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For the past 1 year I have been using these Plugins and found them very useful when using Firefox Browser. The compatibility and robust open source is creating endless possibilities for creative users to prepare very useful plugins……..
So here are "a must plugins for Fire Fox"
Ad block Plus 1.0.1
Ever been annoyed by all those ads and banners on the internet that often take longer to download than everything else on the page? Install Ad block Plus now and get rid of them.
1-Click Answers TM will save you even more time with Answer Tips that instantly deliver the information you are looking for. Just point at any word, hold the Alt key (Ctrl in Linux) and click. Upon letting go, an Answer Tip in the form of a pop-up… For any questions or comments on the Answers add-on, please contact us:
Auto Copy 0.8
Select text and it's automatically copied to the clipboard. Like Linux or mIRC.
Auto Pager 0.4.0.2
The Auto Pager Firefox extension automatically loads the next page of a site inline when you reach the end of the current page for infinite scrolling of content. Auto Pager works with a ton of sites, including Life hacker, of course, Google…….
Download Manager Tweak 0.7.2 — Fire fox 2 only
A modification of the Firefox download manager that changes its appearance and allows it to be opened in a separate window, a new tab, or the…
For Firefox 3
Fast Video Download 1.6.1
Download video files from popular sites like YouTube, Daily motion, Break.com and more. 100% Free!
Faster fox 3.0.4
Performance and network tweaks for Firefox. 1.5 – 3.0.3 This Faster fox was edited from the faster fox 2.0.0 to work with FireFox 3.0.3
FEBE (Firefox Environment Backup Extension) allows you to quickly and easily backup your Firefox extensions. In fact, it goes beyond just backing up — It will actually rebuild your extensions individually into installable .xpi files. Now you can easily synchronize your office and home browsers.
Flash Got 22.214.171.124
Download all the links, movies and audio clips of a page at the maximum speed with a single click, using the most popular, lightweight and reliable external download managers.
iMacros for Firefox 220.127.116.11
Automate Firefox. Record and replay repetitious work. If you love the Firefox web browser, but are tired of repetitive tasks like visiting the same sites every days, filling out forms, and remembering passwords, then iMacros for Firefox is the solution you've been dreaming of! ***Whatever you do with Firefox, iMacros can automate it.***
Meebo 1.1
Instant messaging across all major IM networks built right into Firefox.
MinimizeToTray 0.0.1.2006102615+ —- Only Firefox 2.0
Minimizes Mozilla windows into the system tray. Also includes a right clickable tray icon menu to further load only the windows you want visible…
For Firefox 3
PDF Download 22.214.171.124
Use PDF Download to do whatever you like with PDF files on the Web. Regain control of them and eliminate browser problems, view PDFs directly in Firefox as HTML, and use the all-new Web-to-PDF toolbar to save and share Web pages as high-quality PDF files.
United States English Dictionary 3.0.3
English United States (en-US) spellchecking dictionary.
Update Notifier 0.1.5.4
Notifies you when updates are available for your extensions and themes. Allows quick access to your extensions and themes and the ability to check both types for any updates. Easily configurable for automatically installing updates when available and checking for updates when Firefox starts.
Cooliris 1.9.1
Full-Screen, 3D — Cooliris transforms your browser into a visually stunning, lightning fast way to search and enjoy online photos, videos and more. Just launch Cooliris from the browser toolbar and our unique "3D Wall" lets you zoom your way around thousands items on a single, ever-expansive wall. Or, to enjoy Cooliris on hundreds of supported sites such as Face book, Google Images, YouTube, and Flickr, mouse over images on the site and click the Cooliris icon that appears. See http://www.cooliris.com/product for details.
Noia 2.0 (eXtreme) 3.56
This is a fully skinned version. This theme is based on the Noia 2.0 icon set by Carlitus ( http://carlitus.deviantart.com ).
Gradient iCool
A modern glassy dark theme with unique animated interface. A perfect mixture of black and blue for your ultimate Firefox browser.
Twitter Fox 1.7.4
Twitter Fox is a Firefox extension that notifies you of your friends' status on Twitter.
Fashion Your Firefox
Foxmarks Bookmark Synchronizer
If you use Firefox on more than one computer, you'll want Foxmarks. Install Foxmarks on each computer and it works silently in the background to keep your bookmarks and (optionally) passwords synchronized. Foxmarks also keeps your data backed up and safe from computer failures. If you're away from your computer, Foxmarks allows you to access your bookmarks online by logging into my.foxmarks.com.


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There are almost 1.55 billion monthly active users of Facebook. Everyone we see around us, uses Facebook at least once a day. Every now and then, people from all over the world update many statuses and along with them, they capture their precious moments and post them. People post their pictures to share their emotions or keep their friends updated with their life.
So as people post their many precious pictures on Facebook, it is difficult for them to keep a backup Facebook photos that they ever posted. In the early days of Facebook, it was a very difficult and time-consuming task to back up all of their pictures from Facebook. But now, it is like magic. You can now backup almost all of your Facebook data and in no time.
In this article, I am going to show you how to backup all of your Facebook pictures you had uploaded on Facebook and every other private information such as messages, videos, and any other settings that you may have set. Every now and then, you should do this. Downloading your Facebook photos can prove to be very useful on many occasions e.g. you had a collection of treasured images and family photos, saved on some external hard drive, and suppose they were suddenly lost due to the hard drive failing itself, and then making the recovery of data almost impossible, then you may find yourself lucky as you may have posted most of those pictures, from where you can download and backup all of those pictures. Taking a backup from Facebook might be a good idea if you are planning on completely deleting your account, and not just deactivation it, which will result in you losing all your data permanently, forever.
So now I will tell you how to download a backup of all your Facebook photos and personal. The process is quite simple and straightforward. It will not take too much of your time.
Firstly, you have to go to your Facebook settings area. There you will see general account settings. Under general account settings, below temperature, you will see a statement which reads as follows: "Download a copy of your Facebook data". The next step is you just have to click on download a copy to start the process.
Now you will receive a notification that will be guiding you throughout the process. Now you will see a green button having the message "Start My Archive", now you have to click on this button. You will see something like this:
After you have pressed the green button saying "Start My Archive", you will receive a message which will be telling you that it might take a while to gather up all the data. If you post a lot of statuses and upload tons of images in it, then it will of course take longer. You should also have your password to hand, because you will asked to verify it for the security reasons.
After that, Facebook will show you a message which will be telling you the email address where the link for your data archive (your Facebook data) will be sent to. Basically it will be your email address with which you login.
When your data is ready for download, you will receive a notification too, which will inform you that your data is now ready for download.
And same as your Facebook notification, you will also receive an email. This email will contain a link from where you can start downloading your Facebook information.
Now you have to select the relevant email from Facebook. Then you have to click on the unique link that will be given at the end of the email. It will look something like this:
After you click on that link, you will be directed back to Facebook. After you are redirected, you will see the Download Archive link. Now you have to click on that link, and you must have your password ready.
Now you will be asked to enter your Facebook password. You just have to insert your password and press submit.
And this is it. Your data will now start to download. As I told you earlier, the size of the download will vary greatly, and it depends on your Facebook usage, and what you had uploaded over the years.
Now below, I have shown you an example of what my data looks like. Most of the users will get an HTML folder that will contain links to your various pictures, which are also included in your downloaded archive, and it will also contain links to messages, posts, and probably other interesting stuff about which you had probably forgotten. You should know beforehand that the CSS styles will not be included in them when viewed on your local computer. So you might not have the same feel or look that you might have while viewing it normally on the website.
There will also be other HTM (or html) links. Those links will contain your wall posts, videos, albums (each album will have its own link), settings, security, messages and etc.
In the photos folder, all of you pictures and albums, including your older and recent profile pictures will be stored, and they will be placed in individual sub folders. In the screen below, I have shown you an example of how my folder of photos looks like after I opened it. It has many folders of albums you had created, your cover photos, your profile pictures, photos in which you are tagged, and etc.
And in the videos folder, there will be all the videos that you uploaded, ever. You can see all of them, and recall your old memories.
So this is it. All of your data has been downloaded on your computer now. And now you have to be careful for your Facebook data, you should make sure that your backup data is saved somewhere safe, and it is saved on more than one devices, because if one fails, then you can have at least one other copy of your Facebook data from the other device.
So this is all you needed to know. Thanks for reading this guide.
How to Enable / Disable Two-Step Verification in WhatsApp for iPhone and iPad
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subset: commoncrawl


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faqs on occipital nerve blocks[/vc_column_text]
What is an occipital nerve block?
This is an injection performed in the back of the scalp area. It works well for certain types of headaches due to the occipital nerves including cervicogenic headaches, cluster Occipital Neuralgiaheadaches, migraines and what is known as occipital neuralgia.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_column_text][/vc_column_text]
Where are the occipital nerves?
These are sensory only nerves that are located in the back of the scalp. They originate on both the right and left sides at the top of the neck and provides sensation throughout the back of the scalp. There are actually two occipital nerves – one known as the greater and the other one called the lesser occipital nerve.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner column_padding="no-extra-padding" column_padding_position="top" background_color_opacity="1″ width="1/3″]
For what conditions do occipital blocks benefit?
As mentioned, these blocks are indicated for several types of headaches including migraines, cervicogenic or cluster headaches and what's called occipital neuralgia.They work very well for headaches that occur on one side of the head.
At times, headaches can also be caused by arthritis in the facet joints of the neck. For this reason, the occipital block is sometimes combined with facet injections or medial branch blocks for the neck itself.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner column_padding="no-extra-padding" column_padding_position="top" background_color_opacity="1″ width="1/3″]
How is an occipital nerve block performed?
These injections are performed as an outpatient, often right in the office. The area of maximum tenderness is palpated and then numbing medicine is placed directly under the skin. Numbing medicine is also placed in the soft tissues down to the area where the nerves are.
At this point, numbing medicine is injected over both the greater and lesser occipital Occipital Blocknerves. See the picture for more detail.
Along with numbing medicine, Pain Management Doctors may also include steroid medication or potentially, phenol. Phenol is a form of alcohol and can provide long lasting relief.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner column_padding="no-extra-padding" column_padding_position="top" background_color_opacity="1″ width="1/3″]
How well do occipital nerve blocks work?
Occipital blocks work very well for headache conditions. For cervicogenic headaches, one study showed that 96% receive six months of Pain Relief with occipital blocks (Naja ZM et al. Repetitive occipital nerve blockade for cervicogenic headache: Pain Pract. 2006).
For cluster headaches, another study showed 85% of participants became headache free for one to 4 months (Ambrosini et al, Suboccipital injection with a mixture of rapid- and long-acting steroids in cluster headache. Pain. 2005)
When it comes to migraines and occipital neuralgia, studies have also shown an 85% effectiveness rate for headache Pain Relief. This included up to six months of relief (Anthony M. Headache and the greater occipital nerve. Clin Neurol Neurosurg. 1992).[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner column_padding="no-extra-padding" column_padding_position="top" background_color_opacity="1″ width="1/3″]
An additional option for headache Pain Relief is to perform a radiofrequency ablation of the occipital nerve, which is also called a radiofrequency neurotomy or radiofrequency lesioning. This procedure involves thermal heat being applied to deaden the occipital nerves with the hopes of providing longer-lasting Pain Relief.
As a last resort, the option of occipital nerve spinal stimulator exists. This may be effective – so far studies have been small but shown effective results.
Fortunately, occipital nerves only provides sensation and no motor function. So deadening them is not a problem.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_column_text][/vc_column_text]
What are the risks with occipital nerve blocks?
The risks of these procedures are very low. There is a small risk of infection or some bleeding. If you're taking blood thinners, check with your Las Vegas-based doctor for instructions.
Rarely, occipital blocks may cause a spinal fluid leak. However, the placement of these blocks is not supposed to go past the outer part of the spine.
Overall, occipital nerve blocks and radiofrequency ablation represents a rewarding method of pain relief for numerous types of headaches. Combined with traditional treatments such as medication management, chiropractic therapy and physical therapy, they play a vital role in reducing or eliminating pain due to an occipital nerve problem.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner column_padding="no-extra-padding" column_padding_position="top" background_color_opacity="1″ width="1/3″]


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Breton Sweater - Khaki White Stripe
or make 4 interest-free payments of $19.35 AUD fortnightly with More info
A relaxed fit sweater with a boat neckline. The sweater is made from heavyweight organic cotton jersey featuring wide yarn-dyed stripes.
— 300gsm heavyweight 100% organic cotton jersey.
— Kowtow's cotton is organically farmed and free from chemical sprays and genetically modified seeds to benefit the soil and farmers.
— Dyed with Global Organic Textile Standard (GOTS) approved inks and dyes, which are free from chlorine bleach, toxic heavy metals, formaldehyde and aromatic solvents.
— This garment is made in a transparent supply chain, which works with fair trade certified farmers and manufacturers from seed to garment.


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take (someone or something) in as (something)(redirected from take it in as)
take (someone or something) in as (something)
To provide a home for someone or an animal while they are of a particular age or status. John's grandfather took him in as a boy after his parents died. We took the dog in as a stray, and now he's a part of our family. The country took me and my family in as refugees a number of years ago.
See also: take
take someone in as something
to make someone a member of an organization. We took her in as an associate at first. I took in Karen as an associate.
See also: take


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by Marcel Mutoni / @marcel_mutoni
The NBA decided to remove the center position from the All-Star ballot, replacing it with three non-descript frontcourt positions.
Though it makes sense on a number of levels, not everyone is happy with the new ballot. In fact, Dwight Howard is steaming mad about it.
Per ESPN:
"I don't like it at all," said Dwight Howard. "We work just as hard as anybody else. I don't think it's fair to take away a position which has been here for life. You need a center on the court. So I don't think it's right. That's like taking away a guard. That's how I feel. It's been that way since they started All-Star Games, so why change it now? Because centers shoot 3's now?"
"The game changes every day," said Howard. "It changes every year. You look at the game back then and now, centers are bigger, stronger, faster. Guards are bigger, stronger, faster. So the game evolves. That doesn't mean you take out a position because of the game evolving, because the players that play center are evolving also."
Howard, a six-time All-Star, seems more concerned about other centers not getting the recognition they deserve going forward.
If anything, Dwight should be happy about the change to the ballot, as more big men now have a greater chance of making the All-Star Game. Eventually, he'll come to realize that.


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That's the one-sentence summary of the Kepler orbital telescope's preliminary results from a survey of some 156,000 stars. So far, Kepler's found 1,235 planet candidates, including 68 roughly Earth-sized and 19 supergiants. More interestingly, 54 planets were orbiting in the "habitable zone" around their parent stars (i.e. the region where temperatures allow liquid water) -- and of those, 5 were Earth-sized worlds.
Okay, cool. What does this mean?
Well, it means there are a lot of planets out there. Bear in mind that Kepler detects planets by measuring the slight dimming of a star's light caused by something passing across its disk. That means that the 1,200-odd worlds are just those with orbits that happen to take them between their parent stars and the Kepler telescope. Presumably the Kepler discoveries represent only a tiny fraction of the actual number of stars it observed that actually have planets. This, in turn, means there are literally millions of worlds in the Milky Way Galaxy which could be suitable for life to evolve on.
Of course, this just raises problems. Plugging the Kepler results into the Drake Equation means there are plenty of possibly life-bearing worlds . . . so where are they?
If there are lots of places life can evolve, but we don't see any evidence of intelligent life elsewhere, there must be a bottleneck somewhere. Maybe multicellular life is a lot more rare than we think. Maybe intelligence hasn't shown up very often (Earth got along without any intelligent species until we came along). We just don't know. But we're learning more about what we don't know.
Here's more on the Kepler results from Phil Plait.


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Return to Table of Contents
<<< Previous Chapter
4. Part II: Chapters 1 – 6
Part 2 of Volume One begins with Tocqueville briefly noting that up until this section, he has only bothered with explaining the theories and structures of the government and the social state of the American union. Part 2, he writes, will be concerned with filling these theories with the substance of the power behind its words. It is the 'invisible hand' of democratic function that Tocqueville seeks to explain here.
Chapter 1 – How It Can Be Said That in the United States It Is the People Who Govern
Chapter one is only about three paragraphs and takes up only half a page. He simply reiterates the general idea of democracy, writing that although the will of the people is manifested in their elected officials, it is this same will that can depose, remove, or reelect these officials should the will be violated. Being democratic in nature, this will remains dependent upon majority rule, and as such, they are organized according to political parties—no different from any other parliamentary form of representative government.
Chapter 2 – Of Parties in the United States
Tocqueville mentions that, in some instances, countries can become so large that their boundaries end up encompassing different peoples altogether, which then pluralizes the interests of the country to such a degree that national sovereignty is compromised and separate nations are formed. Periodically, this is accompanied by civil war, as it is rival and distinct peoples who are fighting, rather than separate factions. A political party is, then, "a gathering of men who, without sharing the bond of common birth, view certain points in a certain way" (279). The citizenry and political classes can hold distinct opinions on details and notions of the implementation of law while having a generally common consensus as to the principles of government. As such, distinct parties can thrive without serving to the detriment of the federal polity.
Parties come in various forms and in service of various ends, Tocqueville writes. He refers to them as "an evil inherent in free governments" while acknowledging that "they do not have the same character and the same instincts in all periods of time" (280). He differentiates between small parties and great ones, explaining how small parties tend to dominate the political regime during periods in which "the changes that take place in the political constitution and social state of peoples are so slow and so imperceptible, that men think they have arrived at a final state" (280). The individuals of such periods grow lax and more impulsive, ceasing to think of the greater inter-generational consequences of their political actions.
Small parties, he says, are typically dominated by the egos of their leaders, speak boldly or violently, but are generally devoid of what he calls political faith. Their actions and course is confused and uncertain. "Great parties," Tocqueville says, "turn society upside down; small ones trouble it; the ones tear it apart and the others deprave it. Both have a common trait, however: to reach their ends, they hardly ever use means that conscience approves completely" (281).
Tocqueville continues on by describing the short history of the political parties in the United States up to that time. Upon the adoption of the second government, founded on the principles outlined in the Constitution, two parties became dominant. The first dubbed themselves the Federalists, who wanted to limit popular democracy and remain as close as possible to the founding documents as possible. The second: the Republicans, who, in Tocqueville's words, "claimed to be the exclusive lover of liberty" (282). The Federalists remained a minority party even while they held the Presidency under John Adams, and after Jefferson's election, they were pretty much destroyed as a party. Tocqueville regards this transition—from early Federalism to Jeffersonian Republicanism—to be "one of the most fortunate events that accompanied the birth of the great American union"; he writes:
"The Federalists struggled against the irresistible inclination of their century and country. Their theories, however excellent or flawed, had the fault of being inapplicable as a whole to the society that the Federalists wanted to govern; so what happened under Jefferson would have happened sooner or later. But at least their government let the new republic have time to get established and allowed it afterward to bear, without difficulty, the rapid development of the doctrines that they had fought." (283-284)
While not outright scornful of the Federalist, slightly more centralized system, Tocqueville's allegiance to Enlightenment principles of popular democracy are on full display once again. He goes on to remark how the key principles of the Federalist party were incorporated into the Jeffersonian Republicans fairly quickly; this happened in part because, as the Federalists disintegrated as a party, some of them crossed the aisle and begrudgingly became part of their once-opposition. This also happened because, as Tocqueville noted earlier, a fundamental respect and adherence to general governing principles across parties is necessary in the maintenance of any democratic system. As the principles advocated foremost by the Federalists lost the platform for their defense, the opposition had to incorporate them or risk destabilizing the entire early American experiment.
Amusingly, Tocqueville notes that the general placidity of the entire American polity is such that small parties are the only parties present in their system. He remarks at length:
"the United States swarms with small [parties], and public opinion splinters infinitely on questions of details. The pain that is taken there to create parties cannot be imagined; it is not an easy thing to do in our time. In the United States, there is no religious hatred, because religion is universally respected and no one sect is dominant; no class hatred, because the people are everything and no one still dares to struggle against them; finally there are no public miseries to exploit, because the material state of the country offers such an enormous scope to industry that leaving man to himself is enough for him to work wonders. But particular ambition must indeed succeed in creating parties, because it is difficult to throw someone who holds power out of office for the sole reason that you want to take his place. So all the skill of politicians consists of forming parties." (285)
The sheer lack of necessity facilitates the creation of parties whose biggest disagreements come down to the minutiae of laws and legislation, as the people themselves are not so divided amongst one another, not so aggrieved by social stresses, and not so divisively rich or poor as to have significant problems around which large narratives can be written for their political system. Epic struggles in the political sphere are only possible when epic struggles either exist already within the social state of the nation or can be ginned up to such a degree that people believe that they do.
Tocqueville mentions that, at the base of the two political parties in the United States—and no matter what name or form those parties will take—there exists either the aristocratic or the democratic motivation. These opposing views will not be their obvious or stated goals, he remarks, nor even necessarily conscious ones. The fact is merely that the polity of the American republic is and will always be divided between "the two great parties that have divided men since free societies have existed" (286).
He concludes this chapter by briefly mentioning the status of wealthy individuals with relation to the political parties of the time, and in particular, what happens to the wealthy and pseudo-aristocratic class when the democratic party has managed to obtain an effective monopoly across the government. Although all men, and in particular the rich, will espouse and defend the democratic principles upon which the republic is founded, they will in general hold a great disdain for it. That class of person, wealthy and opulent in his pleasures, yet carrying a distinct reverence for the common and the plain, reveals the hollowness of the American pseudo-aristocracy.
Chapter 3 – Of Freedom of the Press in the United States
Tocqueville begins Chapter Three with a short aside: he's not that big a fan of the freedom of the press. The press, he explains, "modifies not only laws, but also mores" (289), and as such, the impact of such a force is of his chief concern in this chapter. He explains that if a middle ground could be found between the propagandistic state press of totalitarianism and the unlicensed free press of an anarchic group could be found, he'd prefer to stake it out. However, he continues, there is no part in the chain that is both logistically feasible and morally defensible between total press freedom and authoritarian control. "You began from the abuses of liberty," he writes, "and I find you under the feet of a despot" (291).
The press, he writes of the America system, speaks with as much violence as their French contemporaries, yet for seemingly less reason. Despite being a country least likely to spill into bloodshed over political differences, he writes—some forty years before the Civil War, it's worth remembering—the press predominantly "feeds on hate and envy; it speaks more to passions than to reason; it spreads falsehood and truth all jumbled together"; he notes that "liberty cannot live without it and order can hardly be maintained with it" (293).
And yet, in spite of this the American press is less powerful than that of the French. Tocqueville believes there are several reasons for this. The first is that the American press was founded very early on in its colonial history; Americans, effectively, have grown up with the press and its attacks on established figures for nearly the entirety of the culture's existence. "The freedom to write," he explains" is that much more to be feared, the newer it is" (294). As it's not that new, it's not much to be feared. In other words, Americans simply aren't so gullible as to believe everything they read in the papers. Additionally, Tocqueville cites the sheer volume of commercial space given to advertisers in American newspapers in comparison to French ones, and the distinct lack of political discourse and letters in American papers versus their prevalence in the French counterparts.
Another factor that distinguishes the power of the American press is the distinct decentralized nature of it. French media was, at the time of Tocqueville, "concentrated in the same place and, so to speak, in the same hands, for organs of the press are very few in number" (295). By comparison, American printing presses were nearly as common as townships, and predominantly operated independently of one another. Since there are few regulations on the presses themselves, and no restrictions as to licenses or stamps for distribution, anyone can start a paper so long as they can make it affordable. He makes it clear how such a democratic approach to press freedom ensures that the market for journalistic employment is rather high; as a result, "in general journalists in the United States do not have a very high social position; their education is only rudimentary; and the turn of their ideas is often vulgar" (296). As this is the manner in which press freedom is serviced by the majority, so it becomes the rule:
"The spirit of the journalist, in France, is to discuss in a violent, but elevated and often eloquent way, the great interests of the State; if this is not always so, it is because every rule has its exceptions. The spirit of the journalist, in America, is to attack in a course way, unaffectedly and without art, the passions of those whom he addresses, to leave principles behind in order to grab men, to follow men in their private life, and to lay bare their weaknesses and their vices." (297)
How shameful! In this, at least, America has changed relatively little, even if the dominating forces in the media spheres have centralized and formed conglomerates that would have been undreamed of even in Tocqueville's France.
He finishes his look at the press by commenting on the relationship that censorship has to the swaying of public opinions. In countries where the regimes are strong and aligned against freedom of the press, it is more common to see martyrs made in the name of fair use of information and the distribution of truth or opinion. However, as the press is granted greater degrees of freedom, clearly, fewer such martyrs are to be found. The public ceases to care as much, and opinions are relegated into the background noise. Social change made manifest through the actions of the free press becomes at once significant yet simultaneously superficial and subject to immediate revision. Lasting impressions and clarity of truth have little place in the pages of a free press.
On that same note, Tocqueville mentions that due to the lack of official censorship, unspoken social guidelines and etiquette act to ban certain subjects from the public discourse to a degree even greater than the means of dictatorial censorship can. Self-censorship, when coupled with the faults mentioned above, lead toward the press becoming a mockery of itself even as it extols its own virtues. Examples of this sort of thing abound even into today's world.
Chapter 4 – Of Political Association in the United States
Association, Tocqueville writes, is an important aspect of American life in every social stratum, and becomes noticeable even in the way that the children organize themselves for their own games. Tocqueville writes in the margin:
"Of all the countries in the world, America is where the government is least centralized. It is also the one that has taken greatest advantage of association. There is a correlation between these two things." (302)
By association, he means only the coming together of persons within communities to solve various problems without the interjection of government agents. Tocqueville uses the example of patching roads or other public spaces as a crude example, but then explains the tariff concerns that plagued the early nineteenth century's political sphere. In the common people's attempts to make their grievances known to the national polity, several things took place. First, it was publicized in the newspapers, which were distributed across the nation. Next, local groups formed to choose representatives to go to Philadelphia in order to address the tariff problem before a national congregation. Upon the arrival of that congregation, the free association of people then became known as a convention, and the standard congressional model of presentation and legislation was adapted in order to facilitate the proceedings. The result was an address to the people, which stated that Congress had no right to pass a tariff in the first place, and that a lack of free trade was not in the interests of the American people. He neglects to mention what happened after these events, but for the purposes of his example, that really isn't important.
Tocqueville does note that the dangers with free association are generally avoided by the Americans due to how their ability to associate predated their political system—a system which in fact owes its existence to such a structure in the first place. Allowing the formation and protection of associations independent of the recognized town, state, and federal polities ensures the maintenance of the social fabric independent of a government bureaucracy, while the American ethos itself prevents these associations from supplanting the governmental systems.
He also notes how the nature of democracy itself ensures that associations are typically fleeting and lack significant power in comparison to the lasting institutions of government. The strength of European associations is found through their use of universal suffrage, which constitutes a "moral power given to them by the support of the majority that they always claim to represent" (308). He writes:
"In countries where universal suffrage is allowed, there is never a doubtful majority, because no party can establish itself as the representative of those who did not vote.
Thus, in America, associations can never pretend to represent the majority; they only aim to convince it. They do not want to act, but to persuade; in that, above all, they are different from the political associations of Europe." (308)
As expected of Tocqueville, his insight into the mechanisms of democracy anticipates the future of the American polity. He notes ominously that such freedom to associate pushes society into a state just short of anarchy, as it allows the formulation of groups that act independently of the governmental structures. And yet, "in countries where associations are free," he writes, "secret societies are unknown. In America, there are agitators, but not conspirators" (309).
Chapter 5 – Of the Government of Democracy in America
Much of the fifth chapter covers a broad and very wide-ranging variety of topics divided up into numerous small sections. I have organized them here in three parts roughly according to their subjects.
Democratic Instincts and Their Influence
Tocqueville gives the topic of universal suffrage greater attention in this chapter, immediately explaining that the principle, as executed in America, leads to neither the sort of valor nor degeneracy that one could expect in Europe. He remarks that it is "with surprise to find out how common merit was among the governed and how uncommon it was among those governing", and then he attempts to explain why he believes this is the case (315):
"It is impossible, no matter what you do, to raise the enlightenment of the people above a certain level. Whatever you do to make human learning more accessible, improve the methods of instruction and make knowledge more affordable, you will never be able to have men learn and develop their intelligence without devoting time to the task." (315)
So the longer one spends studying the arts and humanities, the histories, and the philosophies of politics, the less time one has to actually govern, run his business, and maintain a stable home life. Tocqueville continues by noting how "democratic institutions develop the sentiment of envy in the human heart to a very high degree, not so much because they offer each person the means to become equal to others, but because these means constantly fail those who use them" (316). The manipulation of public opinion has a bigger place in democratic politics than in other forms of government, and the use of such manipulation is easily wielded by various human vices. It is therefore hardly a surprise when those who rise to the top of democratic electorates are those most adept at this manipulation and, presumably, those more susceptible to such vices.
Additionally, Tocqueville mentions how it is a distinctly democratic instinct in societies for the lower classes to be so intensely distrusting of the upper classes. Americans, he notes, while less harsh on this point than the French, still tend to avoid desiring upperclassmen in positions of political power for very long. He comments that Americans "have no hatred" for them, but "they feel little goodwill toward them and carefully keep them out of power; they do not fear great talents, but they appreciate them little" (316-317). This is all due to the influence of universal suffrage. Such a policy has benefits, Tocqueville writes, but ensuring that good decisions among the polity become matters of policy is not one of them.
From here, the topic shifts to how these democratic instincts have in-built corrections. He begins with the fact that when the State is endangered, "you often see people happily choose the citizens most appropriate to save them" (318). The cause of individuals to rise to occasions of hardship or to fall before them is repeated in the macroscopic scope of entire societies; the same pattern emerges. That said, of course, times in which societies are imperiled are generally rare. Tocqueville points out that even if "temporary events sometimes succeed in combating the passions of democracy, enlightenment and, above all, mores exercise a no less powerful and more enduring influence on its inclinations" (319). The social state, the culture, always exert the greatest influence on who will hold the offices of power, he explains, and then contrasts the legislatures of New England, the South, and the newly-settled Midwestern states as examples.
"When you enter the House chamber in Washington," he continues, "you feel struck by the vulgar aspect of the great assembly" (320). Even the nation's House of Representatives remains populated by the obscene, and yet, Tocqueville mentions, the Senate maintains its hold on decency and the upstanding mean of the society. He writes that the reason for this discrepancy is due to how the Senatorial elections are removed by a degree from the passions of universal suffrage. While Representatives are voted upon by the electorate directly, Senators are chosen from and voted upon by the state legislatures from which their power is derived. As a result, not only do Senatorial positions come with greater prestige, they tend also to attract men of greater status and dignity. "So the men elected in this way always represent exactly the governing majority of the nation;" Tocqueville writes, "but they represent only the elevated thoughts that circulate in its midst, the generous instincts that animated it, and not the small passions that often trouble it and the vices that dishonor it" (321).
Tocqueville shifts gears here to address the influence of democracy upon the electoral laws, officials, and magistrates of the American system. He repeats his earlier sentiment that that frequent elections add instability to the society that doesn't exist in more authoritarian systems, and as a result, "on one hand, there is a chance of uneasiness for the State; on the other, a chance for revolution; the first system harms the goodness of government, the second threatens its existence" (322). America, obviously, has attempted to make use of the former rather than the latter. The possibility of sudden administrational or legislative change during an election remains an obstacle to laying long-term social plans at in the political institutions.
He continues with a very brief examination of public officials. "In the eyes of democracy," he writes, "government is not a good, but a necessary evil", and as a result, the cultural garb attached to public officials as such is relatively minor (324). The prestige of the office is not worn with either regality or high-mindedness as Lordship or aristocracy in the Old World. The office remains the key point on which respect hinges, not necessarily any singular ego who steps into that office.
Tocqueville also stresses here the importance of salaried positions in the public sphere. "I regard the complete absence of unpaid offices as one of the most visible signs of the absolute dominion that democracy exercises in America", he writes, going on to explain how such offices imply that "each person has, not only the right, but also the possibility of rendering" the services of those offices (326).
This leads into his comments on the magisterial positions in American democracy. The power that the authorities wield in democratic States is, in Tocqueville's words, "still greater than in despotic States" (328). Because the authority is held to an elected cycle, the electorate is more willing to let the authority keep degrees of freedom that wouldn't normally be tolerated without mass dissent in more totalitarian societies. He continues:
"In these [despotic] States, the sovereign can punish in a moment all the misdeeds that he notices, but he cannot flatter himself that he notices all the misdeeds that he should punish. In democracies, on the contrary, the sovereign is simultaneously omnipotent and omnipresent. You see, therefore, that American officials are much freer within the circle of action that the law traces for them than any official in Europe. Often the Americans limit themselves to showing officials the end toward which they must aim, leaving them with the authority to choose the means." (329)
Point the politician in the right direction and let him work, so the case seems to be. This should not sound all that dissimilar from the general American ethos, which is Tocqueville's whole point. He contrasts this against the State of monarchical regimes, in which princes distrust their own magistrates, the people distrust their princes and the magistrates, and the magistrates, if given over to the electoral process, find ways of abolishing the princes and becoming dictators.
Democratic Administration and Expenses
"Men hold power only for an instant and then are lost in a crowd that, itself, changes face every day; as a result, the actions of society in America often leave less trace than the actions of a simple family." (331)
With this, Tocqueville notes how poorly disposed to historicism the American experiment really is. American life is fueled by its day-to-day operations; Americans have, in general, little respect for the administrative organization that prevails in England or France. As Tocqueville sees it, America as a government sustains itself without much interest in posterity. He is quick to point out, however, that there is a countermeasure to this: democracy presupposes and—if it is to function—"a very civilized and learned society"; Tocqueville explains that "it is better suited to a people whose administrative education is already formed than to a people who are inexperienced novices in public affairs" (332). This explains why democratic systems, although at first glance a most rudimentary system of organization, often come about only after the reign of kings or tyrants, and also why they frequently don't last very long. The system itself relies upon a social state that it rarely does anything to foster or maintain. Tocqueville even mentions how "democracy, pushed to its extreme limits, harms progress in the art of governing" (332).
From here, Tocqueville gets into the manners in which democracy impacts economics and, in particular, public expenditures. He comments on the fact that free societies will always have greater expenditures than despotic ones, writing that "despotism ruins men more by preventing them from being productive, than by taking the fruits of production away from them" (333), although it's conceivable that despotism does both by equal measure in modern times. With this as a foundation, Tocqueville makes several insightful remarks on the relationship between class, lawmaking, and social welfare.
First he explains that there are generally three distinct classes of wealth in any given free society. There are the rich, the middle-class—whom he explains as having enough to live comfortably but lack considerable fortunes—and the lower class, or those who generally lack properties and "live particularly from the work provided to them by the first two classes" (334). When any one class is given control over the legislation of laws, he says, certain tendencies can be expected. Wealthy law-makers are less inclined to be careful with the public purse, as taxes that affect mildly the fortunes of the populous would little affect those with great wealth. The middle class, however, would restrain the use of the purse for exactly the same reason: the middle class feels taxation the most, and is more likely to restrain itself and live according to the comforts its already afforded. The lower class, however, are likely to legislate monetary policy from which only they can profit from—having no considerable taxable property in the first place, any public services they legislate into being will be paid for only by the classes above them on the wealth scale. "In other words," Tocqueville remarks, "the government of democracy is the only one in which the one who votes the taxes can escape the obligation to pay them" (336).
The result of universal suffrage is, by its very nature, the latter form of monetary policy. Tocqueville notes how the "unfortunate influence that popular power" wields "made itself clear in certain democratic republics of antiquity, in which the public treasury was exhausted to help indignant citizens, or to give games and spectacles to the people" (337). The purse, when wielded by those unable or unwilling to contribute to it, is inevitably corrupted into a vessel of democracy's destruction. He does offer some consolation, however: "[t]he profusions of democracy are, moreover, less to be feared the more people become property owners, because then, on the one hand, the people have less need for the money of the rich and, on the other hand, they encounter more difficulties establishing a tax that does not hit them" (337). In other words, keep the markets strong and lift the poverty level to such a height that even the poorest among the society possess taxable property, and the tax policy in a democratic system eventually sorts itself out.
His last bit on the topic of expenditures concerns the in-built preference to ameliorate the vessels of power in any given institution, and the manner in which money is particularly necessary for this end in democratic societies. This touches on the relationship between political and administrative centralization that was addressed in earlier segments, and the dangerous impulses present in the rampant growth of a bureaucratic State.
Tocqueville briefly addresses the topic of how public salaries are decided upon, which is an extension of the topic on dispensation of public moneys. The explains the general problem of making clear to a democratic people the importance of compensation for public officials and the difference in salary between the civil servant and the farmer from whose property the salary is funded. He makes note that "salaries seem in a way to decrease as the power of the officials grows greater", referring to the greater responsibility incurred at higher offices offset by the seemingly diminishing return of compensation (341).
On the economic impulses of democracy, Tocqueville spares only a few words, and they tap into the same general ideas he has touched on already: the relationship between the political state and the social state of the nation. Economic policies—what the government has chosen to subsidize and what it has chosen to ignore—are based principally upon the laws, obviously, but they are indicative of that society's culture. He explains:
"If Americans have never happened to spend the people's money on public festivals, it is not only because, among them, the people vote the tax; it is because the people do not like to enjoy themselves.
If they reject ornament in their architecture and prize only material and real advantages, it is not only because they are a democratic nation, but also because they are a commercial people." (344)
A free society guarantees the people's will is made manifest through the government's use or abuse of the public purse. With this in mind, Tocqueville then gets into some even briefer comments on tax revenue and a short section in which he attempts to compare the tax revenue of France with that of the United States. He concludes his sections on the administration and expenditures of democratic systems with the observation that the American democracy is both fairly uneconomical and expensive to maintain. The presence of such varying classes of officials, the varying backgrounds of magistrates, and the democratic order itself all exacerbates the generally use of money. "[A]nd I am not afraid to predict that," Tocqueville concludes, "if great difficulties came one day to assail the peoples of the United States, you would see taxes among them rise as high as in most of the aristocracies or monarchies of Europe" (356). Indeed, we have already surpassed them.
The Capacity of Democracy to Govern
Tocqueville now sets his sights on the nature of corruption. Aristocratic systems naturally have fewer men involved in the direction of governance, and as such, these men can be bought more easily and their power more harmfully put to use. Democracies, however, have power distributed too widely across the government, too many people involved, for the buying out of politicians to be worthwhile. In the former case, "the officials are corrupted," Tocqueville explains, while in the latter "the people themselves" (357).
The corruption of a democratic government exists at the tail end of the same causal chain which affects all other aspects of democracy; the social state of the people is always reflected in the state of the government and the policies it decides. As such, the more a democratic government falls into a state of corruption, the more it can be said that the corruption originated not from a handful of individuals in that government seeking to gain power, but rather from the very social fabric of the democratic order itself.
Aristocratic systems, Tocqueville believes, have countermeasures in place that prevent this sort of social upheaval. "In the corruption of those who gain power by chance," he writes, "something crude and vulgar is disclosed that makes it contagious to the crowd; on the contrary, there reigns, even in the depravities of great lords, a certain aristocratic refinement, an air of grandeur that often prevents its spread" (358-359). The nuance of courtly life and politics elevates the entire affair, often to the point that seems absurd to the common man. However, the basic notions of the public purse, offices of power, and favoritism are easily graspable even by the man who toils in the fields.
This pessimism makes its way into the next section, where Tocqueville addresses a people's tendency toward short-term goal indulgences rather than long-term ones, and how democracy in particular exacerbates such impulsiveness. He comments on how the laws, "appear favorable to those who, everywhere else, have the greatest interest in violating [them]", specifically because they are made by the people themselves (364). In areas of the country were 'enlightenment' is less-spread out and the dangers of the frontier are more ever-present, law and order are, predictably, more rough-and-tumble. The laws are carried out in service to the immediate need, but with little regard to a lasting future. Especially the Spanish countries of South America, he comments briefly, are susceptible to rash impulsiveness to such a degree that they have been in varying states of revolution up to the time of his writing:
"The people who inhabit this beautiful half of a hemisphere seem obstinately bound to eviscerate themselves; nothing can divert them. Exhaustion makes them come to rest for an instant, and rest soon brings them back to new furies. When I consider them in this alternating state of miseries and crimes, I am tempted to believe that for them despotism would be a benefit.
But these two words will never be found united in my thought." (366)
Tocqueville concludes chapter five with some statements on the democratic management of foreign policy. Presidents Washington and Jefferson, he believes, had the more influence on American foreign policy than any other two figures of the country's short history. He cites Washington's general sentiments favoring isolationism, or at the very least, detachment from European affairs and skepticism toward European influences foremost. Jefferson, similar, reiterated the Washingtonian spirit. The fundamental issue was this: "'The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave'", Tocqueville quotes the first President, "'It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection'" (368). Such sentiment, put most fully into practice by Jefferson, ensured that America would limit itself primarily to the affairs of its own continent and hemisphere, a strategy that also ensured that it had little to fear from foreign interests. It was simply too small, and its neighbors not powerful enough, to have much to fear.
That said, Tocqueville holds up little respect for democratic management of foreign affairs. Democracy is quite adequately suited to managing the day-to-day operations of a people, he explains, as it is exactly the sort of ground-up organization that makes day-to-day operations streamlined. Foreign policy, however, requires an understanding of logistics and a need for planning beyond the mere day-to-day operation. The impulsiveness, couple with the administrational decentralized nature, of democratic countries can obfuscate the interests of the people versus the interests of the nation. Peoples can form groups and majorities, and sometimes those groups will work to service the ends of foreign governments or external interests—and this almost always works to the detriment of the whole nation. Democracy, unorganized as it is, and based on a system of elections as it is, can fall prey to those interests.
Tocqueville goes on to illustrate how easily swayed public opinion can be by citing America's reaction to the French Revolution:
"The inclination that leads democracy in policy matters to obey sentiments rather than reasoning, and to abandon a long developed plan for the satisfaction of a momentary passion, clearly revealed itself in America when the French Revolution broke out. The simplest insights of reason would suffice then, as today, to make the Americans understand that it was not in their interests to get engaged in the struggle that was going to cover Europe in blood, and from which the United States would suffer no harm." (371)
Aristocracy, by contrast, maintains a much more rigid hold on foreign matters. Plans involving other nations, which naturally take longer to see to fruition than typical domestic policies, are not interrupted by the replacement of officials via the election process. Likewise, aristocracies are more limited in the number of men involved in decision-making as well as the backgrounds that they are from, which provides measure to their consensus. In comparison to the workings of democratic government, Tocqueville holds no reservation as to which is more convenient when dealing with the affairs of other sovereignties.
Chapter 6 – What Are the Real Advantages That American Society Gains from the Government of Democracy?
"Every time that the government of a people is the sincere and permanent expression of the will of the greatest number," Tocqueville begins chapter six, "that government, whatever the forms, is democratic" (375-376). He speaks here not specifically of American democracy, but of the entire theory of the system. Defined as such, democracy thus can apply to monarchical systems, republics, confederacies, or most other forms of government that are not intrinsically totalitarian or administratively centralized. Although he does admit that the republican system is most suited to democracy, he writes that he does "not believe that it is a necessary consequence" (376).
That said, however, he also reiterates what he explained in the first part of the book: that American institutions are but one method in which democracy is made political, and that in writing this chapter, he does not intend to espouse such methods as necessarily the best. Because the social state of democracy comes in such various forms, he believes that there can be no one most optimal and measurable method in which democracy is carried out in service of its people.
Tendency of the Laws & Instincts of Executors
Legislation under democracies is, as Tocqueville points out, much less optimized than aristocratic legislation, although it reflects more fully the will of the people under democratic systems. He considers it "more useful to humanity" than the aristocratic alternative, but acknowledges that "its advantages end there" (378). Aristocratic legislation tends to push for laws that push wealth toward higher strata of society and seek to keep the classes distinct; aristocracy necessarily is a form of minority-rule rather than democracy's alternative of majority-rule.
That said, however, aristocratic legislation generally leads to more stabilized societies; Tocqueville points out how "aristocracy is not subject to passing impulses; it has long-term plans that it knows how to develop until the favorable opportunity presents itself" whereas democracy's laws "are nearly always defective or ill-timed" (378). The temperance of the aristocratic class is such that its fundamental nature is oriented toward leading the nation and its people.
Democracies, because they are less rigid and stable, are more capable of correcting legislative mistakes quickly and with minimal damage than aristocratic systems are. Similarly, elected officials have the ability to be quickly replaced in cases where the legislators themselves are causes of problems. As a result, Tocqueville notes that "if the democratic magistrate exercises power worse than another, he generally holds it for less time" (380).
In any case, the distinction between the aristocratic and democratic methods is clear not merely in their varying approaches to legislation, but also in the nature of those who hold the public offices. Democratically elected positions invariably end up predominantly populated by cruder persons for reasons Tocqueville outlined in earlier chapters, whereas the very purpose of an aristocratic class is to produce people undisposed to common vulgarity. As a result of this, in combination with the manner in which aristocratic governance values minority-rule, aristocratic societies can become conceivably greater than democratic ones, though while harboring even greater depths of misery at the same time. Tocqueville uses England as an example: "the greatest extremes of fortune are present together, and the miseries are found there that nearly equal its power and glory" (383). He continues by examining the democratic alternative:
"So there is, at the heart of democratic institutions, a hidden tendency that often makes men work toward the general prosperity, despite their vices or errors, while in aristocratic institutions a secret inclination is sometimes uncovered that, despite talents and virtues, carries them toward contributing to the miseries of their fellows. In this way, in aristocratic governments, public men can do evil without wanting to do so, and in democracies, they can produce good without thinking to do so." (383)
His Enlightenment streak comes to the surface yet again as he elaborates on his assertions. The law, despite intended to bolster the civic wellbeing, all too often results in bolstering vice. In referring to this tendency, he asks, "is prosperity in the world the reward of error and folly; are miseries the recompense for skill and reason?" (384). The freedom of Man's will, Tocqueville believes, limited by causes beyond his understanding and factors behind his control, seems too arbitrary to be legislated effectively by any one form of government.
Tocqueville continues from here into the topic of patriotism and public spirit. National passions as such "encourages great episodic efforts rather than continuity of efforts", he writes; "[a]fter saving the State in time of crisis, it often leaves it to decline amid peace" (385). Monarchical regimes tend to foster a sort of natural patriotism, inasmuch as there is a definite leader and that leader's strength becomes a source of national pride. Patriotism under republican governments, by contrast, Tocqueville considers more thoughtfully; such governments still draw patriotism from strength, but more strength of a whole people rather than the strength of a people as its manifested in the ruling monarch.
Patriotism is prone to its faults, however. Failures arise as the culture fragments, the government becomes weakened by an irregular or incohesive social state, and men revert to purely self-interested egoism. Tocqueville believes that it is only through the union of civic duty with civic pride that patriotism and functioning democratic government can survive. General public spirit has waned as peoples across the West have gotten more enlightened and sophisticated; as such, a direct object of political action must be tied to national pride. He writes that "the most powerful means, and perhaps the only one remaining to us, to interest men in the fate of their country, is to make them participate in its government" (387). Americans, having effectively accomplished this, seem to operate as though the State was an extension of their own homestead, caring for it as they would care for their own personal property. The American citizen, Tocqueville explains, "values his rights as a citizen as his rights as a proprietor, and he takes an interest in the State as in his cottage or in the field that his labors have made fruitful" (388). As a result, it is not necessarily the good that Americans value in their country, but rather the pride they have taken in their work for it.
Rights and the Respect for Law
Rights, Tocqueville asserts, are the foundation of any just society, and in fact, are the form that virtue takes when it becomes the object of political discourse. "There are no great men without virtue," he writes, "without respect for rights, there is no great people" (389)
In order to explain the difference between American and European arguments over rights, Tocqueville uses the analogy of children who play with toys. As the children play together, they learn the importance of understanding their own toys; this understanding matures into an understanding of property rights in adults. In America, where everyone has a stake of property to defend, Tocqueville makes clear that there is no proletariat who has no concept of personal ownership. From the understanding of property rights, the whole spectrum of political rights becomes comprehensible; men of common cloth legislate in accordance with the same understanding of rights out of the mutual self-interest that their rights are respected inasmuch as they respect the rights of others. It's important to note that, by this logic, as the responsibilities of private property are diminished in any stratum of society, the subsequent respect for the rights of others declines as well.
He caps off his brief mention on the topic of rights in democracies with this:
"The child inflicts death when he is unaware of the value of life; he takes property from others before knowing that someone can rob him of his. The common man, at the moment when he is granted political rights, finds himself, in relation to his rights, in the same position as the child vis-à-vis all of nature. In this case the celebrated phrase of Hobbes applies to him: Homo puer robustus." (392)
The citizenry can enjoy their rights only insomuch as they understand how to use them, according to Tocqueville. Any society that loses sight of their rights and their purpose will be an unjust society no matter how legislated and regulated it tries to be.
Fittingly, his next topic concerns the respect for law in America. Because democracies guarantee the interests only of the majority, and not of the total polity, the understanding exists that the rule of law must be respected or the entire country collapses into anarchy. Even if a citizen's interests are not one with the majority's at a given time, there is high likelihood that his interests will correspond with the majority's in the future. That said, those in a society with the least to lose are often the most powerful voices in a democratic State; the rich, with the interests of their wealth at stake, find themselves less powerful than in aristocratic regimes in Europe for the same reason. As a result, those with more wealth tend to be more inclined to respect the law—even in cases where they break it—than those who have nothing to lose.
The freer a society, Tocqueville writes, the more the interests of the people are oriented toward self-improvement. The betterment of the culture and society are not the yoke of an aristocratic elite alone, and as such, all civic men feel the importance of improving the social and political states. Progress, that Enlightenment demon, seems to haunt Tocqueville's thoughts on the subject, even has he acknowledges the drawbacks of such thinking earlier in this very chapter.
That aside, he acknowledges the bustling social and political climate of the American polity. All citizens are engaged in work, and they are engaged not merely in the work of maintenance but in the work of improvement as well. This echoes downward into their very social habits and mores. "An American does not know how to converse, but he discusses;" he writes, "he does not discourse, but he holds forth. He always speaks to you as to an assembly; and if he happens by chance to get excited, he will say: Gentlemen, while addressing his interlocutor" (397).
Tocqueville ends this chapter by briefly addressing once more the various aspects of human nature that democracy brings out. It is not a system that is necessarily best oriented toward the elevation of Man toward his most virtuous standing, nor toward the creation of high art, glory, or long-term undertakings of massive scale and greatness.
"But if it seems useful to you to divert the intellectual and moral activity of man toward the necessities of material life, and to use it to produce wellbeing; if reason appears to you more profitable to men than genius; if your object is not to create heroic virtues, but peaceful habits; if you like to see vices more than crimes, and prefer to find fewer great actions, on the condition of encountering fewer cases of heinous crimes; if, instead of acting within the bosom of a brilliant society, it is enough for you to live in the midst of a prosperous society; if, finally, in your view, the principal object of a government is not to give the entire body of the nation the most strength or the most glory possible, but to provide for each of the individuals that make up that society the most wellbeing and to avoid the most misery; then equalize conditions and constitute the government of democracy." (400)
And the times are changing, he writes, repeating his sentiments from his introduction. The democratization of the West was sweeping with furor in the wake of Enlightenment schooling. The future, Tocqueville believed, belonged to the throngs of people looking to improve their material lot in life, where religion had receded and traditional governance offered no consolation. Only in the body of the State would such a polity find meaning, he believed. To some degree, he seems to have been right. At least for so long as a democratic social ethos could distract its citizens from the metaphysical questions that it ultimately was not equipped to answer. Feeling that now, as our democratic institutions have been corrupted and the democratic social ethos of Tocqueville's time has eroded to irresponsibility and vice, it seems that the West needs courage of the sort that only the grandeur of the ancient regimes could muster.


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NEW YORK (AP) - Wall Street posted a sizable advance yesterday after the government reported a larger-than-expected increase in orders for big-ticket manufactured goods.
The Department of Commerce said orders for durable goods jumped 1.3 percent in July compared with the previous month, led by a big gain in demand for commercial aircraft.
Durable goods orders reflect business spending and are also an indicator of consumer confidence.
"The strength in durable goods is just the latest indication that manufacturing is actually holding in quite well and that's a really big plus," said Stuart Schweitzer, global markets strategist at J.P. Morgan's Private Bank.
Advancing issues outnumbered decliners by about 3-to-1 on the New York Stock Exchange, where consolidated volume came to a light 3.42 billion shares.
Copyright 2008 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.


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Like many people in America, I went to Trader Joe's on a recent Sunday. Unlike other shoppers, though, I parked around the back near the loading dock and hauled away seven trash bags and cartons stuffed with food the store wasn't going to sell. Seven minutes later, I pulled up at the side entrance of a men's homeless shelter, rang the bell and watched as two staff members unloaded the food.
That was fun.
So later in the week, I did it again, this time on foot in New York City, as part of a group that rescued surplus fried chicken and biscuits from a restaurant and delivered it to a nearby emergency family shelter.
By some estimates, about 40 percent of all food in America is wasted. Much of it ends up in landfills, where it emits dangerous-to-the-planet methane gas. (Each methane molecule traps 100 times more heat than carbon.)
At the same time, one out of eight American households don't have enough to eat.
"Hunger in the United States doesn't make any sense," said Kevin Mullins, executive director of Food Rescue US, which organized my Trader Joe's errand.
Wasted food. Hungry people. How do we get the two to meet?
One answer is: Create an app. Just as Airbnb connects producers and consumers of short-stay housing, and eBay connects producers and consumers of, well, everything, new apps can connect stores and restaurants with soup kitchens, pantries and shelters that need their excess food. And apps can also organize volunteers who make the deliveries by car, bike or foot power.
Organizations like Food Rescue US and Rescuing Leftover Cuisine — a new, smaller organization that sent me on the fried chicken pickup — make volunteering simple and painless. It took about a minute to sign up and get access to a calendar of food rescue tasks; I picked convenient ones and downloaded complete instructions. Mullins argues that this strategy is the only way to scale up, because it's cheap — few staff, no trucks, no warehouse. His organization works in 11 regions and plans to be in at least 50 by the end of 2018. Dozens of other such groups exist around the country.
Last month, however, food rescue made a leap to a national scale. Feeding America is the national network of 200 food banks — large food warehouses that supply local soup kitchens, food pantries and shelters in every county in America. Until now, a restaurant, store or catering service with excess food (unless it was a regular on the organization's pickup list) had to call around to various feeding programs to see which one wanted food and could come to get it. Or the store could call the food bank, which would pick up the food if the donation was large enough, then refrigerate it, and distribute it the next day.
Now Feeding America matches donors and recipients with an algorithm. A restaurant can go on Meal Connect to post an offer of, say, eight trays of fried chicken and biscuits. Meal Connect will automatically match that offer with the closest food pantry or soup kitchen that can get it up right away.
Diana Aviv, Feeding America's chief executive, said that Meal Connect makes it possible to rescue prepared food and smaller quantities of food — and to do so quickly. "This allows us to provide real hot meals — virtually at the same time that someone coming off the street and paying for it would get it," she said.
Food rescue in America began in 1981, when Helen verDuin Palit, a soup kitchen manager in New Haven, ordered potato skins at a nearby restaurant. She asked the chef what he did with the insides of the potatoes, and he told her he threw them out. "We could really use those potatoes," she said. The next day, the soup kitchen received 30 gallons of cooked potatoes.
The next year, Palit founded City Harvest in New York.
Today, City Harvest rescues and delivers 55 million pounds of food a year, most of it fresh produce. New York City has 1.4 million people who can't put food on their table. It's not clear how many of them eat because of City Harvest, but it's a lot.
The group picks up donations — from farms, manufacturers, supermarkets (Fresh Direct donated 2.5 million pounds of food last year), caterers, hotels, bakeries, synagogues, meal kit services such as Blue Apron (three million pounds), restaurants, greenmarkets and the world's largest wholesale produce market, Hunts Point in the Bronx. Lisa Sposado, City Harvest's director of food sourcing, said that 9 percent of the produce in America passes through Hunts Point. (Here is a list of City Harvest's biggest food donors.)
Perishable food then goes directly to food pantries, soup kitchens and mobile produce trucks that park in food-insecure neighborhoods. The organization has 22 refrigerated trucks, including two tractor-trailers. Nonperishable foods and excess perishables — a truckload of apples, for example — go to the 45,000-square-foot food rescue facility in Queens, where they are divided up.
City Harvest is a New York phenomenon. New York is dense — a City Harvest truck may need to drive only 50 miles in a day, Sposato said. The city has an unusual quantity of fancy food and events featuring food. And in New York, City Harvest can raise the $28 million per year (in addition to $95 million in donated food) necessary to run all this.
Food rescue is an attractive response to waste because it feeds people as well. But there are many other solutions. ReFED, a new think tank for food waste, identifies 27 and ranks them by various impacts. (Most cost-effective: consumer education campaigns; better, clearer labeling of food dates; and new packaging, such as half-loaves of bread.)
ReFED also examines business opportunities using new waste-reduction technologies, such as refrigerator devices that extend produce shelf life and products manufactured from discarded food.
For what else needs to happen, we can turn to John Oliver. Here's his story on food waste from 2015.
There has been some progress since Oliver's show. A new law increases tax deductions for food donations and extends them to all kinds of businesses.
The Department of Agriculture and the two largest grocery industry trade associations recently announced they are asking manufacturers to stop using a "sell by" date — almost always a meaningless date set by manufacturers to indicate peak taste, not safety. These dates encourage consumers to throw out perfectly good food. Instead, they recommend using only "best if used by" for most products, and "use by" for the few products where food safety is a concern, such as meat.
As Oliver said, many potential donors are deterred by fear of getting sued. Donors are protected by a good Samaritan law, but a new bill in Congress would clarify some of the confusion that still blocks donations. Donors really have nothing to worry about; experts in this field (pdf) do not know of a single case of a food donor being sued.
It's not just consumers who throw out food, of course. The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization said that worldwide, 30 percent of arable land grows food that is never eaten, and agricultural waste is the biggest culprit.
Produce goes to waste in the field largely because it's misshapen. Jordan Figueiredo, a California activist, created the Ugly Fruit and Veg campaign to promote ways to sell this produce. "It works out well when it's sort of fun," he said. "That way you can educate shoppers on why you're doing it — it's not just the scarred plums in the corner."
Imperfect Produce delivers heavily discounted baskets of cosmetically challenged fruit and vegetables to subscribers in the Bay Area. Hungry Harvest does the same on the East Coast.
These are niche services. But everyone goes to supermarkets, so the Misfits program is a big deal.
Misfits is run by Robinson Fresh, a giant wholesaler of all kinds of fruit and vegetables. The company buys cosmetically undesirable produce and sells it to retail chains: at the moment, the Midwest-based Hy-Vee and Meijer, and the New England-based Hannaford.
Jim Lemke, president of Robinson Fresh, said that while some chains are receptive to Misfits, others worry about how to manage it internally. "There are questions around how do we segregate this? How do we catalog them and differentiate them? We're using lots of different experiments to figure out the most efficient way."
All 242 Hy-Vee stores feature a Misfits bin in the produce section, with playful, colorful signage advertising bags of tasty but funny-looking peppers, squash, cucumbers, oranges, apples, pineapples and other produce, sold at around a 25 percent discount. "We've been pleasantly surprised with sales," said Brett Bremser, Hy-Vee's executive vice president of perishables. "The biggest challenge has been educating consumers. They're used to searching through the aisle to find the perfect orange."
One advantage for Hy-Vee, he said, is that its stores are in so many Midwestern farming communities. "Our customers understand agriculture," he said. "They totally get that this product could have ended up in a landfill."


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Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas's priorities are not geared toward helping his people, but on maintaining his grip on power, privilege, and finagling foreign aid.
The PA's increased payments to terrorists and their families to $403 million a year, from $347 million last year are a stark incentive to violence and murder. Some apprehended attackers confessed to committing terrorist acts so as to clock enough prison time "to financially set their families for life," said Eric Mandel, Middle East Political and Information Network director. Why bother with a PhD or vocational training when all you need is a kitchen knife and a few innocent bystanders?
Which is the true face of radical Islam—the coat and tie or mask and fatigues? No
matter what the attire, the goal remains the same: the eradication of Jews, Christians and all those who do not embrace radical Islam.
The two faces appear contradictory, but they're not. They represent two strategies with one goal which is known as jihad or holy war. For the well-dressed radical jihadist, a close shave (for some), or silk suit and tie is 21st-century battle gear for waging diplomatic jihad. For others the uniform consists of masks and fatigues and their tools are guns and machetes.
Anyone paying the slightest attention is shaking their heads in disbelief over developments between two Middle East neighbors, the Israelis and Palestinians. The circumstances become more worrisome with a third party halfway around the world meddling in their affairs, the United States. Will President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry act according to U. S. law or defy it?
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We published an article last month, Medigap Guaranteed Issue-Plan Termination, that had valuable information for anyone who was affected by the Universal Health Care plan terminations in FL, and several other states. At the time, the Universal Health Care HMO plans in TX and NV were not included in the plan termination. Since then those entities have terminated their contract with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services(CMS), by "mutual consent". In addition, the Texas HMO has also been placed in receivership. The members that were enrolled in these plans lost their coverage on 5-1-2013, and were returned to Original Medicare. The good news for these members is that they will have a Special Enrollment Period until June 30th 2013. During this time, they will be able to choose a new Medicare Advantage plan that is available in their service area. More importantly, this will trigger a Guaranteed Issue opportunity for these members to purchase a Medicare Supplement, also known as a Medigap policy, without having to answer any health questions. A lot of these people have had health conditions that would have made them unable to purchase a Medigap policy in the past, so it is very important to know the options, and deadlines, so they don't miss this opportunity. If you or someone you know has been affected by any of these plan terminations, Please call 877-740-8683, or visit www.emedigap411.com for more information.
Reminder: Anyone that was involved in the earlier plan termination on 4-1-2013, will have a deadline of May 31st 2013.


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Tuesday, April 24, 2012
HJ Agnosticism (21): Why It's Hard to Know Whether a Historical Jesus Existed
Nevertheless, I think that there is a crucial difference: the supernatural stories arose around Alexander the Great as a result of historical events that occurred within the natural world, not the other way around. When we strip away the legendary tales that grew around Alexander, we still find a significant mark in the historical record as a result of the things he accomplished during his life.
Jesus of Nazareth, on the other hand, first enters the historical record through the writings of Paul, a man who never knew him. Our best guess is that he was relatively unnoticed during his own life by all but a small group of illiterate peasants. He enters the record because Paul and others claimed to have encountered him after his death in the person of the risen Christ whose coming was the beginning of the end times. This is not the type of event which can be considered subject to historical investigation.
Some time after Paul, stories were written about an earthly Jesus who tramped about Galilee teaching about the coming kingdom of God before reaching an unfortunate end in Jerusalem. These stories were written in order to serve the propagation of the belief in the risen Christ who ushered in the end times. The stories of the earthly man are transmitted as a result of the belief in the supernatural event, unlike with Alexander the Great where the supernatural stories arise as a result of the accomplishments of the earthly man.
Historicists say that they use standard historical tools in order to strip away the supernatural embellishments surrounding Jesus of Nazareth in the same way that such embellishments are stripped away from the story of any ancient person. The problem is that when you strip away the embellishments surrounding Jesus of Nazareth, you strip away the reason that any stories were told about him in the first place. When you strip away the embellishments surrounding Alexander the Great, you still have a significant mark in the historical record that was achieved independently of the legends and myths.
2 comments:
There were Messianic leaders extolling an apocalyptic end to the Romans and/or Jewish Leadership in conjunction with Roman government. If loud enough, such leaders would have to be eliminated by authorities. Certainly feasible if some rabble-rouser started to stir things up around Passover (a particular concern) it is reasonable to expect them to be crucified.ReplyDelete
Although not on the level of Alexander the Great or Vespasian, such individuals did exist and were influential within 1st Century Palestine. (We only have mentions of most, like Judas the Galilean.)
Further, if we are using the letters of Paul, while a non-Christian he does encounter a group of people who already identify with Jesus (although Jesus' relationship to this group is unclear.) Gal. 1 The group has developed traditions surrounding Jesus. 1 Cor. 15.
The very core Messianic apocalyptic Jesus is both feasible and identified prior to Paul.
As far as I can see, however, Paul only explicitly claims that those other Christians had encounters with the Messianic apocalyptic Jesus of the vision/revelation type. I think that still leaves us with a supernatural event as the only verifiable root cause of the preservation and transmission of stories about the earthly Jesus.ReplyDelete
I agree that it might be possible to find a mark that Jesus of Nazareth left in the historical record that is independent of the supernatural events that were thought to have occurred after his death. Sometimes the marginalized in ancient societies had a significant enough impact on the literate and prominent people of the day to be remembered, e.g., Spartacus. However, it is hard for me to see it at this point and I don't see any historical Jesus scholars grappling with the problem.


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Doncaster Rovers' opening game in the Central League (East Division) against Mansfield Town will now take place in the main stadium.
The game, which was scheduled to be played at Cantley Park on Tuesday 13th August, will now take place in the main stadium (2pm).
*Admission to the West Stand only. Season Ticket holders must present their season ticket booklets.
Season ticket holders will be able to watch the game free-of-charge whilst non-season ticket holders can watch for £1 for adults and 50p for children.*


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January 17, 2018
Due to the inclement weather, ArborOne Farm Credit's Florence office will run on a two hour delay and will open tomorrow, January 18, 2018 at 10 a.m. The Conway office will open at it's regular time of 8 a.m.
Knowledgeable ag lenders, patronage refunds, friendly service and competitive rates - that's the ArborOne advantage.
We are with you every step of the way throughout the lending process. From small tracts to large tracts, new construction to renovations, lot purchase to recreational properties – ArborOne can do it all.


text: GainingInsights into Event Support & Subvention Programs Download a High Quality Pdf version of the infographic from here. Share: Please leave this field emptySubscribe to GainingInsights to receive your copy straight in your inbox. First name Last name Company Email * GainingEdge will use the information you provide on this form to be in touch with you with our newsletter and to provide updates. Please let us know if you would like to hear from us. Consent * Yes, GainingEdge can store my data and send me newsletters and updates Check your inbox or spam folder to confirm your subscription. Latest insightsThe MICE Sector in a Covid-19 World – Lockdown, Transition, New NormalTracking the Return of the MICE Events Sector in a Covid-19 WorldGainingEdge Advisory Issue #5 – 18 June 2020


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