wig?" But suddenly, it felt odd, in a way. Suddenly, it felt like I wasn't being who I was. I'm still going to wear my wig, but I just think it's interesting, at this time period, for me to just use it as an enhancement and not a crutch. That's as much as I can say about it.
You've played a lot of historic roles, and you play a Seer in this film. How do you feel, personally, about past lives?
DAVIS: I used to totally believe in it. I remember, when I was young, I saw The Reincarnation of Peter Proud with Michael Sarrazin, and I was like, "Oh, my god!" There was also the movie with Anthony Hopkins, Audrey Rose. I remember thinking, "Oh, my god, you could be here, and then another person from the past could come in." Of course, I always made it evil like, "They could choke you to death in your sleep." I was a kid, at the time. But now, it's much more in the psychotherapy realm, in terms of the past and who your parents were, and passing on character traits, bad habits and good habits, and a good mind-set, whether it be self-esteem or confidence. For me, the past dictates your present. You become the person you are, based on what you know and what's been passed on to you, in terms of character traits. Now that I'm of a certain age, that's how I see it now. I don't see it as so much me channeling the spirits of my ancestors, but channeling mind-sets.
How much did being from South Carolina influence your character and inform your knowledge of the story?
DAVIS: Well, I was born on the Singleton Plantation in St. Matthews, South Carolina. Literally, when you drive up, you drive down the long pathway and see the big house, then you drive further down and you see the one room church, and then you drive further down and that's where you see the sharecropper's hut, or the slave quarters, but the sharecroppers would live with the outhouse, and that's where I was born. That was my grandmother's house. So, for me, I had to imagine what we, African Americans, would be doing during the Civil War. I had a whole image of that, and a physical image of that. I just wondered, "Who were we, other than slaves?" I had a physical image and I understood the whole Gullah part of it. Amma spoke Gullah, and I wanted to go even further back than that because the movie is so much about the past, and Amma channels so many ancestors from the past. I've done a lot of research, in terms where we came from and where we landed, and the African slave trade and all that. I thought it would be interesting if the characters I channeled came from the distant past, from Yoruba and Nigeria. I thought about where they could have landed and what their lives were like, once they got to the United States. I know about the plowed fields, the cotton and the pecan trees, so that helped shape her character. Even if you didn't see so much of it, it informed me, in a way.
The South has a negative reputation for some people, but there's a lot of wonderful things about it, as well. What's your interpretation and take on the South, and how it really is a character in both this film and The Help?
DAVIS: Yeah, it is a character, in and of itself. It was a character, in and of itself, in The Help, with the heat and the history. I think the history is so palpable in the South, and I think it's because there's something that the South still holds on to, more so than other states. They hold onto the past. You go down to the South and you still see the plowed fields. At Singleton Plantation, where I was born, you still see the big house and the little church. I actually looked it up online and saw my aunt, who still works on the plantation. You drive down the pathway and you still see the sharecropper homes. It has a way of holding onto the past. And then, there's the heat and the food. It informs who you are, how you carry yourself, how you speak, how you think, and the roles that people play. It's very different. It's so different that when you walk back there, people know that you're from out of town.
Was there anything that you discovered about your history or your family, while you were doing your research, that you didn't know?
DAVIS: My sister is smarter than me, and she did most of the research. Yeah, I did. I'm so glad you asked that question. I discovered a memoir from a slave, whose first name was John, and he was on Singleton Plantation. I read most of it. I had to read it online, but it was stories about him growing up on Singleton Plantation, and it was great. That's where I was born. It was his escape to freedom, how he was treated, and how he was beaten. He was a groom. He worked with horses, and my father worked with horses. And then, I began to make a connection. It was written in the 1800s. So, I learned a lot there. I loved that!
How was it to work with the Alden Ehrenreich and Alice Englert on this?
DAVIS: They were great! I love them! They are so confident. They are so unapologetic for who they are, which I was not at that age. I was an amoeba. I really was. I was so shy. I was too shy to even wear lipstick. That goes to show you where I was, in my life. And I love the fact that it's a love story within this whole idea of feeling like their past dictates their future and that they have no say in it. And the fact that this young man finds this girl, even though she's being ostracized, and he sees her. I think that's how love happens. That's how my husband fell in love with me. He just saw me, even through all my complaining and my bad credit. I love that about the love story. I love love. I love weddings. I'm probably going to have another one – my third – with the same husband. I think it happens very rarely, in a lifetime, that you fall in love and it's real, and it's a shame when it's forgotten or lost. That's how I feel. I love marriage, too.
How was it to do the scenes you had with Jeremy Irons?
DAVIS: Oh, they were great! He's intense. But, I had the same feelings about him that I had about Meryl Streep. I felt like, "Oh, my god, I'm going to be working with Meryl Streep. She's going to be telling all these stories about how she put the character together in Sophie's Choice, and she's going to be speaking in a really grand voice, and all the attention is going to be placed on her. It's going to be all about her, but I don't care because I love her. It's Meryl Streep!" And she's nothing like that. It's the same thing with Jeremy Irons. He's a total hippie. He's this grand, talented man, and he counters it with great humility, and he's very casual and loose. So, it was a joy to work with him in the swamps.
Which is the film that you're working on now?
DAVIS: I'm working on Prisoners with Denis Villeneuve. He's out of Quebec. He's the French director who did Incendies. He's fantastic. I'm working with Hugh Jackman, Jake Gyllenhaal, Melissa Leo, Maria Bello, and Terrence Howard is playing my husband. It's a great story. It's about these two young girls go missing – my young girl and Maria Bello and Hugh Jackman's young girl – and it's about us searching for who took them and taking justice into our own hands. When does it become right or wrong? We're exploring the humanity of the good side of justice and the bad side of justice. It's beautiful because I think it's just so relevant, in this day and age of child abductions, killings, sexual assaults and everything. You feel the rage. Even if it's not your child, you feel that sense of wanting to get vindication. So, what lengths would you go to? This movie explores that, and it's good. I think it's going to be good. I really do. It's a wonderful script.
You also recently did Ender's Game, right?
DAVIS: I did Ender's Game. People are really excited about that one. Harrison Ford. And I would stare at him all the time and my husband said, "You gotta stop doing that! You gotta just talk to people! I talk to people! You don't talk to anybody!" And I said, "I know, but it's Harrison Ford!" And he said, "I don't care! Just talk to him!" But, I would just stare at him. He said, "How you doing, Viola? You know, I would have flown you out here with your daughter, when your daughter was sick. You could have just asked me." And I thought, "I could have?!" And then, he'd tell really racy jokes, and I would think, "Harrison Ford is telling me a joke!" And then, I'd forget to laugh! He's awesome! And Gavin Hood, who did what I would put in the top three greatest foreign films of all time, Tsotsi, which means "thug" in Afrikaans, is the director. He's tough and he's specific, and I think that it's going to be great. What a moving story. And once again, it's relevant. It's about training these young kids to be soldiers and to kill, and what are the after effects of that? It's wonderful.
Beautiful Creatures opens in theaters on February 14th.


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It has been a while since we have given you any updates, and that is going to change. We have been busy completing a lot of jobs from the past and recent storms as well as some remodeling jobs. Hope everything is going well for you! Anyway, we are not too busy to do some roofs before winter falls here in Minnesota, so give us a call and we will get something set up for you. our number again: 763-753-2246
We have had some really high winds and hail in some of the recent storms, so let us give you a free inspection and see if there is storm damage that would merit an insurance claim. 763-753-2246


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My favorite pages
- The Elder Scrolls Wiki (TES Wiki)
- :The Elder Scrolls Wiki Japanese - This wiki is based on above TES Wiki. I am translating The Elder Scrolls Wiki from English to Japanese. But, I have an inadequate English proficiency. Therefore, If you are good at both of English and Japanese and are interested in The Elder scrolls, could you help me out by contribute the wiki? Thank you for browse this section. (普通の日本人や日本語が流暢な方はja:User:GurgateかTESWikiにあるGurgateのブログエントリにTES Wikiの日本語版の現状についてもう少し詳しい説明を読めるかもしれないです。)(10:15, May 15, 2012 (UTC))
|Native Language : Japanese (日本語)
|This user is able to contribute with a basic level of English.
User:Gurbot is my account. I will apply to Wikia for bot flag User:Gurbot.


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Let's face it, your roof NEVER has a good day. Rain, wind, UV exposure, and winter cold, we get it all here in the Lancaster County area. Even the well cared for roofs at some time will be at the end of their useful lives. When that time comes for your roof, the professional Lancaster County roof replacement contractors at Zimmerman's Roofing, LLC are your best choice for value and professional roofing services.
When you hire Zimmerman Roofing, you get a Lancaster County roofing partner. Should anything go wrong day or night, we have live reception that can assist you. Our Lancaster County roof replacement contractors are trained to seek out anything that is, or could be a problem during the life your new roof system. We are thorough because we understand that people do not want to, and cannot afford to, pay twice for a roof replacement. If you've ever gone through the stress and expense of replacing your roof, the last thing you want to do is risk having to do it again when the next storm hits.
That's why our Lancaster County roofing contractors spend as much time as you need to understand the condition of your Lancaster County home, and the actions necessary to correct any problems. Our Lancaster County roof replacement contractors are well versed in all roofing products so we can specify the proper roof system with the desired appearance based on your budget and style preferences.
We build our customer base by effectively protecting our customers from the elements and by saving them time and money. When you choose us for your Lancaster County reroofing needs, you can rest assured that we will provide both a high level of expertise and an objective viewpoint. Whether it is partial roof replacement or a complete re-roof, our professional Lancaster County roofing contractors can help you select and install the perfect roof for your needs, conditions and budget.
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Characteristics of Bond
Bond Length
Important Features of Bond Length
Bond Energy or Bond Strength
Bond Angles
Rules for writing Resonating Structures
Related Resources
The distance between the nuclei of two atoms bonded together is termed as bond length or bond distance. It is expressed in angstrom (Å) units or picometer (pm).
[1Å = 10–8 cm; 1 pm = 10–12 m]
Bond length in ionic compound = rc+ + ra–
Similarly, in a covalent compound, bond length is obtained by adding up the covalent (atomic) radii of two bonded atoms.
Bond length in covalent compound (AB) = rA + rB
The bond length of the homonuclear diatomic molecules are twice the covalent radii.
The lengths of double bonds are less than the lengths of single bonds between the same two atoms, and triple bonds are even shorter than double bonds.Single bond > Double bond > Triple bond (decreasing bond length)
Bond length decreases with increase in s-character since s-orbital is smaller than a p – orbital.
sp3 C – H = 1.112Å: sp2 C – H = 1.103Å; sp C – H = 1.08Å;
(25% s-character as in alkanes) (33.3% s-character as in alkenes) (50% s-character as in alkynes)
Bond length of polar bond is smaller than the theoretical non-polar bond length.
Bond energy or bond strength is defined as the amount of energy required to break a bond in molecule.
Important features of bond energy:
The magnitude of the bond energy depends on the type of bonding. Most of the covalent bonds have energy between 50 to 100 kcal mol–1 (200-400 kJ mol–1). Strength of sigma bond is more than that of a π-bond.
A double bond in a diatomic molecules has a higher bond energy than a single bond and a triple bond has a higher bond energy than a double bond between the same atoms. C ≡ C > C = C > C – C (decreasing bond length)
The magnitude of the bond energy depends on the size of the atoms forming the bond, i.e. bond length. Shorter the bond length, higher is the bond energy.
Resonance in the molecule affects the bond energy.
The bond energy decreases with increase in number of lone pairs on the bonded atom. This is due to electrostatic repulsion of lone pairs of electrons of the two bonded atoms.
Homolytic and heterolytic fission involve different amounts of energies. Generally the values are low for homolytic fission of the bond in comparison to heterolytic fission.
Bond energy decreases down the group in case of similar molecules.
Bond energy increase in the following order:
s < p < sp < sp2 < sp3
(No lone pair) (One lone pair) (Two lone pair)
Refer to the following video for bond length and bond strength of covalent bonds
Angle between two adjacent bonds at an atom in a molecule made up of three or more atoms is known as the bond angle.
Bond angles mainly depend on the following three factors:
(i) Hybridization: Bond angle depends on the state of hybridization of the central atom
Bond angle
Generally s- character increase in the hybrid bond, the bond angle increases.
(ii) Lone pair repulsion: Bond angle is affected by the presence of lone pair of electrons at the central atom. A lone pair of electrons at the central atom always tries to repel the shared pair (bonded pair) of electrons. Due to this, the bonds are displaced slightly inside resulting in a decrease of bond angle.
(iii) Electronegativity: If the electronegativity of the central atom decreases, bond angle decreases.
There may be many molecules and ions for which it is not possible to draw a single Lewis structure. For example we can write two electronic structures of O3.
In (A) the oxygen - oxygen bond on the left is a double bond and the oxygen-oxygen bond on the right is a single bond. In B the situation is just opposite. Experiment shows however, that the two bonds are identical. Therefore neither structure A nor B can be correct.
One of the bonding pairs in ozone is spread over the region of all the three atom rather than associated with particular oxygen-oxygen bond. This delocalised bonding is a type of bonding in which bonding pair of electrons is spread over a number of atoms rather than localised between two.
Structures (A) and (B) are called resonating or canonical structures and C is the resonance hybrid. This phenomenon is called resonance, a situation in which more than one plausible structure can be written for a species.
Ionic Bonding - occurs when two or more ions combine to form an electrically-neutral compound
The positive cation "loses" an electron (or 2 or 3)
The negative anion "gains" the electron (or 2 or 3)
The anion steals the electrons from the cation.
The electrons are shared between the two atoms. Both atoms don't have charge in the beginning and the compound remains with zero charge.
The chemical activity of an atom is determined by the number of electrons in its valence shell. With the help of concept of chemical bonding one can define the structure of a compound and is used in many industries for manufacturing products in which the true structure cannot be written at all.
Some other examples
(i) CO32– ion
(ii) Carbon-oxygen bond lengths in carboxylate ion are equal due to resonance.
(iii) Benzene
Difference in the energies of the canonical forms and resonance hybrid is called resonance stabilization energy and provides stability to species.
Only electrons (not atoms) may be shifted and they may be shifted only to adjacent atoms or bond positions.
The number of unpaired electrons should be same in all the canonical form.
The positive charge should reside as far as possible on less electronegative atom and negative charge on more electronegative atom.
Like charge should not reside on adjacent atom
The larger the number of the resonating structures greater the stability of species. Greater number of covalency adds to the stability of the molecule.
Example: Out of the following resonating structures for CO2 molecule, which are important for describing the bonding in the molecule and why?
JEE Physical Chemistry Syllabus
Reference books of Physical Chemistry
To read more, Buy study materials of Chemical Bonding comprising study notes, revision notes, video lectures, previous year solved questions etc. Also browse for more study materials on Chemistry here
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Valence Shell Electron Pair Repulsion (VSPER)...
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The Exit Light Company is committed to providing emergency egress lighting and signage that is not only life-saving, but environmentally friendly. As a member of the U.S. Green Building Council (USGBC), a 501 (c)(3) non-profit organization committed to a prosperous and sustainable future through cost-efficient and energy-saving green buildings, we advocate the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) Green Building Rating System™, which encourages and accelerates global adoption of sustainable green building and development practices. The Exit Light Company sells a variety of products that are LEED® points eligible and can help your project or building become LEED® certified.
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Fire grew so fast teens punched out window to escape
Two teens escaped a house fire Tuesday by breaking through a window to get outside.
The fire was reported at 2523 Shaw St. about 8:30 a.m.
Smoke and flames were visible on three sides of the home by the time firefighters arrived. Strong winds contributed to the rapid development, firefighters said.
As friends came by to lend a hand and a hug to Butch Grimm after the fire, he's said he's thankful his family is alive.
"The smoke alarm went off and I went out and saw smoke," said Grimm.
Butch Grimm Jr., 13, ran to wake up his sister.
"I pushed open her door and said the house is on fire, let's get out," said Butch Grimm Jr.
The smoke filled the small home so fast that it forced the 15-year-old girl to make a mad dash to the nearest window.
The teen wrapped her hand with a cloth and smashed the bottom part of the window, removing all the glass to make it be enough to get out.
Grimm's two other children were at school at the time. Strong winds quickly fanned the flames as firefighters fought the blaze. The family of six lost everything.
A teen girl was treated at the scene and then taken to a metro hospital for an injury to her hand.
Fire officials said the fire started in the front room where the main electrical panel was located, but the cause has yet to be determined.
The Red Cross is assisting the family of six with housing, food and clothing.


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So Stoked to share this talk I gave earlier this year to the women at Google HQ in London about our relationship with food.
I was literally SO nervous before I started this talk, but as soon as we began I knew my message was exactly what the women in the room needed to hear.
Topics I covered included:
❤ My personal story and how I overcame my food and body battles and started a business helping other women to do the same.
❤ Diet culture and how to start shifting limiting beliefs around food.
❤ Emotional Eating and Binge Eating – and what the missing piece of the puzzle is.
❤ The real cause of food addiction and what our answer is.
❤ Physical hunger VS spiritual hunger, and real tools to find out what we're truly hungry for when those cravings hit.
I really hope you enjoy watching this gorgeous. I'd also really love it if you would leave a comment and let me know which part of this talk resonated most for you?
All my love,


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Brookdale, Monmouth County Cut Ribbon on 'Wall West'
What was once a dream is now a reality. Following years of planning, design, grant applications and construction, dozens of area dignitaries, elected officials and college representatives gathered at Brookdale's Wall Campus on Sept. 12 to cut the ribbon on the college's new 37,000-square-foot Wall West classroom building.
The building – boasting 14 classrooms, two science labs, a state-of-the-art nursing suite and a host of new student lounges, study rooms and computer stations – offers five complete associate degree programs and a wide range of general education courses for Brookdale students.
It also serves at the home of the Brookdale-NJCU partnership, which offers eight New Jersey City University bachelor's degree programs in majors such as nursing, business management, criminal justice and marketing. Learn more about the new building here.
"Welcome to Brookdale Community College's newest jewel," said interim Brookdale President David Stout, during an official ribbon cutting ceremony held near the Wall West entryway. "This ceremony has been a long time coming, and we have a long list of distinguished guests here today who have helped make this possible. Thank you all for being here."
The ceremony featured addresses by the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders; Brookdale Board of Trustees Chair Carl Guzzo Jr.; NJCU President Sue Henderson; Wall Township Mayor Nick DiRocco; Brookdale's Executive Dean of Regional Locations and K-12 Partnerships Anita Voogt; Wall Campus Director Allison Fitzpatrick; and Brookdale nursing student Tara Tennaro.
Voogt provided a history of Brookdale's Wall location, which was established as part of the college's Communiversity program back in 2000. The site, built on a "dilapidated, abandoned" military base, was designed to increase access for students in southern Monmouth County and allow Brookdale graduates to earn bachelor's and even master's degrees from area universities while remaining close to home, Voogt said.
Today, the Wall location sports a state-of-the-art, $19 million classroom building, an expanded partnership with NJCU, and it was recently granted official branch campus status by the Middle States Commission on Higher Education. It will also serve as home for two of Brookdale's newest early-college high school programs, run in partnership with public school districts in Wall and Asbury Park.
"We imagined a campus like this, and we stayed true to that vision. Now, 17 years later, here we are enjoying the fruits of our labor," said Voogt.
"At this site, we can now offer the full range of the education continuum, from high school through associate degrees, bachelor's degrees and master's degrees. It's all here, and it's incredible."
For Tennaro, a Toms River resident and mother of three, the new building will also prove to be a huge time-saver. Currently, Tennaro said she drives roughly 40 minutes each way to her classes in Lincroft. Now, she said, she will be able to complete her labs in pharmacology and nursing concepts at the Wall campus, a mere 20 minutes from her home.
"By expanding these health care courses to the Wall campus, it allows students like me to not only balance our school lives, but our lives in general – especially for us students who are mothers and want more of that one-on-one with our professors," said Tennaro, who plans to earn a bachelor's degree in nursing after completing Brookdale's nursing program. "The building looks great and I am super excited to be a part of the brand new facility. I honestly can't wait to get started."
Also in attendance at the ceremony were: Monmouth County Administrator Teri O'Connor; NJCU Vice President of Administration and Finance Dr. Aaron Aska and program coordinator Dr. Joyce Wright; Wall Township Deputy Mayor Timothy Farrell and Committeewoman Ann Marie Conte; representatives from Spiezel Architectural Group and T&M Associates; all members of the Brookdale Board of Trustees; and members of the Brookdale Foundation and the Brookdale Alumni Association.
Guzzo, representing the Brookdale Board of Trustees, thanked each of the various stakeholders for helping to see the Wall West building into fruition, including the State of New Jersey's Building Our Futures Bond Act program – which provided millions of dollars in funds for the new facility – and the Monmouth County Freeholders.
Curley, a Brookdale alumnus and county liaison to the college, acknowledged the importance of expanding educational opportunities for Monmouth County residents and providing a pathway for students to enter the workforce. Referencing a comprehensive study recently conducted by county officials, Curley said one of the most current pressing needs for local residents is quality employment.
"We need jobs, both here in Monmouth County and across the state of New Jersey. But the only way to achieve that is through education," said Curley. "On behalf of Gary Rich, Tom Arnone, Lilian Burry, Serena DiMaso, and the freeholders of 1967 [who voted to establish Brookdale], thank you for all that you do in making our society a greater place."
Learn more about Brookdale's Wall Campus here.
Check out more photos of the Wall West Ribbon Cutting Ceremony here.


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ProQuest databases can be searched at the same time by clicking on one of the ProQuest databases, then choosing "Change databses" from the menu along the top of the screen that opens.
EBSCO databases can be searched at the same time by clicking on one of the EBSCO databases, then clicking on "Choose Databases" above the search box at the top of the screen.
For classes cross-listed with BCS, BME, or NSC
Other helpful databases:
Streaming video
Browse Anthropological Linguistics and Sociolinguistics journals using Browzine
Browse Computational Linguistics journals using Browzine
Browse Comparative and Historical Linguistics journals using Browzine
Browse papers from historical linguistic conferences
Items pertaining to linguistics can be found in Library of Congress class P. Grammars and dictionaries are interspersed through much of the class according to their language. The below linked document outlines the subclasses in class P and can be of great help if you wish to browse the physical library collections.
Articles, Books & More searches many of the library's resources at once. This is a powerful, fast research tool!
Tip: When off-campus , log in with your NetID & password
Enter your keywords in the search box.
Search Faster
The atlas case is located on the back wall of the room adjacent to the Rhees Reference stacks.
These University of Rochester Libraries house materials useful for research in Linguistics.