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Membership & User Rates
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Ḥadīth Scholarship in the Indian Subcontinent: Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī al-Sahāranpūrī and the First Print of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī
22 Mar, 2019
Throughout Islamic history, different regions were noted for exemplary roles vis-à-vis the study of Ḥadīth. Whether it was Iraq during the Abbasid era or Egypt during the Mamluk era, scholars have expended considerable energy in learning, developing, and disseminating the study of Ḥadīth. From the 10thcentury AH, Zāhid al-Kawtharī (d. 1952) notes, the Indian subcontinent played a pivotal role in preserving the discipline of Ḥadīth when interest in the field began to wane in other regions.[1]Rashīd Riḍā (d. 1935) argues that were it not for the dedication of scholars from India in recent times, the discipline of Ḥadīth would have been forgotten.[2]
This paper explores the contributions of one particular Indian scholar: Aḥmad ʿAlī al-Sahāranpūrī (d. 1880). He was among the most influential Ḥadīth scholars of the 19thcentury, yet his scholarship remains underappreciated. This paper will examine his biography and contribution to the academic world, with particular focus on his editorial work on Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī. To provide context to his legacy, first, a word on India's history of Ḥadīth studies is in order.[3]
A Synopsis of Ḥadīth Studies in India
ʿAbd al-Ḥayy al-Ḥasanī (d. 1923) categorizes the Islamic educational history of India into four periods. The first period spanned from the 7thto the 9thcenturies AH. Grammar, logic, theology, mysticism, and other core subjects were passionately studied in this period; the focus, however, revolved around law and legal theory. The second period began in the 9thcentury where the curriculum remained
largely the same, but texts were added to each discipline to make necessary improvements. These additions were made by the students of Saʿd al-Dīn al-Taftāzānī (d. 792 AH) and al-Sharīf al-Jurjānī (d. 816 AH). The third period involved a modification of the prevalent curriculum by the likes of Fatḥ Allāh al-Shīrāzī (d. 927 AH), all the while indigenous scholars traveled abroad to expand their horizons of knowledge. The fourth period began with Mullā Niẓām al-Dīn al-Sihālawī (d. 1161 AH/1748 CE), who is commonly believed to have founded the Dars-e Niẓāmī syllabus.[4]
The study of Ḥadīth, in particular, began early on in India's history.[5]Following the conquest of Sind by the Umayyad general Muḥammad ibn Qāsim in the 1stcentury AH and subsequent conquests of the broader subcontinent, scholars like Isrāʾīl ibn Mūsā al-Baṣrī (d. c. 150 AH),[6]al-Rabīʿ ibn Ṣabīḥ (d. 160 AH),[7]and Abū Bakr ibn al-Aḥmar (d. 358 AH)[8]visited these lands and transmitted ḥadīths therein.[9] From the 5thcentury AH, under the auspices of Sultan Maḥmūd Ghaznawī (d. 421 AH) and his successors, Lahore became a center for Ḥadīth studies that later produced the renowned lexicographer and Ḥadīth scholar Raḍī al-Dīn al-Ṣaghānī (d. 650 AH),[10]who authored Mashāriq al-Anwār[11]—a digest of the Ṣaḥīḥayn celebrated as one of the earliest contributions to Ḥadīth from an Indian scholar—and other critically acclaimed Ḥadīth works.[12]With the founding of the Delhi sultanate in the 7thcentury, scholars predominantly focused on the legal and rational sciences. With the exception of scattered cases of Ḥadīth-recitations at Ṣūfī lodges in northern India, the study of Ḥadīth overall waned in this period.[13]
At the turn of the 9thcentury, Muẓaffar Khān (d. 814 AH) established a sultanate in the coastal province of Gujrat, which brought about a renaissance in the study of Ḥadīth.[14]Motivated by the scholarly atmosphere and patronage for learning in the Muẓaffarid sultanate, Ḥadīth scholars from lands as far as Egypt migrated to Gujrat and with them came a rich source of Ḥadīth knowledge and texts. Successive sultans like Aḥmad Shāh (r. 814-846 AH) and Maḥmūd Shāh (r. 863-917 AH) maintained this academic atmosphere and were themselves actively involved in Ḥadīth discussions.[15]Badr al-Dīn al-Damāmīnī (d. 827 AH), Wajīh al-Dīn Muḥammad (d. 919 AH), and Jamāl al-Dīn Baḥrāq (d. 930 AH) were some of the scholars who took Gujrat as their new residence where they disseminated Ḥadīth scholarship.[16]An illustrious Gujrati scholar of Ḥadīth in the 10thcentury AH was Muḥammad ibn Ṭāhir al-Fattanī (d. 986 AH),[17]who studied with the Indian ʿAlī al-Muttaqī (d. 975 AH), author of Kanz al-ʿUmmāl, in Makkah.[18]Until the 12thcentury AH/18thcentury CE, a trend of Ḥadīth scholarship could be found in Sind,[19]Deccan, Lucknow, Jaunpur, Bengal, and Delhi,[20]among other regions.[21]
The works and thought of the celebrated reformer Shāh Walī Allāh al-Dihlawī (d. 1176 AH) left an indelible print on Ḥadīth scholarship in India. After returning from his studies at the Two Sanctuaries (Ḥaramayn), he revived the study of Ḥadīth in his native land, particularly by establishing the reading of the six canonical Ḥadīth texts in their entirety. That nearly every chain of Ḥadīth transmission in South Asia today passes through him speaks volumes about his contribution to the field of Ḥadīth. After his demise, his family and successors maintained his legacy. Most notable among them were his son ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Dihlawī (d. 1239 AH) and grandson Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī (d. 1262 AH).[22]Countless scholars benefited from the Walī Allāh Ḥadīth legacy.[23]One of the most influential Ḥadīth scholars of the 13thcentury AH/19thcentury CE, was a student of this line of scholarship: Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī al-Sahāranpūrī, to whom we now turn our focus.
Curriculum Vitae
Aḥmad ʿAlī ibn Luṭf Allāh was born in the year 1225 AH/1810 CE in Saharanpur.[24]At a young age, he learned to read the Qurʿān and mastered Persian.[25]But he did not pursue Islamic studies until the age of sixteen at which point he memorized the Qurʾān—within an astonishing six months—and studied with local scholars. [26]He completed his advanced studies with Muftī Ilāhī Bakhsh, Mawlānā Saʿādat ʿAlī, and Mawlānā Wajīh al-Dīn al-Sahāranpūrī, [27]culminating with a study of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīunder the latter.[28]Following his marriage at the age of twenty-one, he traveled to Farrukhabad for business purposes, but he had a change of heart and decided instead to specialize in Arabic.[29]
He then traveled south to Delhi where he studied with Mawlānā Mamlūk al-ʿAlī (d. 1851).[30]Although the precise date of his travel to Delhi is not known, he was there studying with Mamlūk al-ʿAlī in 1250 AH/1835 CE, at the age of 25.[31]In 1258 AH, he came to the study-circle of the great transmitter of Ḥadīth, Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī, in Delhi but was informed that preparations were already underway for his migration to Makkah.[32]Aḥmad ʿAlī's determination did not waver. Within months, he traveled to Makkah where he furthered his study of Ḥadīth with Muḥammad Isḥāq for over a year.[33]Under his tutelage, Aḥmad ʿAlī completed and received authorization for the six canonical books of Ḥadīth and sixteen other texts.[34]He had a fascinating method of learning Ḥadīth: from Fajr to Ẓuhr he transcribed ḥadīths in the sacred precinct (Ḥaram), and from Ẓuhr to ʿAṣr, he read them to Muḥammad Isḥāq. In this fashion, he completed the recitation and transcription of the major Ḥadīth texts.[35]
He returned to Delhi in 1260 AH/1844 CE. In what can be regarded as the most innovative service to the discipline of Ḥadīth in his time, al-Sahāranpūrī opened a printing press where he critically edited and printed key Ḥadīth literature. Unfortunately, this project came to a sudden halt during the Indian mutiny of 1857.[36]In the aftermath of the disastrous mutiny, he moved to Saharanpur for two years and then to Meerut where he took up a managerial post for a lucrative family business located in Calcutta for roughly ten years.[37]
Years passed as he remained occupied with his new managerial work. He then embarked on the sacred pilgrimage of Hajj—a journey that would drastically change the course of his life. In Makkah, he met his student Ḥājjī Imdādullāh (d. 1899) who suggested that he leave his current occupation and engage in teaching Ḥadīth, a task for which he was well-placed.[38]In 1291 AH/1874 CE, he took his student's advice and relocated once more to Saharanpur where he served as a dean at a fledgling seminary established several years earlier: the prestigious Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm.[39]In the following year, he was appointed a senior lecturer of Ḥadīth, teaching classical Ḥadīth texts such as the six canonical works, al-Shaybānī's recension of the Muwaṭṭāʾ,Mishkāt al-Maṣābīḥ. That he singlehandedly taught such a large number of voluminous texts—some of them multiple times—in the span of one year,[40]could only be described as a miracle.[41]
For the next six years, he dutifully carried out his responsibilities at Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm, and not only did he work pro bono, but he also was a generous donor and personally tended to the meals of the students.[42]Moreover, he maintained a close relationship with other academic seminaries in the region. During the groundbreaking of Dār al-ʿUlūm Deoband, he was chosen to place the first brick.[43]In 1297 AH/1880 CE, at the age of 72, he suffered a stroke and subsequently breathed his last on Saturday, the 6thof Jumādā al-Ūlā/17thof April. He was laid to rest in his family graveyard in Saharanpur, located near the grounds used for the ʿĪd prayer—May Allāh have mercy on his soul.[44]
Maṭbaʿ Aḥmadī Printing Press
In the mid 19thcentury, at the center of heated polemics, printing presses were great mediums to disseminate ideas rapidly.[45]Naval Kishore's (d. 1895)[46]Lucknow-based printing press, for instance, was noted for its prolific production of literature in a vast array of languages.[47]Earlier in 1840 CE, Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī printed Sunan al-Nasaʿīthrough Maṭbaʿ Sulṭānī.[48]In 1260 AH/1844 CE, Wajīh al-Dīn al-Sahāranpūrī, Aḥmad ʿAlī's teacher, put this medium to good use by establishing the Matbaʿ Aḥmadī printing press, named after the revolutionary leader Sayyid Aḥmad Shahīd (d. 1831). Upon returning from his studies in Makkah, Aḥmad ʿAlī al-Sahāranpūrī was given ownership of Maṭbaʿ Aḥmadī, to which he made significant improvements.[49]His editorial work on some of the most authoritative Ḥadīth literature was a priceless service to scholarship that is seldom matched in quality and academic standards till this day.[50]
Maṭbaʿ Aḥmadī was active in Delhi for 13 years—from 1844 until the 1857 mutiny, after which it was relocated to Meerut but was not nearly as successful.[51]Through the printing press, al-Sahāranpūrī critically edited and published a number of important works, like Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, Jāmiʿ al-Tirmidhī,[52]Mishkāt al-Maṣābīḥ,[53]and Taqrīb al-Tahdhīb, many of which were printed for the first time.[54]He dedicated all his time and effort to this project and occasionally sought assistance from his colleagues and mentors; Mawlānā Mamlūk al-ʿAlī, for instance, assisted him in preparing Jāmiʿ al-Tirmidhī.[55]His editorial work deserves an independent study, but for our purposes, his work on Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīis an invaluable yet underappreciated display of scholarship that reflects his erudition in Ḥadīth studies.
Apart from the aforementioned activities, he was not a prolific author. He wrote a Persian booklet, which he later translated into Urdu, on the contentious issue of recitation behind the Imām, entitled "al-Dalīl al-Qawī ʿalā Tark al-Qiraʾah li al-Muqtadī." A treatise on Imām al-Bukhārī's statement "some people say" entitled "Baʿḍ al-Nās fī Dafʿ al-Waswās" is questionably attributed to al-Sahāranpūrī.[56]He wrote a number of edicts, among which his edict on celebrating the Mawlid has been published.[57]
Work on Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī
Al-Sahāranpūrī began editing and annotating the Ṣaḥīḥin 1844 shortly after returning from his academic sojourn in Makkah. In 1848, he printed the first 184 pages of the Ṣaḥīḥthrough Maṭbaʿ Sayyid al-Akhbār, a printing press run by Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khan's brother Sayyid ʿAbd al-Ghafūr. Three years later, he resumed work on the Ṣaḥīḥat his own printing press, Maṭbaʿ Aḥmadī.[58]Between 1851-1854—decades before the celebrated Amīriyyah edition,[59]using the highest quality paper available, he produced the earliest print of the Ṣaḥīḥin two volumes.[60]During al-Sahāranpūrī's lifetime, his edition of the Ṣaḥīḥwas reprinted several times by Maṭbaʿ Aḥmadī—in Delhi and in its Meerut remake—and other publishers.[61]In subsequent editions, al-Sahāranpūrī appended a list of typographical errors found in the first edition, and he added biographical information on the transmitters of the Ṣaḥīḥ.[62]
He spent years critically editing and refining his copy of the Ṣaḥīḥwith at least ten other manuscripts,[63]such as his teacher Shāh Muḥammad Isḥāq's manuscript, which was an extension of ʿAbd Allāh ibn Sālim al-Baṣrī's legendary manuscript.[64]Another valuable resource that he consulted to verify the text of the Ṣaḥīḥwas al-Qasṭallānī's Irshād al-Sārī,[65]which was cross-referenced with Sharaf al-Dīn al-Yūnīnī's proverbial manuscript of the Ṣaḥīḥ.[66]It is worth noting that al-Sahāranpūrī frequently quotes a manuscript of the Ṣaḥīḥthat contains variants from the Yūnīniyyah that are not noted in Irshād al-Sārī.[67]Moreover, that al-Sahāranpūrī had at his disposal Raḍī al-Dīn al-Ṣaghānī's manuscript of the Ṣaḥīḥmakes his edition a priceless resource for text-verification.[68] The reader should recall that al-Ṣaghānī's manuscript was cross-referenced with al-Firabrī's holograph of the Ṣaḥīḥ.[69]There are instances where al-Sahāranpūrī noted variants from al-Ṣaghānī that his fellow commentators did not draw attention to—not even Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī.[70]
In addition to authenticating the text of the Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Sahāranpūrī annotated it with beneficial notes—marginal (ḥawāshī) and interlinear (bayn al-suṭūr)—where he alludes to manuscript-variants, provides commentary, and explicates the link between chapter-headings and ḥadīths.[71]He occasionally cites annotations that were found on the manuscripts of the Ṣaḥīḥhe used for text-verification.[72]Before commenting, he often consulted multiple manuscripts of a source to verify its reliability.[73]Furthermore, the work is prefaced with a beneficial prolegomenon comprising Imām al-Bukhārī's biography, discussions related to the Ṣaḥīḥ, and general Ḥadīth nomenclature; in total, he covers 27 topics.[74]In light of al-Sahāranpūrī's thorough work and display of impressive erudition, it is no wonder that a contemplative reading of his marginal notes, as Mawlānā Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī (d. 1982) explains, will suffice a Ḥadīth student from consulting other commentaries.[75]
In the prolegomenon, al-Sahāranpūrī presents an impressive bibliography of nearly seventy works that he consulted to prepare the marginal notes. Apart from the prominent commentaries on the Ṣaḥīḥ, he consulted ʿAbd al-Awwal al-Jawnpūrī's (d. 968 AH) Fayḍ al-Bārī, ʿUthmān al-Sindī's (d. 1008 AH) Ghāyat al-Tawḍīh,[76]and Yaʿqūb al-Lāhorī's (d. 1013 AH) al-Khayr al-Jārī.[77]Likewise, in the genres of narrator-criticism, nomenclature, linguistic exegesis, law, sīrah, and legal theory, he tapped into a wide array of sources.[78]However, there are a number of sources that he quotes throughout the notes that he did not list in the bibliography, such as al-Khāṭṭābī (from al-Aʿlām),[79]al-Ghazālī (from the Iḥyāʾ),[80]al-Mizzī (from Tuḥfat al-Ashrāf),[81]Shāh Walī Allāh (from al-Abwāb wa al-Tarājim),[82]Shaykh al-Islām—a descendent of ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq al-Dihlawī,[83]and Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī (referred to as Mawlānā).[84]
It is commonly believed that al-Sahāranpūrī outsourced the completion of the marginal notes to his student Mawlānā Qāsim Nānautwī.[85]However, the late Shaykh Yūnus Jawnpūri, Muftī Taqī ʿUthmānī, and Mawlānā Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī believe that this was not the case because there is no significant stylistic shift in the annotations.[86]Al-Sahāranpūrī's annotations are characterized with concision and selective referencing of certain sources;[87]for the most part, this is consistent throughout the annotations, and neither do the annotations resemble the idiosyncratic writing style of Mawlānā Nānautwī.[88]
Subsequent scholars academically engaged with al-Sahāranpūrī's work on the Ṣaḥīḥ. Mawlānā ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Aʿẓamī (d. 1993) authored a two-volume supplementary work entitled "al-Taṣwībāt li mā fī Ḥawāsḥī al-Bukhārī min al-Taṣḥīfāt" where he highlights typographical errors, scribal oversights, and misquotations.[89]In Fayḍ al-Bārī, Mawlānā Anwar Shāh al-Kashmīrī (d. 1933) builds on and at times critiques al-Sahāranpūrī's annotations,[90]and Shaykh Yūnus Jawnpūrī does the same in his commentary on the Ṣaḥīḥentitled "Nibrās al-Sārī ilā Riyāḍ al-Bukhārī."[91]
The 14th-century AH/20th-century CE is described as the period of reawakening in the history of Ḥadīth studies.[92]The annals of this period are decorated with names like Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī (d. 1914), Aḥmad Shākir (d. 1958), ʿAbd al-Ḥayy al-Kattānī (d. 1962), Aḥmad Ṣiddīq al-Ghumārī (d. 1961), and ʿAbd al-Rahmān al-Muʿallimī (d. 1966), to name a few.[93]The scene for this reawakening, however, was set by the efforts of visionaries like Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī al-Sahāranpūrī, an encyclopedic scholar who played an irreplaceable role in shaping India's rich history of Ḥadīth. He was ahead of the curve with his innovative method of editing the text of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī—and other literature—and subsequently introducing it to the world of print.[94]In addition to his literary contributions, he prepared an entire generation of students who reshaped the intellectual landscape of India.[95]
The following is an excerpt from the Maṭbaʿ Musṭafāʾī print of al-Sahāranpūrī's work on Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīthat was published in 1305 AH/1887 CE, eight years after his demise. To illustrate the different parts of his work, relevant sections were highlighted using different colors.
- The yellow box at the center of the page is the text of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī.
- The light blue box within the main text is al-Sahāranpūrī's interlinear gloss (bayn al-suṭūr).
- The blue box on the top of the page is his marginal notes (ḥawāsḥī).
- The green box on the left explains manuscript variants.
- The red box on the far left entitled "asmāʿ al-rijāl" contains biographical information of the transmitters.
- The purple box in the bottom left corner mentions the part (juzʾ), based on a 30-part division of the Ṣaḥīḥ.[96]
An edition published by Nūr Muḥammad's Aṣaḥḥ al-Maṭābiʿ in 1357 AH/1938 CE—later reproduced by Qadīmī Kutub khānah, which is the most popular edition of the work today—added another column entitled ḥall al-lughātto explain obscure vocabulary. This column was not written by al-Sahāranpūrī.
[1]Zāhid al-Kawtharī, al-Maqālāt, pp. 81-82; cf. Yūsuf al-Bannūrī, "Introduction," in Fayḍ al-Bārī, vol. 1, p. 10. [2]Rashīd Riḍā, "Foreword," in Miftāḥ Kunūz al-Sunnah, section qāf; cf. Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Modern Islamic Thought in a Radical Age, pp. 89-90. [3]I would like to thank my dear friend Mawlānā Haroon Anis. Without his encouragement and resources, this article would have never been completed. I would also like to thank Shaykh Saiful Hadi for travelling to Kandhla to present a draft of this paper to Malwānā Nūr al-Ḥāsan Kāndhlawī who provided useful feedback. [4]Al-Ḥasanī, al-Thaqāfah al-Islāmiyyah fī al-Hind, pp. 11-17. Over the last 150 years, Dars-e Niẓāmī has been the most prominent syllabus in Islamic seminaries throughout South Asia. Mullā Niẓām al-Dīn al-Sihālawī is commonly credited with the development of this syllabus. However, Nūr al-Ḥāsan Kāndhlawī argues that there is no evidence to suggest that Mullā Niẓām al-Dīn developed any syllabus that differed from his predecessors. There are fundamental texts that form the basis of Dars-e Niẓāmī that were added by earlier scholars, such as Fatḥ Allāh al-Shīrāzī, and other works that were added after Niẓām al-Dīn's demise. It is more accurate to assert that the contemporary syllabus stems from four intellectual centers that were prevalent in India: 1) the family of Farangī Maḥall; 2) Shāh Walī Allāh and his family; 3) the syllabus used by the scholars of Khairabad; and 4) the syllabus of Delhi College. See Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Dār al-ʿUlūm Deoband awr Maẓahir al-ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr kā sab sey Pehley Niṣāb-e Taʿlīm, pp. 91-92; Barbara Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900, pp. 100-101. [5]Abū al-Ḥasan al-Nadwī, "Foreword," in Awjaz al-Masālik, vol. 1, p. 28. [6]Al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-Kamāl, vol. 2, p. 514. [7]Al-Ḥasanī, Nuzhat al-Khawāṭir, vol. 1, p. 45. [8]Al-Dhahabī, Siyar Aʿlām al-Nubalāʿ, vol. 16, p. 68. [9]Al-Ḥasanī, al-Thaqāfah al-Islāmiyyah fī al-Hind, pp. 135-36. [10]Muhammad Ishaq, India's Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, p. xii. [11]The importance of works like Mashāriq al-Anwārnotwithstanding, Tāj al-Dīn al-Subkī (d. 771 AH) laments a false sense of what constitutes true Ḥadīth scholarship among those who claim to be qualified in Ḥadīth, yet their studies culminate at latter-day texts like al-Ṣaghānī's Mashāriq al-Anwār, al-Baghawī's al-Maṣābīḥ, and Ibn al-Athīr's Jāmiʿ al-Uṣūl. Al-Subkī appears to be hinting at a trend that was prevalent in India. See al-Subkī, Muʿīd al-Niʿam wa Mubīd al-Niqam, p. 66; cf. ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Chishtī, al-Biḍāʿah al-Muzjāh, p. 59; Al-Ḥasanī, al-Thaqāfah al-Islāmiyyah fī al-Hind, p. 135. On the pervasive influence of Mashāriq al-Anwārin India, see Muhammad Ishaq, India's Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, pp. 76-77. [12]Ramzi Baalbaki, "al-Ṣaghānī," in Encyclopedia of Islam, Second Edition; Sezgin, Tārīkh al-Turāth al-ʿArabī, vol. 1, p. 252; al-Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, vol. 14, pp. 636-38. On his expertise in Ḥadīth, see Chishtī, Imām-e Lughat Ḥasan ibn Muḥammad al-Ṣāghānī al-Lāhorī, no. 2, pp. 131-36. In the 1959 edition of the monthly Maʿārif magazine, Mawlānā ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Chishtī contributed nine columns (January to September) on the life and times of al-Ṣaghānī. [13]Muhammad Ishaq, India's Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, p. xii. [14]Ibid., p. 80 ff. [15]There is a manuscript of Ṣaḥīḥ Muslimwith Maḥmūd Shāh's personal seal. This demonstrates that he took keen interest in gathering Ḥadīth literature. See Imtiyāz ʿAlī, Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in Raza Library Rampur, vol. 1, pp. 416-17 [16]Joel Blecher, Said the Prophet of God: Hadith Commentary Across a Millennium, pp. 143-45. [17]Sources differ on whether his name was Muḥammad Ṭāhir or Muḥammad ibn Ṭāhir; the latter is more accurate. See Abū Ẓafar Nadwī, "Foreword," in Tadhkirah-e ʿAllāmah Shaykh Muḥammad ibn Ṭāhir Muḥaddith Pattanī(trans.), p. 11. [18]Al-Ḥasanī, al-Thaqāfah al-Islāmiyyah fī al-Hind, p. 137. [19]After a five-hundred-year period of stagnation, scholars like Makhdūm ʿAbd al-ʿAzīr al-Abharī (d. after 928 AH) revived the study of Ḥadīth in Sind. Other Sindī Ḥadīth scholars include Muḥammad Hāshim al-Tatawī (d. 1174 AH) and Muḥammad ʿĀbid al-Sindī (d. 1257 AH), whose extensive CV, Ḥaṣr al-Shārid, bears testimony to his expertise in Ḥadīth. See Sāʾid Bakdāsh, al-Imām al-Faqīh al-Muḥaddith al-Shaykh Muḥammad ʿĀbid al-Sindī, passim; Muhammad Ishaq, India's Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, pp. 110-11; Sayyid Shujāʿat, "Foreword," in Thalāth Rasāʾil fī Istiḥbāb al-Duʿāʾ, pp. 17-22. [20]After returning from his studies abroad, the renowned Ḥadīth scholar ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq al-Dihlawī (d. 1052 AH) established a center of Ḥadīth study in his native town Delhi through which the study of Ḥadīth flourished. He authored two commentaries on Mishkāt al-Maṣābīḥ, one in Persian entitled "Ashiʿʿat al-Lamaʿāt" and another in Arabic entitled "Lamaʿāt al-Tanqīḥ." His introduction to Ḥadīth nomenclature is studied in many traditional seminaries till this day. See al-Ḥasanī, Nuzhat al-Khawāṭir, vol. 5, p. 505. [21]Joel Blecher, Said the Prophet of God: Hadith Commentary Across a Millennium, pp. 146-47; Muhammad Ishaq, India's Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, pp. 101-16. [22]Abū al-Ḥasan al-Nadwī, "Foreword," in Awjaz al-Masālik, vol. 1, pp. 30-32. [23]Al-Bannūrī, "Introduction," in Fayḍ al-Bārī, vol. 1, pp. 11-12. [24]Saharanpur is a district in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, India. [25]He initially was on track to pursue Islamic education early in his life, but the demise of two important figures halted his progress: his father and a mother-like figure named Ḥusaynā Begum. He quickly found himself caught up in unhealthy circles, squandering his time playing chess and pigeon-rearing. At age sixteen, he was approached by Mawlānā Wajīh al-Dīn and Mawlānā Saʿādat ʿAlī, who advised him to take his life more seriously and pursue knowledge. See Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Ḥazrat Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī Sahāranpūrī Dawr-e Taʿlim wa Talammudh, Aḥwāl wa Āthār Kandhlah (1429 AH), p. 40. [26]Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull Ḥazrat Mawlānā Mamlūk al-ʿAlī Nānautwī, p. 407. [27]Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Ḥazrat Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī Sahāranpūrī kī Khidmāt-e Ḥadīth, in Hindustān awr ʿIlm-e Ḥadīth, p. 272. [28]In the concluding section of his prolegomenon, al-Sahāranpūrī commences his chain of transmission by stating that he recited most of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīto Shaykh Wajīh al-Din al-Ṣiddīqī al-Sahāranpūrī in Saharanpur. He then received authorization for the Ṣaḥīḥa second time from Mawlānā Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī. See al-Sahāranpūrī, "Prolegomenon," in al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, vol. 1, p. 67. [29]Kāndhlawī, Ḥazrat Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī Sahāranpūrī Dawr-e Taʿlim wa Talammudh, p. 47. [30]Al-Ḥasanī, Nuzhat al-Khawāṭir, vol. 7, p. 907; ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Chishtī, Ḥazrat Madanī kī Sanad-e Ḥadīth wa Shuyūkh-e Sanad, p. 184. [31]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, p. 408. Influenced by Shiite thought prevalent in Nanauta, his parents named him Mamlūk-e ʿAlī (the slave of ʿAlī). However, he later changed his name to Mamlūk al-ʿAlī (the slave of the Exalted), al-ʿAlī being a name of Allāh. See ibid., pp. 73-74. [32]The biographer of the Ahl-e Ḥadīth scholar Nadhīr Ḥusayn al-Dihlawī (d. 1320 AH) writes that it was Nadhīr Ḥusayn who counseled Aḥmad ʿAlī to accompany Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī in his travel and then study with him. See Faḍl Ḥusayn, al-Ḥayāt baʿd al-Mamāt, pp. 48-49. [33]He left Delhi for Makkah with his teacher Mawlānā Mamlūk al-ʿAlī on Rajab 26, 1259 AH/December 22, 1843 CE. See Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, p. 234. During his stay in the Ḥijāz, he also studied with other scholars. For instance, in his annotations on Jāmiʿ al-Tirmidhīunder ḥadīth no. 1541, he writes that he "heard from Shaykh ʿAbd Allāh al-Sirāj al-Makkī [d. 1264 AH]." [34]Kāndhlawī, Ḥazrat Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī Sahāranpūrī, p. 272. Muḥsin al-Tirhutī (d. c. 1876) mentions that al-Sahāranpūrī was Muḥammad Isḥāq's elite student. Interestingly, he describes al-Sahāranpūrī as "al-Isḥāqī," most likely on account of his affiliation with Muḥammad Isḥāq. See al-Tirhutī, al-Yāniʿ al-Janī, pp. 55-56. [35]Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī, Tārīkh-e Maẓāhir, vol. 1, p. 40. The famous Qāriʾ of India, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Pānipatī, was his classmate for the Ḥadīth classes with Muḥammad Isḥāq. See Muḥammad Shāhid, ʿUlamāʾ-e Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr, p. 83. [36]On the 1857 rebellion against British rule, see Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India, pp. 10-12, 80 ff. [37]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, p. 409. [38]Murtaḍā Khān, Shamāʾim Imdādiyyah, pp. 217-18. [39]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, p. 411. [40]Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī, Tārīkh-e Maẓāhir, vol. 1, p. 15. [41]Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 30, 41. Muḥammad Shāhid, ʿUlamāʾ-e Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr, pp. 84-85. [42]He spent a considerable amount of money to fill the Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm library with rare and voluminous books, some of which were printed in Egypt, such as Ibn Ḥajar al-Haytamī's compendium on Shāfiʿī positive law, Tuḥfat al-Muḥtāj fī Sharḥ al-Minhāj. See Muḥammad Shāhid, ʿUlamāʾ-e Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr, p. 86. [43]The second and third bricks were placed by his students, the founders of Dār al-ʿUlūm Deoband, Mawlānā Qāsim Nānautwī and Mawlānā Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī, respectively. See Manāẓir Gīlānī, Sawāniḥ-e Qasimī, vol. 2, p. 325; cf. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India, p. 112. [44]Muḥammad Shāhid, ʿUlamāʾ-e Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr, p. 88; Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī, Tārīkh-e Maẓāhir, vol. 1, p. 41. [45]On the role of print in Muslim societies, see Qasim Zaman, Commentaries, Print and Patronage: Ḥadīth and the Madrasas in Modern South Asia, p. 61, note 2. [46]On Naval Kishore Press, see Tavakoli-Targhi, Rediscovering Munshi Newal Kishore, pp. 14-15. [47]Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India, pp. 214-215. [48]Once printing became accessible in India, Shāh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Dihlawī seized the opportunity to print books, like his father's al-Fawz al-Kabīr. After his demise, Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī was inspired to do the same. He edited, annotated, and then printed Sunan al-Nasaʿī. His plans to expand this project were cut short when he decided to migrate to Makkah. But his vision was later carried out by his student Aḥmad ʿAlī al-Sahāranpūrī. See Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Ḥazrat Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī Sahāranpūrī kī Khidmāt-e Ḥadīth, p. 276. In the concluding remarks in his edition of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, al-Sahāranpūrī basically credits his teacher Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī for the inspiration to print Ḥadīth literature. [49]Nūr al-Ḥasan Kādhlawī, Ḥālāt-e Ṭayyib, pp. 50-51. [50]Al-Ḥasanī, al-Thaqāfah al-Islāmiyyah fī al-Hind, pp. 140. [51]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, p. 409. [52]The accuracy and quality of his edition of Jāmiʿ al-Tirmidhī is evidenced by the fact that in his commentary Tuḥfat al-Aḥwadhī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Mubārakpūrī relied, inter alia, on al-Sahāranpūrī's edition of Jāmiʿ al-Tirmidhī. See Aḥmad Shakir, "Preface," in Sunan al-Tirmidhī, p. 12. [53]Mawlānā Manāẓir Gīlānī praises al-Sahāranpūrī's marginal notes on Mishkāt al-Maṣābīḥas an amazing adaption of the best commentaries on the text. However, al-Sahāranpūrī himself believes that he was unable to work on the text in a manner suited to its status. See Gīlānī, Swāniḥ-e Qasimī, vol. 1, p. 262; Muḥammad Shāhid, ʿUlamāʾ-e Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr, p. 94. [54]He was involved, directly or indirectly, in editing a number of important works like Abū Dāwūd's Sunan, Ibn Jazarī's al-Ḥiṣn al-Ḥaṣīn, al-Qasṭallānī's Irshād al-Sārī, ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq al-Dihlawī's introduction to Mishkāt al-Maṣābīḥ, and al-Sharīf al-Jurjānī's treatise on Ḥadīth nomenclature. See Kāndhlawī, Ḥazrat Mawlānā Aḥmad ʿAlī Sahāranpūrī kī Khidmāt-e Ḥadīth, pp. 286-290. [55]Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Qāsim al-ʿUlūm Ḥazrat Mawlānā Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautwī, p. 71. [56]ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ Abū Ghuddah, "Preface," in Kashf al-Iltibās, p.13. [57]Muḥammad Shāhid, ʿUlamāʾ-e Maẓāhir-e ʿUlūm Sahāranpūr, p. 95. [58]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, pp. 412-13. [59]In 1893, the Ottoman Sultan, ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd II (d. 1918), issued an imperial decree to the Cairene publishing house al-Maṭbaʿah al-Amīriyyah to print a meticulously evaluated edition of the Ṣaḥīḥ. The project was completed by 1895 and the first edition of the work was released in nine volumes. Al-Sahāranpūrī's edition even predates the Brill, Leiden edition that was published in 1862. Dr. Aḥmad al-Sallūm opines that al-Sahāranpūrī's edition is superior to the Amīriyyah edition because it cites manuscript-variants more frequently. See al-Sallūm, "Introduction," in al-Mukhtaṣar al-Naṣīḥ, vol. 1, p. 92. [60]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, pp. 412-13; Muḥammad Rustum, al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ li al-Imām al-Bukhārī wa ʿInāyat al-Ummah al-Islāmiyyah bihī Sharqan wa Gharban, p. 43. [61]Nūr Muḥammad's Delhi-based Aṣaḥḥ al-Maṭābiʿ made amendments to the text and reproduced it in beautiful script. Until recently, this was the most common print of the text. On the reprints of the Ṣaḥīḥ, see Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Qāsim al-ʿUlūm Ḥazrat Mawlānā Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautwī, pp. 84-87. Recently, Dr. Taqī al-Dīn al-Nadwī produced a typed edition of al-Sahāranpūrī's work. [62]Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, pp. 413; idem, Qāsim al-ʿUlūm, p. 86. [63]Before ḥadīth no. 74, al-Sahāranpūrī writes, "As found in only one manuscript among ten other manuscripts of the Ṣaḥīḥthat are in my possession." The accuracy of these manuscripts can be gleaned from their concurrence with vowelizations mentioned in commentaries; see, for instance, ḥadīth no. 4441. He heavily relied on a manuscript he describes as al-manqūl ʿanhā, which was of exceptional quality. See, for instance, ḥadīth no. 1668, 1675, 2385, 4428, 5230, 6119.
ʿAbd al-Salām al-Mubārakpūrī (d. 1924) claims that al-Sahāranpūrī's edition of the Ṣaḥīḥwas predominantly extracted from Nadhīr Ḥusayn al-Dihlawī's manuscript that was filled with priceless annotations and manuscript-variants. Al-Mubārakpūrī bases this claim on the fact that al-Sahāranpūrī uses the symbol dālfor a particular source that he found in the margins of the exemplar upon which he based his edition; al-Sahāranpūrī postulates that this symbol refers to Abū Jaʿfar al-Dāwūdī's commentary of the Ṣaḥīḥ. Since no other manuscript beside Nadhīr Husayn's uses that symbol, it follows that al-Sahāranpūrī's exemplar was this very manuscript. Moreover, that al-Sahāranpūrī and Nadhīr Ḥusayn enjoyed a close relationship, al-Saharanpūrī could have easily obtained his manuscript. See al-Mubārakpūrī, Sīrat al-Imām al-Bukhārī, vol. 1, pp. 421-22. This speculation would require more evidence. It is equally possible that they both quote from a mutual manuscript that uses the symbol dāl. Moreover, accepting that the manuscript al-Sahāranpūrī refers to is Nadhīr Ḥusayn's manuscript, it was only one among many manuscripts that he used.[64]Al-Ḥasanī, Nuzhat al-Khawāṭir, vol. 7, p. 907; Taqī al-Dīn al-Nadwī, Nuskhat al-Imām al-Ṣaghānī, p. 257; idem, "Introduction," in al-Jāmiʿ al-Musnad al-Ṣaḥīḥ, vol. 1, pp. 17-18. ʿAbd Allāh ibn Sālim al-Baṣrī is on record for spending twenty years in meticulously refining and cross-referencing his personal copy of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīwith multiple manuscripts including the Yūnīniyyah. See al-Kattānī, Fahras al-Fahāris, vol. 1, p. 198. [65]He had three manuscripts of Irshād al-Sārī at his disposal. See ḥadīth no. 4406; cf. ibid., no. 4726, note 11. [66]See, for instance, ḥadīth no. 4023, note 11. Al-Qasṭallānī writes that he completed his commentary on Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīusing an impeccable secondary copy and the second part of the original Yūnīniyyah; the first half had been lost for 50 years. After completing his commentary, the lost portion resurfaced, so he used it to edit the relevant parts of his commentary. See Qasṭallānī, Irshād al-Sārī, vol. 1, p. 40. On the utility of Irshād al-Sārīfor manuscript-variants, see Jumuʿah Fatḥī, Riwāyāt al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ wa Nusakhuhu, vol. 2, pp. 816-18. [67]See, for instance, al-Sahāranpūrī, Annotations on al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, vol. 4, p. 157 (Sūrat al-Raʿd under the word dhallal). [68]There is a manuscript of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīlocated in the British Library (order no. IO Islamic 347) transferred from India that was originally transcribed by the Damascene reciter of the Ṣaḥīḥ, Ibn al-Sarrāj (d. 782 AH). The second page of the manuscript states that it was compared, inter alia, with al-Ṣaghānī's manuscript. A note on the cover page indicates that it was accessible to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Dihlawī. Given that al-Sahāranpūrī had access to the Dihlawī family library, it is not far-fetched that this was one of the manuscripts he used while editing the Saḥīḥ. However, the question remains as to where al-Sahāranpūrī consulted for variants of the Ṣaghānī manuscript: the exemplar, a secondary copy, or possibly the aforementioned manuscript. On this manuscript, see Otto Loth, A Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, p. 26, no. 117. [69]On the importance of al-Ṣaghānī's manuscript, see my previous paper, A Gem Among Stones: al-Ṣaghānī's Manuscript of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī. In the prolegomenon, al-Sahāranpūrī lists the symbols he used to indicate manuscript-variants throughout the work. For variants found in al-Ṣaghānī's manuscript, he uses the symbols ṣād/ghayn. See al-Sahāranpūrī, "Introduction," in al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, pp. 104-107. [70]See, for instance, al-Nadwī, Nuskhat al-Imām al-Ṣaghānī, pp. 270-74, no. 2, 8, 9; idem, "Introduction," in al-Jāmiʿ al-Musnad al-Ṣaḥīḥ, vol. 1, pp. 19-23. [71]Chishtī, Ḥazrat Madanī kī Sanad-e Ḥadīth wa Shuyūkh-e Sanad, pp. 187-88. [72]See, for instance, ḥadīth no. 2523 (note 17), 2709 (note 5), 4406 (note 6). [73]See, for instance, the chapter heading before ḥadīth no. 2659 under the name Zurārah. [74]Al-Sahāranpūrī, "Introduction," in al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, vol. 1, pp. 41-67. [75]Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī, Lāmiʿ al-Darārī, vol. 1, p. 146; ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Aʿẓamī, al-Taṣwībāt, p. 3. [76]In the prolegomenon, al-Sahāranpūrī says that he will quote a certain al-ʿUthmānī, which a number of scholars believe to be ʿUthmān al-Sindī's Ghāyat al-Tawḍīḥ. Mawlānā Haroon Anis compared several references to al-ʿUthmānī with two manuscripts of Ghayāt al-Tawḍīḥ. He confirms that al-ʿUthmānī refers to ʿUthmān al-Sindī's Ghāyat al-Tawḍīḥ. Moreover, al-Sahāranpūrī quotes Ghāyat al-Tawḍīḥindirectly from the marginal notes of the manuscripts of the Ṣaḥīḥhe used for cross-analysis. See Haroon Anis, al-ʿUthmānī Sharḥ al-Bukhārī, pp. 6-7. [77]On these books, see ʿAbd al-Salām al-Mubārakpūrī, Sīrat al-Imām al-Bukhārī, vol. 1, pp. 384, 405, 411. [78]Ibid., pp. 63-64. [79]Al-Sahāranpūrī, Annotations on al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, ḥadīth no. 2661. [80]Ibid., ḥadīth no. 2528 (note 7). [81]Ibid. ḥadīth no. 640 (note 10), 1125 (note 6). [82]Ibid., vol. 1, p. 74, note 3; cf. ḥadīth no. 1379 (note 13). He also cites Shāh Rafīʿ al-Dīn's marginal notes. See ibid., vol. 4, p. 151, note 2. [83]Ibid., vol. 1, p. 249, no. 377, no. 705 (note 16); cf. al-Kashmīrī, Fayḍ al-Bārī, vol. 2, p. 29. He also quotes al-Muḥallā Sharḥ al-Muwaṭṭaʾof Salām Allāh (d. 1229 AH), the son of Shaykh al-Islām. See ḥadīth no. 2311; al-Ḥasanī, Nuzhat al-Khawāṭir, vol. 7, p. 983. He also quotes ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq's Persian work Ṣirāṭ-e Mustaqīm; see ḥadīth no. 3764 (note 5). [84]In his interlinear gloss (bayn al-suṭūr), al-Sahāranpūrī occasionally quotes a certain "Mawlānā." In these instances, "Mawlāna" refers to his teacher Muḥammad Isḥāq al-Dihlawī. See Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī, Tārīkh-e Maẓāhir, vol. 1, p. 41; cf. al-Sahāranpūrī, Annotations on al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, ḥadīth no. 3387. [85]Mawlānā Yaʿqūb Nānautwī was the first to mention that Mawlānā Qāsim annotated the last five parts—based on the prevalent 30-part division of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī. But this was not something he witnessed or heard directly. See Kāndhlawī, Qāsim al-ʿUlūm, p. 74-75. [86]See the recorded conversation between Shaykh Yūnus and Muftī Taqī in https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WYuaJesLrt0([3:30 until 5:45] posted September 8, 2012; accessed November 7, 2018). [87]Under ḥadīth no. 1199 (note 8), al-Sahāranpūrī mentions that his modus operandi is to be as brief as possible. He writes, "The entire quote from al-ʿAynī is too lengthy for this footnote. Mentioning what is concise and sufficient is preferable." However, he occasionally quotes lengthy passages, but this is the exception. See, for instance, the quote from Ibn al-Humām's Fatḥ al-Qadīrunder ḥadīth no. 1183 (note 16). [88]Based on a stylistic shift in the annotations, Mawlānā Nūr al-Ḥasan and Shaykh Yūnus earlier maintained that the last three parts of the Ṣaḥīḥ, from the chapter on highway robbers (al-muḥāribīn) until the end of the book, was annotated by Mawlānā Nānautwī. See Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Qāsim al-ʿUlūm Ḥazrat Mawlānā Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautwī, p. 74-77. Nūr al-Ḥasan later wrote that in the absence of clear evidence, even the claim that Mawlānā Nanautwī annotated the last three parts cannot be made with certainty. See Nūr al-Ḥasan's response to Asīr Adrawī, p. 47. The abovementioned conversation between Mufti Taqī—who cites a personal communication with Mawlānā Nūr al-Ḥasan—and Shaykh Yūnus proves that they retracted their earlier stance. [89]For Mawlānā ʿAbd al-Jabbār's biography, see Faḍl al-Raḥmān al-Aʿẓamī, Tadhkirah Imām Muslim, pp. 100-106. [90]See, for instance, al-Kashmīrī, Fayḍ al-Bārī, vol. 1, pp. 327/vol. 4, p. 30/vol. 5, p. 266. [91]See, for instance, Jawnpūrī, al-Nibrās al-Sārī, pp. 388, 498; cf. editor's preface, p. 5. [92]Nūr al-Dīn ʿItr, Manhaj al-Naqd fī ʿUlūm al-Ḥadīth, p. 70. [93]For a study of the main currents of Ḥadīth studies in the 14th/20thcentury, see Saʿīd Mamdūḥ's al-Ittijāhāt al-Ḥadīthiyyah fī al-Qarn al-Rābīʿ ʿAshar. [94]He applied a method of editing the text of the Ṣaḥīḥthat is common among researchers today: in the presence of multiple manuscripts, assign one as the mother-text and note variants from other manuscripts in the margins. A similar methodology vis-à-vis the Ṣaḥīḥwas adopted by Abu Dharr al-Harawī, al-Ṣaghānī, and al-Yūnīnī. Al-Sahāranpūrī's methods can be extrapolated from scattered comments throughout his marginal notes. See, for instance, ḥadīths no. 74, 1675, 3365, 4428, 4430, 6626. [95]Many of his students later became important figures who shaped scholarship in the Indian subcontinent in the past century, such as Mawlānā Qāsim Nānautwī (founder of Dār al-ʿUlūm Deoband), Mawlānā Muḥammad ʿAlī Mongeri (founder of Nadwat al-ʿUlamāʾ), and Mawlānā Shiblī Nuʿmānī (founder of Dār al-Muṣannifīn). See Nūr al-Ḥasan Kāndhlawī, Ustādh al-Kull, pp. 412-13; Zakariyyā Kāndhlawī, Tārīkh-e Maẓāhir, vol. 1, pp. 33-34. [96]Traditionally, Ḥadīth books were posthumously divided into multiple parts to facilitate a structured reading or completion of the text. Sunan Abī Dāwūd, for instance, was divided by al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī into 32 parts. See al-Nūristānī, al-Madkhal ilā Sunan Abī Dāwūd, pp. 70-71. In South Asian Islamic seminaries, the division of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārīinto 30 parts is still in vogue. There is precedence for a 30-part division (with differences on the points of division) in early manuscripts of the Ṣaḥīḥ, such as the Yūnīniyyah. See Abū Hāshim, Kitāb Jabr, p. 338. A digital copy of the popular lithographic edition of al-Sahāranpūrī's edition of the Ṣaḥīḥhas a handwritten note from Shaykh Ziyad Tuklah from U.K. that Shaykh Yūnus Jawnpūrī opines that the 30-part division of the Ṣaḥīḥoriginated from al-Ṣaghānī's manuscript. See page 3 of the following copy: https://ia800504.us.archive.org/17/items/Bokhari_Hindia_Alsharnfore/Bokhari1.pdf
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
Take it to the bank – GCN Agency Award | Federal regulators put massive new financial reporting system to work
New SEC 'Language' Good News for Investors
<ed.note>O.k. I may be paraphrasing a bit but you see my point:</ed.note>
Nearly one-half of senior finance executives are not aware of the eXtensible Business Reporting Language (XBRL), a technology that provides a standard form of communication in both internal and external reporting of financial information; and nine in 10 believe that the accounting profession has not adequately communicated the benefits of XBRL for internal as well as external financial reporting, according to a national survey conducted by Grant Thornton LLP.
<ed.note>Yeah — it's not like they could have found anything about this arcane technology in the blogosphere ;-)</ed.note>


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The field operations division is responsible for the criminal and administrative enforcement of the state's alcoholic beverage laws. Certified peace officers, known as TABC agents, and civilian auditors inspect premises licensed by the agency and investigate alleged violations of the Alcoholic Beverage Code and other state laws. Increasingly, the commission has placed a greater emphasis on developing initiatives that target the problems associated with underage drinking and over-consumption of alcohol.
Both enforcement agents and auditors provide training to permit holders and their employees, upon request as well as in response to age law violations by the permittee. In addition, presentations are delivered to schoolchildren, ranging from middle schools to university settings. Finally, they provide presentations to civic organizations and other law enforcement agencies in an attempt to promote a better understanding of the law and the roles and responsibilities of the agency.


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* FTSE 100 up 1.2%, FTSE 250 up 0.6%
* Indexes bounce back after 2 days of losses
* Pound falls after PMI data, aids exporters
* Mid-cap Hochschild Mining, Coats Group underperform (Adds news items, updates to closing prices)
By Shashwat Awasthi and Yadarisa Shabong
Nov 22 (Reuters) - London's FTSE 100 surged more than 1% on Friday after two days of selling, as investors turned cautiously optimistic about a Sino-U.S. trade deal and exporter stocks rose after the pound weakened on downbeat U.K. Purchasing Managers' Indexes (PMI) data.
The main index was powered on its best day since late July by trade-sensitive scrips including HSBC and miners and further bolstered by internationally-exposed firms such as Unilever and Diageo.
The FTSE 250 added 0.6%, though gains were capped by data that showed British business this month suffered its deepest downturn since mid-2016 amid uncertainty around the general election and Brexit.
Further keeping gains in check was a 9% slide in Hochschild Mining after its 2020 output targets disappointed, and an 8% drop in thread manufacturer Coats Group after it warned on annual profit.
Hochschild shares endured their worst day since Aug. 2017, while Coats' shares hit their lowest level in two-and-a-half years.
Despite this, the mid-caps enjoyed their fourth straight week of gains, buoyed in recent sessions by polls that point to a likely Conservative Party victory in the Dec. 12 election.
A Conservative victory is seen as more likely to see through Brexit and it was this view that led the FTSE 250 to a more than one-year high earlier this week.
The blue-chip bourse recouped all losses from the past two sessions as mild risk appetite returned after a report http://bit.ly/2O6RSOl that Washington may delay tariffs on Chinese imports even if a deal is not signed by a Dec. 15 deadline.
Furthermore, comments by President Xi Jinping that Beijing wanted to work out an initial trade pact with Washington and a softer pound helped the FTSE handily outperform the broader European benchmark.
"Investors are mindful of the trade deal's importance in supporting hopes of a global economic recovery next year," FXTM analyst Han Tan said. "A further escalation in trade tensions would only undermine the world economy's growth momentum while amplifying chatter about a recession."
Trade tensions had flared earlier this week after President Donald Trump threatened to raise tariffs on Chinese imports if no deal was struck, and after the U.S. Senate backed a bill supporting protesters in Hong Kong, which drew Beijing's ire.
Shares in AstraZeneca advanced as much as 2.8% after the drugmaker won earlier-than-expected U.S. regulatory approval for a leukaemia drug. (Reporting by Yadarisa Shabong and Shashwat Awasthi in Bengaluru; Editing by Subhranshu Sahu, Uttaresh.V and Andrew Cawthorne)


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Stephen Fries: Unleash the power of cauliflower in your dishes
Earlier in the year I wrote about food trends. I said, my "crystal ball" showed that cauliflower, the humble vegetable I have enjoyed since childhood, will take center stage, and will become a healthful substitute for rice and other gluten-based foods. Perhaps it will become the new kale. It seems as if it might already be, with the products I see in supermarkets, the menu items in restaurants and the recipes in the food magazines I read. Companies such as Cali'flour and Caulipower produce several cauliflower products: pizza and pizza crusts, pasta, baking mix and tortillas. Trader Joe's sells it mashed, riced, grilled and as a cauliflower tabbouleh. And now, the vegetable I remember as a child as having only one preparation — steamed — serves as a blank canvas due to its mellow flavor; it is served as a "steak" in restaurants, incorporated into sauces, spreads, soups, casseroles and pizza, and even assweet treats. A few cookbooks feature cauliflower as the star. The cruciferous vegetable is naturally high in fiber and B-vitamins. An article published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention places cauliflower 24th on a list of "powerhouse fruits and vegetables."
Amy Lacey, author of "Cali'flour Kitchen: 125 Cauliflower-Based Recipes for the Carbs you Crave" (2019, Abrams, $19.99) said, " Cauliflower can help create elegant versions of your favorite dishes, minus the carbs and gluten, grains and other ingredients that can lead to inflammation, weight gain."
Lacey is founder of Cali'flour Foods, a national brand famous for its grain-free cauliflower-based pizza crusts, crisps, flatbreads and pasta. After being diagnosed with lupus and other autoimmune conditions, she made dietary changes such as giving up gluten and processed sugar, and her health improved. She wasn't ready to forego her favorite foods, however, so she set out to recreate them using cauliflower, the versatile superfood, and began selling her crusts online and in stores, receiving national acclaim.
The popular ketogenic diet is perhaps causing the cauliflower craze. The recipes in her book provide guilt-free alternatives for every carb-craving. You will find recipes for cauliflower rice, smoky pork burrito bowl, avocado toast ten ways, a variety of pizzas, strawberry honey pie, and nana's chocolate-chip cookies. To get you started, check out these recipes below. To save some time, you can order the crusts, flatbreads and pasta online at www.califlourfoods.com rather than making this component of the recipe. For the recipe for spinach and artichoke dip pizza, visit https://bit.ly/2VRbCqZ.
Creamy Cauliflower Soup
The headnote says, "This creamy yet ethereally light soup makes use of the cauliflower florets, stems, and core so nothing goes to waste. Anise notes from the fennel ground the soup, and a small amount of saffron adds a golden hue, floral flavor, and otherworldly aroma. Pure heaven!"
1/8 teaspoon saffron
2 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil, plus more for drizzling
1 onion, chopped
1 bulb fennel, cored and sliced, fronds chopped
2 tablespoons dry sherry (optional)
1 small head cauliflower, florets and stems cut into bite-size pieces, core thinly sliced
2 cups vegetable or chicken stock
1 cup canned unsweetened coconut milk
3/4 teaspoon sea salt, or to taste
1/2teaspoon freshly ground white pepper, plus more for finishing
2 teaspoons fresh lemon juice, or to taste
Put the saffron in a tiny bowl or ramekin. Add 2 teaspoons hot water and leave to steep for 20 minutes.
Heat the oil in a large saucepan over medium heat. Add the onion and fennel and cook until softened, 5 to 7 minutes. Add the sherry, if using, and cook until it evaporates, about 30 seconds. Add the cauliflower, stock, coconut milk, salt, white pepper, and bloomed saffron and bring to a simmer. Reduce the heat to maintain a low simmer, cover, and cook until the cauliflower is softened, about 15 minutes.
Working in two batches, transfer the soup to a blender (be careful blending hot liquids) and blend on high speed until very smooth, about 2 minutes. Rinse out the pan and return the soup to the pan. Add the lemon juice. Taste and add more salt and/or lemon juice if needed and add a little water or stock if the soup is too thick. Spoon into bowls, sprinkle with fennel fronds, add a drizzle of oil, and finish with a grind of the pepper mill. Serves 6
Buffalo Cauliflower
3/4 cup almond flour
2 teaspoons garlic powder
1 teaspoon onion powder
1/2 teaspoon sea salt
2 large eggs
1 (2-pound) head cauliflower
Extra-virgin olive oil cooking spray
1/2cup hot pepper sauce, such as Frank's
2 tablespoons salted or unsalted butter
1/2cup crumbled blue cheese
1/4cup sour cream
2 tablespoons buttermilk
2 tablespoons mayonnaise
2 teaspoons white wine vinegar
Pinch of sea salt
Celery sticks
Make the cauliflower: Preheat the oven to 450 degrees and line a baking sheet with parchment paper.
In a large, zip-top bag, combine the almond flour, garlic powder, onion powder, and 1/4 teaspoon of the salt. In a large bowl, beat the eggs with the remaining 1/41/4teaspoon salt.
Cut the cauliflower into quarters through the core, then cut out the core and leaves from each quarter in one cut. Trim any remaining core and leaves. Break the cauliflower into approximately 2-inch florets. Add the cauliflower to the egg mixture and mix to thoroughly coat.
Transfer to the bag with the flour and shake until the cauliflower is well coated.
Transfer the cauliflower to the prepared baking sheet with a little space between the pieces and spray with cooking spray. Bake for 20 minutes, or until the cauliflower is starting to brown, then flip the pieces and bake for another 10 minutes, or until well browned all over.
While the cauliflower is in the oven, make the buffalo sauce: In a small saucepan, combine the hot pepper sauce and butter and cook, stirring, over low heat until the butter is melted.
Make the blue cheese dip: Combine all the ingredients in a small bowl and mix with a fork until the cheese is well incorporated.
To serve: Place the roasted cauliflower in a serving bowl, pour the buffalo sauce on top, and toss to coat. Serve immediately, with the dip and celery sticks.
Serves 4
New Classic Hummus
The headnote says, "This recipe takes hummus to new heights by swapping roasted cauliflower for chickpeas but keeping the traditional tahini, lemon, herbs, and spices that give it its iconic flavor. For an impromptu pizza, simply spread some over a crust and top with salad veggies, a drizzle of olive oil, a squeeze of lemon, and a pinch of salt. A high-speed blender will give you the smoothest results. This recipe is inspired by the many bowls of hummus Stephanie Galland, queen of small bites and party food, has shared with me."
1 cup raw cashews
3 cups 2-inch cauliflower florets
4 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil, plus more for drizzling
11/4 teaspoons sea salt, or to taste
3/4cup tahini (sesame paste)
2 teaspoons grated lemon zest
1/4cup fresh lemon juice, or to taste
3 cloves garlic, chopped
1 teaspoon ground cumin
1/4teaspoon freshly ground black pepper, or to taste
1/8teaspoon cayenne pepper
1/3cup chopped fresh cilantro, plus more for garnish
Paprika for garnish
Put the cashews in a medium bowl and add hot water to cover by a couple of inches. Cover with a dish towel and leave to soak for at least 1 hour or up to overnight. Drain.
Preheat the oven to 450 degrees.
Put the cauliflower in a large bowl and add 1 tablespoon of the oil and 1/4 teaspoon of the salt. Toss to coat and spread over a baking sheet. Roast, stirring once or twice, until the cauliflower is browned in places and tender. Transfer to a food processor or blender; add the remaining 3 tablespoons oil, the tahini, 6 tablespoons water, the lemon zest, lemon juice, garlic, cumin, the remaining 1 teaspoon salt, the black pepper, and cayenne; and process until smooth, scraping the sides as needed and adding more water if it is too thick, 3 to 5 minutes. Spoon into a bowl, drizzle with oil, garnish with cilantro and paprika, and serve. The hummus will keep, covered and refrigerated, for up to 5 days. Makes about 3 cups.
Beet and Balsamic Hummus: Blend in 1 large roasted beet (chopped) and a splash of good balsamic vinegar, to taste.
Za'atar Hummus: Swap the cilantro for parsley and add 2 teaspoons za'atar. Finish with a sprinkle of za'atar.
What chef would you like me to interview? Which restaurant recipes or other recipes would you like to have? Which food products do you have difficulty finding? Do you have cooking questions? Send them to me: Stephen Fries, professor and coordinator of the Hospitality Management Programs at Gateway Community College, at email@example.com or Dept. FC, Gateway Community College, 20 Church St., New Haven 06510. Include your full name, address and phone number. Due to volume, I might not be able to publish every request. For more, go to stephenfries.com.
Consiglio's Cooking Demonstration and Dinner: April 24, 6:30 p.m., Consiglio's Restaurant, 165 Wooster St., New Haven, 203-865-4489 (reservations required), $75 (beverages, tax and gratuity not included). https://bit.ly/2Nd0xAg Menu: Baby Arugula, Walnuts, Gorgonzola, Pancetta Vinaigrette; Homemade Bowtie Pasta, Broccoli Rabe, Sweet Sausage; Norwegian Salmon, Baby Spinach, Roasted Garlic Sauce; Poached Pears in Puff Pastry.
Consiglio's Murder Mystery Dinner: "April Fools" April 26, 7 p.m. (doors open at 6 p.m.), Consiglio's Restaurant, 165 Wooster St., New Haven, reservations at 203-865-4489 https://bit.ly/2O3TQzQ, $65 includes dinner and show (beverages, tax and gratuity not included). An interactive comedy show that goes on throughout the evening during a 3-course meal. Cast mingles table to table, dropping clues for a mystery only you can solve. The reunion of two couples at a college class reunion does not go as planned. Or maybe it did?!!
Worth Tasting: April 27, 10:45 a.m. the first guided 31/2-hour culinary walking tour of the season, downtown New Haven, reservations required, 203-415-3519, 203-777-8550, $65. Tickets at https://bit.ly/2FjiwMP. Enjoy tasty samplings from several of New Haven's favorites. You won't be hungry after this tour. I will lead this one.
Suds & Curds beer and cheese pairing festival, April 27, 1-5 p.m., Black Hog Brewing, 15 Hurley Road, Building 9A, Oxford; general admission $60, includes 2-ounce beer and cheese samples, $80 VIP tickets include exclusive tour and tasting with master brewer Tyler Jones and cheese pairing master class with Jason Sobocinski at noon, $35 designated driver ticket includes cheese samples. For participating breweries, dairies and tickets, visit https://bit.ly/2TQpCz9.
Sip & Stir: May 1, 6:30-9 p.m., Chef's Emporium, 449 Boston Post Road, Orange, $65. Reservations 203-799-2665, If you regularly smother spaghetti with a store-bought product you pour out of a jar, it's time for you to learn to cook homemade pasta sauce. Making your own sauces might seem difficult. However, with a few simple cooking tips and tricks, you'll be on your way to preparing a fresh, exceptionally tasty sauces. You will learn how to make, basil pesto sauce, Carbonara sauce, and Bolognese sauce. You'll take some home to share with your friends and family. Feel free to bring your favorite bottle of wine or beverage to enjoy during this class. Tickets at https://bit.ly/2IcJZFE.
Seafood Paella cooking class, May 2, 6:30-9 p.m., Chef's Emporium, 449 Boston Post Road, Orange, $89. Reservations 203-799-2665. You'll learn to how to blend traditional Spanish flavors with fresh, seasonal ingredients to create this world-famous dish from Valencia, perfect for entertaining or everyday satisfying family meals. Bring your favorite bottle of wine or beverage to enjoy. Tickets at https://bit.ly/2KLfEjv.


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Do you Know the Way? Jesus said, "I am the Way, the Truth, the Life. No one comes to the Father except through Me." You can find the way at Upper Helton Baptist Church. We look forward to the privilege of showing the love of Christ to you and your family. Come and be our guest as we discover the difference Jesus can make in our lives.
As a guest we hope that you will find this site to be a good source of information as well as inspiration. If you're a member of our congregation we hope that this site will serve as a great ministry resource to you and your household. We hope that you will come here often and be informed about opportunities at UHBC.
Our Goal: "EXHALTING JESUS AS LORD"
- We have a PROBLEM—everyone is a SINNER (Romans 3:23)
- We have been given a GIFT—Jesus Christ is AVAILABLE to EVERYONE (Titus 2:10-14)
- We have a PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY toward God's free gift of GRACE (Romans 1:20)
- We can ENJOY the FORGIVENESS of all our SINS (1 John 1:8-9)
- We can EXPERIENCE this forgiveness ONLY through REPENTANCE (Zechariah 1:2-3)
- We receive God's free gift of GRACE through FAITH in Jesus Christ ALONE (Ephesians 2:8-10)
- Sunday Teachers' Prayer Time - 9:30 am
- Sunday School - all ages & Nursery - 10:00 am
- Sunday Morning Worship, Nursery & Wee Worship - 11:00 am
- Sunday Evening Worship, Nursery & Upper Helton Harmonies Children's Choir - 6:00 pm
- Wednesday Bible Study, DiscipleLand Kids, RAs & GAs, & "Transformed" Youth - 7:00 pm
TBA for men.
TBA for women.


text:
This is a Complaint / Review about NuBarter.com.
Why I'm All About NuBarter
I was married June 21, 2008 and we only had to pay cash for about 10% of our wedding. I'm so happy to be married and to NOT go into debt for it.
My beautiful dress was purchased in trade through NuBarter from http://www.thebridalshop.com/.
The engagement and wedding rings came from NuBarter member, Harkleroad Jewelers in Savannah GA.
Coosh's Bayou Rouge (www.cooshs.com) will be catering for the reception, paid NuBarter.
The flowers from the table displays to the boutonnières to the brides bouquet are comming from Flowers at Whitemarsh, paid in NuBarter
Our photographer, Bunny Ware, of Southern Events will be trading us her services through NuBarter as well. www.southernimagesphotography.com
The Honeymoon (which we haven't decided exactly where yet) Will either go to Hilton Head SC, or Savannah GA - Or maybe both! But we're trading for the hotels, restaurants, attractions tickets and shopping using NuBarter.
Wedding planning is one thing...now we have to combine two lives/households. He has two kids, I have two kids, we plan to have one together. Right now we have 4 acres with a 3/2 Mobile Home. NOT GOING TO WORK!
Our dream is to build a log cabin on our land...Just so happens that's on trade too! No really, we just put $181,230.00 in barter dollars as a down payment on a $439,000.00 log cabin home. Mountain Creations is a barter member. www.mountaincreations.com Go see the Fox Chase model on their site to see our house.
Mountain Creations is just for the kit. We also have to have someone put it together, and get all the other materials we need for it. NuBarter is helping us there too! Ruffin Trading, a NuBarter member, sells building materials on trade. www.ruffintrading.com is where we will be acquiring a lot of supplies from for our GC.
For our appliances like hot water heater, lighting, bathtubs/sauna, stove, range, fridge, etc we're going to trade with www.materialsdirect.com
Heath Allabaugh, HVAC, will be trading us for the work to put in our duct work, furnaces/air conditioner.
Your Plumber, will be plumbing the house for NuBarter dollars.
Premier Tree Service is clearing the land where the log cabin will sit. And getting site work complete for the basement to be poured.
Now we have to furnish the thing. Well when the time comes for that....we're going to be using barter for it as well! There is so much furnature available on trade.
How do I have the trade to do this? We have a couple of retail stores. One brick and mortar in Tallahassee, and two online stores. We accept trade and actively promote our products and then spend our trade on what we need for our lives.
Thank You for reading of this Complaint / Review. For viewing of other complaints, reviews or scam reports about NuBarter.com, press here. Complaint author: Synergy
Offender: NuBarter.com
Country: USA
State: All USA


text:
Business owner conducts own investigation into stolen equipment
An Omaha business owner is frustrated police aren't investigating further into the theft of his lawn care equipment and truck after he learned of a possible connection to another case.
Surveillance video outside Chop's Lawncare near 13th and Arbor streets showed two people pulling up in a Mustang around 9 a.m. Saturday. The two broke into a truck and drove off with a trailer in tow.
The truck was found abandoned hours later near 25th and Vain streets, but the trailer with nearly $20,000 worth of lawn equipment was nowhere to be found.
Steve Cap, co-owner of Chop's Lawncare, said someone saw the thieves and gave a description of the Mustang.
Cap said he and his sister searched for the car in Council Bluffs, but they had no luck, so they posted a picture of the Mustang on Facebook.
"Based on the shares my sister has gotten on Facebook, I think it just shows that the community is tired of these criminals," Cap said.
After the post was shared hundreds of times, one of Cap's employees found a missing car report that matched description of the Mustang.
"It had a lot of the same description -- the windows weren't tinted, it had a sunroof, same color same wheels," Cap said.
The owner of the Mustang told KETV NewsWatch 7 someone stole her car just hours before Cap's truck and equipment were stolen.
Authorities said Pottawattamie County deputies were involved in a high-speed chase with a stolen blue 1992 Ford Mustang on Monday, which was the same Mustang that led Nebraska troopers on a chase Sunday night.
Mark Lea, 30, was arrested on charges of theft, possession of a controlled substance, felony eluding from law enforcement and possession of burglar tools.
He bonded out of jail just hours later.
"Who knows how many people this guy violated in this crime spree, and to get out in a few hours? Seems like a joke to me," Cap said.
Officials said the owner of the stolen Mustang found a note in her car that said, "Meet me at 13th and Martha for a job," which is just blocks from where the the trailer of lawn equipment was stolen.
At this time, police have not connected the two incidents. Cap hopes law enforcement will look further into the investigation of the two cases.


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I came across a book title generator site that offers up an often hilarious solution to your titling problems in a choice of genres. So I challenged my 10-year-old niece to a story title competition.
She chose her own genre, and I chose a title for her to write a story from. She asked me to choose a genre, but wouldn't let me choose horror as that's what I write anyway. So I chose children's. I've never written for children, so I was enough out of my comfort zone to give me the handicap and level the playing field.
But then something happened to the story. I tried, I really tried, but I returned to the familiar, and it came out as horror. I just can't help it!
Just for fun, here's my story, and the title she chose for me…
Bunny of the Moon
As Hannah slammed her bedroom door, the following ripples along the wall knocked two books from her shelf, and dropped a photo frame onto its glass front. Groaning, she dropped forwards onto her bed and screamed into the pillow.
Everything about their new house was awful. Everything about their new town was awful. It didn't bode well for Hannah starting her new school next week. The whole house had a funny smell, her parents were stricter here, and her little brother even managed to squeeze a little bit more annoying out of his already more than frustrating personality. But worst of all, her best friend, the only person who understood her, and the only other person who knew about Bunny was no longer living across the street. She was more than 300 miles away. Was it so unreasonable to want to Skype her? To let her know that she was ok, that she missed her, that this new town totally sucked.
Hannah couldn't believe that her internet ban was still in place. It had been imposed back home, back in her real home, surely it didn't still count. She had to be able to Skype Cassie. For all Cassie knew, she could be dead. Lying in a ditch at the side of the road, or abducted and being held prisoner. Was it really so much to ask for just five minutes to chat? Apparently so.
* * *
Two hours later, a gentle knock at the door roused Hannah from her boredom-induced nap.
"Are you coming down for something to eat?" came her mum's voice.
Hannah replied with a grunt.
"We ordered in pizza. We've got your favourite."
Were her parents really trying to bribe her with pizza? "I don't care," she called back.
The door creaked open just a tiny bit.
"You're invading my space," Hannah groaned.
Unrelenting, her mother's foot appeared, and then a hand, and finally a face. "Sure you don't want pizza?" She waved the pizza box back and forth, filling the room with the mouthwatering scent of melted cheese and still-sizzling peperoni.
Hannah rolled away from the temptation. "No. I don't."
She heard her mum sigh, pad across the room in the ugly pink slippers she insisted on wearing, and felt her weight settle onto the bed.
"I know how you feel," Hannah's mum said.
"No you don't."
"I do. When I was your age, my parents moved us a long way from home too. I left everyone behind. But you know what?"
Hannah sat up. "I know. You soon made new friends, loved your new home, and forgot all about the people you'd left behind."
Her mum smiled and then shook her head. "No. I hated that new place. Sure, I made new friends, but I never stopped missing home. And we didn't have luxuries like Skype and Facebook back then. Me and my best friend wrote to each other every week for more than two years. But the letters became less frequent and, finally, stopped altogether. But I never forgot her. I still have all her letters in a box somewhere."
"So what did you do?"
Hannah's mum stood up, leaving the pizza box on the bed, and crossed to the window to pull open the curtains. "I looked at the moon and the stars."
Hannah slipped a slice of hot pizza from the box and cradled it in her hands. She moved from the bed and stood next to her mum.
"It's the same moon you looked at before, and the same moon that Cassie's looking at too. No matter how far away you are, there are some things that will always stay the same." She ruffled Hannah's hair. "Why don't you set up your telescope?"
* * *
Hannah peered through the eyepiece and focussed her scope on the moon. It was the same moon, the same pits and craters, the same shadows and ridges. And there was Bunny. Poor, abandoned Bunny.
When Bunny had been new at their school, with her dorky plaits, her clunky shoes, her geeky glasses, Hannah and Cassie had latched onto her straight away. She taught them about the moon, the stars, the solar system. She taught them how to use telescopes, and taught them about orbits, rockets, and propulsion. They almost liked her. Almost. But she was everything they hated. Everything they hated about who they had once been. Everything they tried to escape from. So she had to go. A one-way mission to the moon.
Hannah sat back from the telescope and smiled. However lonely she might feel, she'd never be as alone as Bunny.


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Author Affiliations
- Gert J. Ossenkoppele⇑,
- Jeroen J.W.M. Janssen and
- Arjan A. van de Loosdrecht
- Correspondence: g.ossenkoppele{at}vumc.nl
Acute myeloid leukemia is a clonal neoplasm derived from myeloid progenitor cells with a varying outcome. The initial goal of treatment is the achievement of complete remission, defined for over 40 years by morphology. However, without additional post-remission treatment the majority of patients relapse. In many cases of acute myeloid leukemia, allogeneic stem cell transplantation offers the best prospects of cure. In 2013, 5608 stem cell transplantations in acute myeloid leukemia were performed in Europe (5228 allogeneic and 380 autologous stem cell transplantations). Most stem cell transplantations are performed in first complete remission. However, despite a considerable reduction in the chance of relapse, in most studies, overall survival benefit of allogeneic stem cell transplantation is modest due to substantial non-relapse mortality. Here we discuss the many factors related to the risk of relapse after allogeneic stem cell transplantation.
Acute myeloid leukemia (AML) is a clonal neoplasm derived from myeloid progenitor cells with a varying outcome. The initial goal of treatment is the achievement of complete remission (CR), defined for over 40 years by morphology.1 Without additional post-remission treatment, however, the majority of patients relapse. In many cases of AML, allogeneic stem cell transplantation (alloSCT) offers the best prospects of cure. Apart from the conditioning regimen, the anti-leukemic potential is mainly based on the immunological graft-versus-leukemia effect. Indeed, AML is the most frequent indication for alloSCT, as indicated by data from both the European Group for Blood and Marrow Transplantation (EBMT) and the International Bone Marrow Transplant Registry (IBMTR), and the number of patients transplanted for this indication is growing year by year.2 In 2013, 5608 stem cell transplants in AML in Europe were performed [alloSCT: 5228 and autologous (auto) SCT: 380]. The rise in frequency in recent years is due to the application of reduced intensity conditioning (RIC) regimens and the expansion of alternative donor stem cell sources derived from mismatched relatives and unrelated volunteers. The total number of family donors was 2354 (1913 HLA identical and 441 non-identical) while 2863 unrelated transplants were performed, among which there were 211 cord blood transplantations. The majority of patients were transplanted in first complete remission (CR1). A meta-analysis of prospective trials and trials reporting relapse-free survival (RFS) and/or overall survival (OS) outcomes after assigning adult patients with AML in CR1 to undergo alloSCT versus non-alloSCT treatment, based on donor availability (donor vs. no-donor comparisons), showed that, except for good risk AML in CR1, alloSCT gives a significant survival benefit for intermediate and poor risk AML.3 However, despite a considerable reduction in the possibility of relapse, in most studies, OS benefit of alloSCT is modest due to substantial non-relapse mortality (Table 1).4–9 Now we are approaching a situation in which we can identify a suitable donor, either matched unrelated, haplo-identical or cord, for nearly every patient, This means that both disease-related and transplant-related factors should be carefully balanced before proceeding to an allogeneic or non-allogeneic approach after achieving CR.10 Unfortunately, even after alloSCT, a substantial number of AML patients will ultimately relapse, and in these cases survival is very poor.11 Hematologists are now facing the question "which patient should get a transplant in first remission?" Predicting relapse in an individual patient still remains a challenge. Here, we will mainly focus on factors predicting for relapse after allogeneic transplant in AML.
Transplant-related factors in relation to relapse risk after transplantation
Dose intensity is a main determinant for relapse. With increasing dosage, even at the myeloablative (MA) level, the chance of relapse decreases.12 RIC have become popular and these are being increasingly adopted. Although no prospective randomized trials have been completed, these lower intensity conditioning regimens seem to be associated with a higher rate of relapse. A retrospective EBMT comparison of conditioning regimens showed an increase in relapse rate of 23%–39% after MA versus RIC.13 Nevertheless OS benefits for MA are, at best, modest due to the increased non-relapse mortality (NRM) in comparison with RIC. Although the only prospective randomized study comparing RIC versus MA was stopped early because of slow accrual of patients, there was no significant difference in RFS, NRM and OS.14 In general, it is clear that increasing the intensity of the conditioning regimen results in more acute graft-versus-host disease (GvHD) and increased NRM. In several, but not all, studies, more intensive GvHD prophylaxis, for example by pre-transplant administration of anti-thymocyte globulin or T-cell depletion of the graft, resulted in a higher relapse rate, probably due to less GvL. Whether early donor lymphocyte infusion after T-cell depleting strategies or high-dose cyclophosphamide post transplant counterbalance NRM versus relapse is the subject of much debate and investigation.15,16 Chronic GvHD reduced the chance of relapse in many studies; however, in a recent registry study of the Center for International Blood and Marrow Transplant Research (CIBMTR), its impact seemed only clinically relevant for CML after myeloablative alloSCT and not for AML.17 In this study, cGvHD was primarily associated with a higher transplant-related mortality (TRM).
Disease-related characteristics in relation to relapse risk after transplantation
Patient-specific biological factors associated with risk of relapse after transplantation are basically the same as those in patients treated with chemotherapy only. Based on cytogenetic analysis, three risk groups for relapse can be identified, as described by Grimwade et al.18 New categories such as the monosomal karyotype associated with a very poor outcome are also used to estimate the possibility of relapse by various AML trial groups.19 Novel genomic technology has paved the way for the detection of numerous new molecular aberrations, further underlining the heterogeneity of AML, and these are also helpful to establish a prognosis. Some of these molecular aberrancies (mutations in the NPM1, CEBPA and FLT3 genes) have already been incorporated into the widely applied recommendations for standardized reporting of genetic abnormalities by the European LeukemiaNet panel of experts published in 2010 (Table 2).20 Since then, several new molecular aberrancies have been identified, some of which are clearly associated with outcome, while others are less so. The assumption that most of these aberrancies are equally important for risk of relapse after chemotherapy, as well as after transplantation, still has to be proved. Some of these novel genetic data will be discussed below.
Mutations of CCAAT/enhancer binding protein alpha
Mutations of CCAAT/enhancer binding protein alpha (CEBPA) encodes a transcription factor essential for differentiation along the neutrophil lineage. Although already incorporated into the ELN recommendations, it has become clear that only double and not single mutated CEBPA is associated with a favorable outcome.21
Mutations of the nucleophosmin gene
The nucleophosmin gene (NPM1) gene encodes for a protein that shuttles between nucleus and cytoplasm, acting, amongst other things, as a molecular chaperone of histone proteins. In addition, it is involved in other critical cellular functions, such as ribosome biogenesis and transport, and centrosome duplication during the cell cycle. Mutations consist of a 4-base pair insertion that alters the C-terminal end of the protein, leading to a nuclear export signal of the encoded protein, and thus to loss of shuttling activity. Several studies have shown a favorable impact of the NPM1 mutation on outcome in the absence of FLT3 gene mutations. In a donor versus no donor analysis, Rollig et al. recently showed that alloSCT resulted in a significantly prolonged RFS in patients with NPM1+ mutated AML. However, OS was not improved, most probably due to the fact that relapsed NPM1+ AML patients responded well to salvage treatment.22 NPM1+FLT3 ITD-AMLs are now grouped together with the core binding factor (CBF) leukemias and the CEBPA double mutants and have a good prognosis.
Internal tandem duplications of the FMS-like tyrosine kinase 3 gene
Internal tandem duplications (ITDs) of the FMS-like tyrosine kinase 3 gene occur in 20%–30% of AML cases, predominantly in those with normal cytogenetics. They are associated with a poor outcome, especially when the ratio between mutated and non-mutated FLT3 gene is more than 0.51. This is not only due to an increased risk of relapse, but also due to refractoriness to induction treatment.23,24
Expression of the ecotropic viral integration-1 oncogene
Ten percent of AML cases show high ecotropic viral integration-1 (EVI-1) oncogene expression, which predicts for a particularly poor outcome. Besides inv(3)/t(3;3), EVI1(+) is significantly associated with the chromosome abnormalities monosomy 7 and t(11q23). EVI1+ is virtually absent in favorable-risk AML and AML with NPM1 mutations.25
Mutations in DNA-methyltransferase-3A
The DNA-methyltransferase-3A (DNMT3A) enzyme plays a role in DNA methylation by transferring methyl-groups to DNA CpG islands. Mutations in this gene are detected in approximately 20% of AML cases and enriched in normal karyotype AML (CN-AML) with an incidence of between 30%–37%. Various studies have proved to be inconclusive as to the prognostic value for outcome. A recent meta-analysis showed a slightly poor prognostic impact on OS.26,27
Mutations in the additional sex combs-like 1 gene
The additional sex combs-like (ASXL)1 gene is an epigenetic scaffolding protein that assembles epigenetic regulators and transcription factors to specific genomic loci with histone modifications. The incidence of truncating mutations in ASXL1 is between 5%–12% and is always associated with a poor outcome.28
Mutations in the ten-eleven translocation-2 gene
The ten-eleven translocation-2 (TET2) gene is a key enzyme for DNA demethylation and a critical regulator for hematopoietic stem cell homeostasis, whose functional impairment leads to hematologic malignancies. Mutations are frequently found in AML. Although in most studies it is associated with a poor outcome, the prognostic relevance has not been definitively established.29,30
TP53 mutations and 17p abnormalities
The Study Alliance Leukemia (SAL) and other groups reported poor survival data in patients with abn(17p) or TP53-mutated AML.31 In a large retrospective repository-based analysis published by Grossmann et al., patients with TP53-mutated AML had the worst prognosis of all molecularly defined risk groups, with a median OS of 4.6 months and event-free survival (EFS) of 0% at three years.32
Isocitrate dehydrogenase1 and -2 mutations
Isocitrate dehydrogenase1 and -2 (IDH1/2) mutations are found in AML as well in gliomas, both with an incidence of approximately 15%–20%. IDH1 and IDH 2 are critical enzymes in the citric acid cyclus, converting isocitrate to α-ketoglutarate. Due to the mutation, 2 hydroxyglutarate (2-HG) instead of α-ketoglutarate is formed. 2-HG inhibits TET enzymes, which results in hypermethylation. This is thought to suppress expression of tumor suppressor genes. These mutations are mutually exclusive with TET2 mutations. Although the prognostic significance has still not been established, some studies have shown a poor outcome.33,34
RUNX1 mutations
RUNX1 mutations are considered to be associated with a poor prognosis. The incidence (8%–16%) is higher in elderly AML and in secondary AML.35
Mutations in other genes
C-KIT mutations especially have poor prognostic implications in t(8;21) AML and predict for higher relapse rates than unmutated cases; however, MRD status before alloSCT was more predictive than c-kit status.36 The clinical impact of expression levels of numerous other genes such as BAALC, ERG, MN1 etc., still has to be determined. How these new molecular aberrancies could be integrated into a new prognostic algorithm was illustrated by Patel et al. who applied high throughput sequencing of TET2, ASXL1, DNMT3A, CEBPA, PHF6, WT1, TP53, EZH2, RUNX1, PTEN, FLT3, NPM1, HRAS, KRAS, NRAS, KIT, IDH1 and IDH2 in over 500 patients from the ECOG E1900 trial. They showed that the mutational analysis of 9 of these genes could be used to retrospectively classify patients into more precise subgroups with favorable-risk, intermediate-risk, or unfavorable-risk profiles, with marked differences in the overall outcome.37 Another example of how molecular profiling may be helpful has been shown by Grosmann et al.38 In a large cohort of AML patients for whom cytogenetic data was available, they investigated the following molecular alterations: PML-RARA, RUNX1-RUNX1T1, CBFB-MYH11, FLT3-ITD, and MLL-PTD, as well as mutations in NPM1, CEPBA, RUNX1, ASXL1, and TP53. Five distinct prognostic subgroups were identified: 1) very favorable: PML-RARA rearrangement or CEPBA double mutations (OS at 3 years: 82.9%); 2) favorable: RUNX1-RUNX1T1, CBFB-MYH11, or NPM1 mutation without FLT3-ITD (OS at 3 years: 62.6%); 3) intermediate: none of the mutations leading to assignment into groups 1, 2, 4, or 5 (OS at 3 years: 44.2%); 4) unfavorable: MLL-PTD and/or RUNX1 mutation and/or ASXL1 mutation (OS at 3 years: 21.9%); and 5) very unfavorable: TP53 mutation (OS at 3 years: 0%). This profile, based only on molecular abnormalities, provided a more powerful model for prognostication than cytogenetics.38 Taken together, these data indicate that more detailed genetic analysis may lead to improved risk stratification
Clinical features in relation to risk of relapse after transplantation
Apart from cytogenetic and molecular prognostic markers identified at diagnosis, a number of clinical variables that can be assessed either at diagnosis or during induction and consolidation treatment might offer additional prognostic information. These include high WBC count, time to complete remission, day 15 presence of blasts, extramedullary disease, and quantifiable levels of minimal residual disease (MRD) after induction or consolidation therapy. Here we will focus on the prognostic value of MRD.
Minimal residual disease
Despite a multitude of prognostic factors at diagnosis, the outcome of patients is still highly variable and not individually predictable. It thus seems that prognosticators at diagnosis will not enable clinicians to reach the ultimate goal of truly individualized risk assessment. One important issue is that the prognostic impact of these factors in the present risk groups does not take into account the contribution of several cellular resistance mechanisms at diagnosis, and also post-diagnosis factors, which include dosage, compliance, pharmacological resistance, and probably other unknown features. These factors, which corroborate proper risk classification, are only partly covered by inclusion of CR status. However, the ability to define residual disease far below the level of 5% blast cells is changing the landscape of risk classification. This so-called minimal residual disease (MRD) approach currently enables detection of leukemia cells down to levels of 1:1,000–1:106 white blood cells, compared to only 1:20 for morphology.39,40
Methods for detection of minimal residual disease
The most sensitive method at present is real-time quantitative polymerase chain reaction (RQ-PCR). Chimeric fusion genes like PML-RARA, RUNX1-RUNXT1, and CBFB-MYH11 are reliable markers for MRD evaluation; however these genetic abnormalities are only present in approximately 20% of AML cases. NPM1 mutation is an abnormality that occurs more frequently for which mutation-specific RQ-PCR assays have been developed to monitor MRD.41 Another approach for assessment of MRD has gained increasing attention: the use of aberrant (i.e. leukemia-associated) immunophenotypes (LAIP) with flow cytometry. Currently, with this approach, aberrancies may be detected in over 90% of AML cases at diagnosis. These LAIPs consist of normally occurring markers, present in aberrant combinations in AML bone marrow (BM), while only at very low frequencies, or even absent, in normal and regenerating BM.42
Minimal residual disease in clinical studies
During the last 15 years, numerous single institute studies have been carried out, both in adult and pediatric AML, which have established the independent prognostic value of "Immunophenotypic MRD." The results of the first multicenter (31 sites) multinational prospective MRD study in adult AML (aged 18–60 years) were recently reported by the HOVON/SAKK investigators. In this study, BM MRD was assessed at five different sites in samples obtained after one and 2 cycles of induction therapy and after consolidation therapy.43 MRD measurements were performed in a blinded fashion, i.e. without knowing the patients' performance, while patients were treated according to protocol also without knowledge of MRD-related data. After all treatment cycles, low MRD values distinguished patients with relatively favorable outcome from those with adverse RFS and OS. In the whole patient group, and in the clinically most interesting subgroup with intermediate risk cytogenetics, MRD was an independent prognostic. After all treatment courses, low MRD values distinguished patients with relatively favorable outcome from those with adverse RFS and OS. Multivariate analysis after cycle 2I, when decisions about consolidation treatment have to be made, confirmed that high MRD values (>0.1% of WBC) was associated with a considerably higher risk of relapse even after adjustment for consolidation treatment time-dependent co-variate risk score and early or later CR. Similar results were obtained by Freeman et al. who used MRD assessments in a group of elderly patients. In addition, MRD determination by means of quantitative PCR of PML-RARA, AML1-ETO, CBFB-MYH11 transcripts and of mutations in NPM1 has also proven to be of value in the clinical arena.44–46
Before transplantation, MRD status in CR1 AML patients was demonstrated to be a highly valuable marker of disease recurrence and shorter OS after transplant. Several studies in patients undergoing myeloablative conditioning all show that the presence of MRD has a negative impact on post-transplant relapse risk.47–49 Recently, Walter et al. showed that the same holds true for non-myeloablative conditioning.50 An integrated risk-adapted approach on allogeneic transplantation for patients with AML is given in Table 3. This is currently being followed in the HOVON-SAKK trials and follows the ELN consensus statement, now further refined by introducing new molecular markers and MRD determination after cycle 2.
Risk of relapse after allogeneic stem cell transplantation is a composite of many factors, as described here. An estimation of this risk together with an estimation of expected treatment-related mortality should be used as a guide to determine which patient should be offered an alloSCT as post-remission treatment. It is clear that this must be an individualized, well-balanced clinical decision, which cannot be made from a single recommendation that fits all.
This review article is based on the educational manuscript from the EHA20 meeting (Vienna, June 2015).
Check the online version for the most updated information on this article, online supplements, and information on authorship & disclosures: www.haematologica.org/content/101/1/20
- Received November 20, 2015.
- Accepted November 20, 2015.
- Copyright© Ferrata Storti Foundation


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General Information
Online programs share the same goals, objectives, skills, and competencies as traditional programs offered at SCC. Students can access financial aid information, learning resources, and be advised on which program is best suited for them.
Before taking an online course be sure to review the general information.
- Applying
Students applying to SCC for an online program or course will follow the same application process as students applying for traditional programs or courses.
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Academic advising services are readily available to all students. Our staff will work with students to plan a course of study to take them from where they are to where they want to be. From learning more about what a particular course is really like to making sure students are going to be ready to complete a degree when they want to, our staff will be there to help.
- Class Cancellation
It may become necessary for the college administration to cancel a class appearing on a schedule. Normally this is done only when the enrollment for this class is not sufficient to allow it to be taught as scheduled. When class cancellations are made, our staff will work with students to find an acceptable alternative. Students are automatically dropped from cancelled classes and refunds are issued if they are due.
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Students new to internet or hybrid courses at SCC are required to complete Moodle orientation by midnight on Sunday, before the first day of class. Students that have previously completed Moodle orientation do not have to complete it again.
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Students are expected to attend at least 85% of scheduled hours in a given course. Online attendance is defined by active participation in online activities such as, but not limited to chat rooms, discussion boards, emails, quizzes, tests, and group projects. If absences exceed 15% of the scheduled class hours, instructors may withdraw the student from the course. Some courses may follow a different policy than the one previously stated and will be provided in the course syllabus.
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The Academic Support Center provides free online tutoring through the Tutor.com link available in Moodle course pages. If a link is not available within a specific Moodle course, please contact your instructor.
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