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III. Deccani Seals and Scribal Notations sources for the study of indo-persian book arts and collecting (c. 1400–1680)

Sultans of Deccan India, 1500–1700: Opulence and Fantasy—were probably struck by the technical sophistication, enigma, and seemingly “one of a kind” status of many of the artworks on view.1 In terms of single-page paintings, arguably one of the Deccan’s most famous artistic products, most of the examples in the show were framed on the wall as individual objects and presented through the eye of Mark Zebrowski, whose Deccani Painting established the foundation for the field.2 Encountering hundreds of paintings ruptured from their original context in a bound album and bearing little or no evidence of production, such as a date or signature, Zebrowski pursued a formal approach based in exhaustive connoisseurship. The result was the grouping of paintings according to the hands of anonymous artists: for example, the “The Bodleian Painter,” so-called after his masterpiece in Oxford’s Bodleian Library depicting a Bijapuri hilltop shrine (dargah).3 The Metropolitan exhibition also included a number of manuscripts, and in some cases, basic details of production were likewise ambiguous. In the case of a lavishly illuminated, mid-sixteenth century Qurʾan manuscript now in Kuwait, for example, the calligrapher ʿAbd al-Qadir al-Husayni is known from his signature in the concluding falnama (lit., book of divination, here in reference to an illuminated finispiece), but where exactly the potentially peripatetic scribe copied the manuscript—Iran or India, Shiraz or Golconda—remains debatable.4 The above enigmas surrounding production, combined with bold color combinations, lyrical landscapes, and perplexing shifts in scale, is largely responsible for III. Deccani Seals and Scribal Notations

the classification of Deccani art as a thing of "opulence and fantasy," as emphasized in the Metropolitan's tagline. The popular press has seized on this formula of luxury and otherworldliness, concluding, "The sultans [of the Deccan] had a greater interest in culture and leisure than governing." 5 Such an observation builds on a long-standing perceived binary between Mughal (1526-1857) and Deccani (c. 1347-1687) art. The conventional contrast is that the former rulers were empire-builders who patronized naturalistic painting informed by European techniques, whereas the latter were diamond-rich tributaries whose escapist tendencies materialized in their fantastical arts.
Although comparison, taxonomy, and connoisseurship are integral to the study of Deccani painting and book arts, important questions remain: What is the concrete evidence for art historical analysis? Have we sourced all available material? Although several notable paintings have come to light since Zebrowski's canonical 1983 publication, the contextual evidence fostering internal (emic) understanding appears sparse. 6 Whereas students of Timurid (c. 1370-1507), Safavid (1501-1722), and Mughal painting and book arts benefit from iconic texts such as Jaʿfar al-Baysunghuri's arzadasht (workshop report), Qazi Ahmad's Gulistan-i Hunar (Rosegarden of Art), Sadiqi Beg's Qanun al-Suvar (Canons of Painting), Abu'l Fazl's Aʾin-i Akbari (Institutes of Akbar), and Jahangir's own Tuzuk-i Jahangiri (Memoirs of Jahangir), Deccani sources are either limited in their discussion of the arts or have yet to reach the scholarly mainstream due to a lack of critical editions and English translations. 7 Only a handful of painters and calligraphers are known, and we have little to no sense of workshop practices. Fewer than a dozen illustrated manuscripts have been studied in any significant depth, 8 and no monographs comparable to those on the Hamzanamah (Tales of Hamzah) or Ibrahim Mirza's Haft Awrang (Seven Thrones) have been published. 9 The above limitations and the dearth of material acknowledged, some of the most iconic manuscripts of the late medieval and early modern Indo-Persian worldthe Timurid Khamsah (Quintet) of Nizami, 10 the Qurʾan manuscript typically associated with Abu Saʿid (r. 1451-1469) (St Andrews), the Shirazi "Peck Shahnamah" (The Book of Kings), 11 and the early Mughal Khamsah of Nizami (figure 11.9)enjoyed vibrant afterlives in Deccani hands and libraries. Such circulation patterns may come as a surprise given the Deccan's frequent positioning as a peripheral sidebar within the tripartite (Ottoman, Safavid, Mughal) "Gunpowder Empires" narrative, and the Mughal emperors' luster as the leading bibliophiles on the subcontinent. 12 If and when we nuance the conversation to Indian Ocean worlds and "connected histories," the Deccan quickly emerges as a key entrepôt within the maritime and overland networks linking a variety of Islamic and European courts and interests. 13 The contributions and collections of the Mughal emperors notwithstanding, the luxury codices noted above introduce new perspectives and players to the Indo-Persian narrative while their ownership marks function as critical primary source "documents" for the study of Deccani painting and visual culture at large. 14 Whether foreign imports or local products, these collected books shift the art historical narrative from one of original production (Bijapur or Ahmadnagar? Golconda or Shiraz?) to an intraregional (Deccan sultanates, that is, Bahmani, ʿAdil Shah, Qutb Shah) and transregional (Deccan, Hindustan, Central Asia, Greater Iran) exploration of circulation, taste, and intellectualism. The peripatetic biographies of the books in question exemplify the Deccan's fluid geopolitical and cultural borders. From the early fifteenth century onward, the region served as a pole of attraction for foreigners (ghariban) from western Islamic lands, particularly Iran, and cities such as Shiraz and Bidar were linked by shared patterns of knowledge and religiosity (see Bahmani Dynasty below). In the 1590s, Akbar (r. 1556-1605) initiated Mughal encroachment into the Deccan, and the sultanates in turn strengthened their internal alliances while cultivating brotherhood with Shiʿi Safavid Iran. The result of this Mughal-Safavid-Deccani web was the continual flow of talent (calligraphers, poets, painters, scholars) and luxuries (jewels, manuscripts, objects, elephants) between Isfahan, Mashhad, Agra, Bijapur, and Golconda, to name but a few key cities. It was during the seventeenth century that many Deccani owned or produced books entered the Mughal imperial library (see Appendix, no. 5a, figure 11.7B; and no. 12a, figure 11.9B). 15 Like virtually all bibliophile rulers of the day, Deccani sultans were expected to amass sizable collections of books mined from local and foreign sources and considered fundamental to both the princely curriculum and luxury enterprises in the visual arts. With the exception of a portion of Bijapur's Asar Mahal library now preserved in the British Library, 16 codices once populating Deccani repositories are dispersed across the globe, and locating them can be a tedious task rooted in arbitrary luck, such as the rare reproduction of colophons or flyleaves (the opening or closing folios of a volume). 17 The reconstructive exercise is further hindered by a lack of understanding of the Deccani marks of ownership that typically populate such pages, including seal impressions, 18 ex libris, and scribal notations written by librarians and other individuals. The largest seal of Ibrahim ʿAdil Shah II (r. 1580-1627) of Bijapur (Appendix, no. 10), for example, has been erroneously associated with other Ibrahims, including Ibrahim I of Bijapur (r. 1535-1558) and the more famous Ibrahim Mirza (d. 1577) of Mashhad. 19 The ownership marks in question illuminate the intellectual prerogatives of many Deccani rulers, while also giving voice to a broader cast of characters-ministers, librarians, poets, ambassadors, Sufi saints-thereby advancing the study of Deccani material culture beyond the "genius" ruler-centric paradigm.  figure 11.4). 23 Given the historical circumstances outlined above, it is unsurprising that both saints and migrants played a significant role in Bahmani book culture and knowledge systems. The physical migration of Iranians to the Deccan coincided with the intellectual transmission of the Shiraz school of philosophy. 24 In some cases, the conduits were leading thinkers of the day. Mir Fazlullah Inju Shirazi (fl. late fourteenth-early fifteenth century), for example, was a student of the Khorasani polymath Saʿd al-Din Taftazani (d. 1389) and subsequently served under both Muhammad II (r. 1378-1397) and Firuz Shah (r. 1397-1422) Bahmani.
Timurid and Turkmen paradigms were also transmitted to the Deccan in the form of books. Although it can be difficult to pinpoint the place of production of some manuscripts (Iran or India? Shiraz or Bidar?), marks of ownership provide concrete evidence of legacy and circulation within the Deccan, often over the course of centuries. A mid-fifteenth-century copy of a commentary on the Mughni al-Labib of Ibn Hisham (d. 1360) (Appendix, no. 1a), for example, was impressed with two seals of Mahmud Gavan (no. 1 and a second example dated 876/1471-72), entered the collection of the Shirazi prime minister of Bijapur Shah Navaz Khan (d. c. 1611), and was ultimately presented as a gift (pishkash) to Bijapur's royal library (kitabkhanah-'i ʿamirah) in 1617. 25 Yet another manuscript once in Mahmud Gavan's collection-a copy of the first half of Burhan al-Din Marghinani's (d. 1196) Hidaya (Guidance) dated 9 Shawwal 861/August 30, 1457 (Appendix, no. 1b, figure 11.4)-was likely transcribed in Mamluk Egypt (1250-1517), 26 entered Bijapur's library as booty from the conquest of Bidar in 1618, 27 and was eventually acquired by Tipu Sultan of Mysore (r. 1782-1799).

ʿ ADIL SHAHI DYNASTY (1490-1686, BIJAPUR)
Following the rise of the Bahmani successor states at the turn of the sixteenth century, the evidence for Deccani collecting increases. Fittingly, one of the earliest known impressions of an ʿAdil Shahi seal remains an enigma while confirming the dynasty's ability to acquire luxury codices from its inception. The seal in question appears below the final colophon of an illustrated, two-volume Anthology dated 838-40/1435-36 that has been attributed to both Iran and Bidar (Appendix, no. 6). 28 Its orthography and content are complex and distinct, but its prominent central knotting lends comparison to Timurid and Turkmen examples. 29 Directly below the seal impression is a large, four-lined notation dated 24 Ramadan 920/November 12, 1514. 30 Combined with the epithet ʿAdil Shah in the seal and notation, this date has prompted an association with the second ruler of Bijapur, Ismaʿil (r. 1510-1534).
The seals of subsequent ʿAdil Shahi bibliophiles are anything but codified and redundant. Their legends rarely conform to traditional formulae including the ruler's name, lineage, titulature, and/or a date, but are instead personal to each sultan and reflective of the dynasty's vacillation between various forms of Islam. 31 The Twelver-Shiʿism espoused by ʿAli I (r. 1558-1580), for example, is explicit in his two known circular seals (Appendix, nos. 7-8). The smaller example (figure 11.7) includes a visual allusion to Dhu-l-Fiqar (the double-bladed sword of ʿAli, d. 661), whereas the larger one features a circle enclosed by a radiating inscription naming the Twelve Imams, an arrangement paralleling some roughly contemporary examples of Deccani metalwork. 32 The formal refinement of both seals hints at the sophistication of ʿAli's library bureaucracy, a reality borne out by the contemporary observation that his kitabkhanah (lit., library-workshop) "comprised sixty men, calligraphists, gilders of books, book-binders and illuminators." 33 Conveniently, two administrative documents survive that record the appointment and salary of the head librarian, one Waman Pandit. Impressed with numerous seals, they facilitate the "repopulation" of Ali's court, including the officer of the wardrobe (mir push) and the prime minister (vakil-i saltanat). 34 Although the full extent of ʿAli's library can only be imagined, a handful of his books bear ownership marks that prove their absorption into the library of his nephew and successor Ibrahim II. 35 At present, approximately eighty volumes can be linked to Ibrahim directly or to libraries under his reign, rendering his reconstructed collection the largest Deccani example to date, albeit at a fraction of its original size. 36 Upon the marriage of his daughter Sultan Begum Sahibah to Prince Daniyal, Ibrahim is recorded to have gifted two thousand books alone to Akbar. 37 Regardless of some inevitable exaggeration, the size of Ibrahim's library seems to have been considerable.
The evidence for the reconstruction of Ibrahim's library falls into five categories: his seals (two main examples: Appendix, nos. 9-10), ex libris (two examples: figure 11.5B, figure 11.6B), an elaborate binding stamp based on one of his seals (no. 10), scribal notations penned by his librarians (figure 11.5B, figure 11.7B), and the seals of his chief interlocutors, including the aforementioned prime minister Shah Navaz Khan (Appendix, no. 11). 38 This raw data confirms the existence of several repositories during Ibrahim's reign, including the city's royal library (kitabkhanah-yi ʿamirah), the ruler's wardrobe (jamadarkhanah), and a collection personal to Ibrahim that preserved luxurious volumes (kitabkhanah-yi huzur).
Ibrahim's two most common seals are radically distinct from one another and from those of his predecessors and contemporaries. The first is a small, oval example inscribed Ibrahim nawras (Appendix, no. 9, figure 11.8). The use of the latter term leaves no doubt of the individual in question, for this word was ubiquitous at Ibrahim's court and used to designate everything from buildings (Qasr-i Nawras Bihisht) to cities (Nawraspur) to the ruler's collection of songs (Kitab-i Nawras). The second seal is a far larger, circular example bearing a single Qurʾanic verse (2:130) that simultaneously honors the ruler's namesake and casts him as a repentant hanif on the pure path (millat-i Ibrahim) (Appendix, no. 10). This seal was probably developed as part of a larger program to broadcast Ibrahim's repentance (tawbah), which had been spearheaded by some of Bijapur's Sufis in reaction to his syncretic Hindu-Muslim spirituality, including devotion to the Hindu goddess Saraswati. Stylistically, the seal is closely related to examples of Deccani metalwork that feature thuluth inscriptions in clear registers created by the horizontal extension (kashidah) of individual letters, all upon a delicate spiral ground with floral accents. 39 The scribal notations in Ibrahim's manuscripts occur in a variety of forms and can be categorized as key "documents" for the study of Bijapuri book arts and courtly culture at large. Some are short monetary valuations or inspection notices (ʿarzdidah), but others are lengthy descriptions that record the book's author, scribe, script, binding, impression with a particular seal, provenance (babat or pishkash), transfer from a different library (typically the jamadarkhanah), date of accession into the royal library, ranking (first, second, or third class), and presence in a subcollection (figure 11.5B, figure 11.7B). Most of the volumes have lost their bindings, whether original or a Bijapuri refurbishment, but glimpses of the latter can be gleaned from vivid scribal notations. The example in Ibrahim's Yusuf va Zulaykha transcribed by the renowned Shah Mahmud Nishapuri (d. c. 1564-65), for example, reads, "Newly bound with yellow lining and red binding" (astar-i zard jild-i surkh naw bastah). 40 Only one extant binding-the example sheathing the Qurʾan manuscript preserved in the University of St Andrews, which has been associated with the Timurid Abu Saʿid since its inclusion in the 1989 Timur exhibition-can be confidently linked to Ibrahim. 41 Each of the binding's doublures features a large (H: 9.5 cm), diamond-shaped stamp with scalloped edges whose central circle is a nearly exact replica of Ibrahim's Qurʾanic seal (Appendix, no. 10). 42 This intriguing dual purposing of a single epigraphic design-as a seal impressed on paper and a stamp pressure-tooled into leather-remains a confounding unicum. 43 Although Muhammad ʿAdil Shah's reign (r. 1627-1656) witnessed the heightened fracturing of the Deccan under Mughal hegemony, luxury foreign volumes continued to enter Bijapuri collections. The renowned 1555 Mughal Khamsah (Quintet) of Nizami bears Muhammad's large circular seal-distinguished by a sunburst design on the perimeter-in the middle of the final page of text (Appendix, no. 12, figure 11.9). Immediately below is a notation in nastaʿliq reading kitab-i Khamsah-ʹi Nizami khass-i humayun-i ashraf-i aqdas-i arfa' Muhammad ʿAdil Shah Ghazi (Book of the Quintet of Nizami [belonging to] the most royal . . . Muhammad ʿAdil Shah Ghazi). This titulature echoes that of his predecessor Ibrahim, and the notation itself closely resembles Ibrahim-period examples in both content and execution. 44 Viewed together, these similarities imply considerable continuity between the libraries of father and son, with the latter absorbing both the books and perhaps even the staff of the former. Of additional interest is the fact that this early Mughal Khamsah made its way to Bijapur, entered Muhammad's library, and was then (re)purchased by ʿAlamgir in 1678 for the high price of 3,500 rupees. 45  conform to a codified paradigm. 48 The preferred form, employed for at least four rulers, was probably inspired by Safavid models and comprised of a circle topped by an arched headpiece (Appendix, nos. 16-20, figures 11.12-11.14). 49 This codification of shape did not transfer to the inscriptions, which vary dramatically in content. Several are dated and appear to correspond to the given ruler's accession. Qutb Shahi conventions of indicating ownership-via seal impressions, ex libris, and scribal notations-can be compared variously to Safavid, ʿAdil Shahi, and Mughal paradigms. Like Mughal manuscripts, Qutb Shahi books were often impressed with the seals of multiple rulers in close proximity on a single folio (figure 11.12, figure 11.13). 50 Sultan Muhammad (r. 1612-1626) was also inclined to inscribe his books in his own hand, a direct intervention recalling those of Jahangir (r. 1605-1627) and Shah Jahan (r. 1628-1658). Unlike these Mughal notations, however, Sultan Muhammad's inscriptions were generally framed in an illuminated rectangle with a gold floral background, rendering them a veritable ex libris. These inscriptions vary in length and detail, and the example in his Ziyaratnamah (Book of Visitation) reproduced here is on the shorter end of the spectrum ("Ziyaratnamah, a gift of Malik al-Tujjar, as noted by Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah on the date of the start of the month of Blessed Ramazan, mid-October 1615") (Appendix, no. 19g, figure 11.13). 51 In its combination of illumination and documentary details specific to the codex in question, Sultan Muhammad's autograph ex libris can be compared to the illuminated ex libris of Ibrahim II of Bijapur (for example, figure 11.6), with a key difference being that the latter was not written by the ruler himself. (also the widow of Shah ʿAbbas, r. 1587-1629). 55 The same envoy patronized architectural refurbishments at the Shrine of Imam Riza (d. 818) in Mashhad, and this complex (Astan-i Quds-i Razavi) also preserves a magnificent Qurʾan manuscript copied by ʿAbd al-Qadir al-Husayni, the same Shirazi calligrapher responsible for the Kuwait Qurʾan mentioned at the beginning of this essay. 56 As with the Kuwait example, scholars vacillate on attributing the Mashhad mushaf (a Qurʾan manuscript) to Iran or India, Shiraz or Golconda. Although the manuscript's production remains ambiguous, its terminus ante quem and afterlife are refreshingly clear, thanks to its double-page waqfnamah (endowment deed) dated 970/1562 in the name of Ibrahim Qutb Shah (r. 1550-1580). 57 Along with its notable peripatetic "mates"-the St. Petersburg Khamsah, the St Andrews Qurʾan, the Ahmedabad Khamsah, the Princeton Shahnamah-the Mashhad Qurʾan (or truly the Shiraz-Golconda-Mashhad Qurʾan) further confirms that the study of Deccani book culture is anything but a peripheral sidebar. Rather, it is an integral component of connected histories between Greater Iran and the subcontinent.

OVERVIEW OF DECCANI SEALS: FORM, FUNCTION, AND LANGUAGE
Deccani seals follow established precedents set by earlier Muslim rulers. The wording of the legends, as well as their shapes, scripts, and formats, frequently follow Timurid and Safavid examples. 58 Written in Arabic, Persian, or a combination of the two, all of the seals presented here were carved in intaglio matrices, probably of metal or semi-precious stone such as carnelian. Most inscriptions are rendered in stacked thuluth, naskh, or nastaʿliq, and a few are ringed around the center. Their exact orthography is ambiguous at times given that the inscriptions were often modified to fit within a restricted surface area. The scripts often veer from accepted standards, and variant letterforms are also frequently seen, including consonants with or without dots, as well as clustered, disconnected, redistributed, or even completely displaced groupings of letters. 59 The inscriptions do not merely indicate ownership of a manuscript but can also signify both temporal and divine authority through the citation of Qurʾanic verses or expressions of traditional Islamic piety. Some are explicit, and others are inferred. Qurʾanic scripture on no. 10 and no. 20 (figure 11.13), for example, allude to the namesakes of Ibrahim ʿAdil Shah II (r. 1580-1627) and ʿAbd Allah Qutb Shah (r. 1626-1672), respectively. The overtly Shiʿi inscriptions on the seals of ʿAli ʿAdil Shah I (r. 1558-1580) invoke ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (d. 661), the Prophet Muhammad, and all twelve of the Alid imams (Appendix, nos. 7-8, figure 11.7). 60 The format of no. 8-a double circle with an exterior radiating inscription-was probably modeled on earlier Safavid seals, including those of Shah Tahmasb (r. 1524-1576). 61 In contrast, a couplet inscribed on the circumference of the seal of an official under ʿAli II (r. 1656-1672) (Appendix, no. 15, figure 11.11) exclusively invokes the Prophet Muhammad. It not only references his role as the "Seal of the Prophets," the last of all the prophets according to the Islamic faith, but also the hadith (prophetic tradition) that he wore a silver seal ring inscribed "Muhammad is the Prophet of God," a practice subsequently emulated by pious male Muslims. 62 In comparison to the Shiʿi examples discussed above (nos. 7-8), this seal intentionally asserts an orthodox Sunni identity coinciding with the period of increasing Mughal hegemony in the Deccan.
Another inscription alluding to the earlier prophet Solomon is designed to recall traditions praising him as the wisest of kings, as well as his supernatural abilities. The legend of no. 19 (figure 11.12 and figure 11.13), one of two seals of Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah (r. 1612-1626) (also see no. 18), mentions the muhr-i Sulayman (seal of Solomon), which, according to Islamic tradition, was engraved with the divine Ism al-ʿAzm, or "Greatest Name" of God. By means of this talisman, Solomon was miraculously able to control nature and subdue the jinn. Sultan Muhammad probably borrowed this association from his predecessor Muhammad Quli (r. 1580-1612) (no. 17, figure 11.12), who was declared as his "Solomonic royal highness" in the title of a luxury manuscript of his poetry completed circa 1590-1605. 63 Deccani seal inscriptions also reflect the Persianate literary imagination via the use of rhyming prose or couplets, metaphors, and puns. 64 No. 16 (figure 11.12) and no. 19 (figure 11.11 and figure 11.13) bear the phrase naqsh u nigin (design and sealstone), which refers to both the carved "seal" matrix and the resultant "design" or impression. Many Persian poems and associated illustrations frequently play upon this trope as a metaphor for the emotional impact impressed by the beloved upon the lover. 65 Similarly, some legends are cleverly polysemic. In no. 15 (figure 11.11), for example, the words mihr (light, grace, or compassion) and muhr (seal) share identical unvocalized spelling in Persian, which can be read and interpreted in several different ways.
Several seals bear distinct visual elements beyond their inscriptions. No. 9 (figure 11.8) and no. 10 have purely decorative arabesque scrollwork in the background, whereas no. 2 (figure 11.5), no. 4 (figure 11.6), and no. 6 feature a prominent central plaited knot recalling earlier Timurid and Turkmen exemplars that may have served either a talismanic or purely decorative purpose. 66 No. 7 (figure 11.7) depicts the legendary sword Dhu-l-Fiqar of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib, and no. 12 (figure 11.9) is surrounded by a sunburst emblematic of divine favor and solar kingship. The trefoil-shaped headpieces of Qutb Shahi examples probably conjured multiple referents. When framing a holy name (as in no. 20, figure 11.13), an association with the mihrab (the niche directing prayer toward Mecca) was possible. Alternatively, it could have evoked a ubiquitous form of kingship, the parasol (chatra in the Indian context). 67 Finally, the seal as whole might have symbolized the political alliance of the Qutb Shahs with Safavid Iran, where their Shiʿi brethren employed similarly shaped seals. 68 One of the more enigmatic seals surveyed here is a hexagonal example bearing a simple Arabic aphorism: "Perpetual diligence; everlasting contentment" (no. 4, figure 11.6). Although no particular person or institution is mentioned, a likely Bahmani-period provenance of the manuscript may indicate an association with the Niʿmat Allahi Sufi order. Regardless of precise attribution, the sentiment of the aphorism clearly serves to remind the viewer of life's greater pursuits.

APPENDIX: CATALOG OF DECCANI SEALS AND IMPRESSIONS
The seals presented here are a representative sample and by no means comprehensive. Many more will come to light with time, as will their impressions. Each entry is ordered as follows: name of individual (with brief description); seal details (most measurements are in diameter); description of the inscription's layout and orthography; transliteration and English translation; some notable impressions, generally favoring unpublished examples; provenance (when known); and bibliography (preference is given to reproductions and most recent publications).        Ibrahim nawras (or nawras-i Ibrahim) Based on the reading of the initial syllable as naw (new) or nuh (nine), as well as the presence or absence of an izafet, several translations and interpretations are possible: "Ibrahim nine moods/Nine moods of Ibrahim" (based on the rasas of Indian aesthetic theory); "Ibrahim nine juices/Nine juices of Ibrahim" (alluding to a wine recipe combining nine flavors); "Ibrahim newly arrived/New arrival of Ibrahim" (from the Persian "new," naw, and "to arrive," rasidan). The latter is generally used to reference a fresh garden or something innovative. Given the seal's circulation as early as 1584 (the regency period, when Ibrahim was just fifteen), it could memorialize his accession ("Ibrahim newly arrived," into kingship) or maturity ("Ibrahim freshly sprouted," as a nawjavan). 78 Notable impressions: Circular, 41mm, double-ruled, Arabic, thuluth The background features an even spiral with small leaves and blossoms. The kashidah in the words millat, fi, and istafaynahu divide the inscription into four horizontal registers that are read from top to bottom. The Qurʾanic verse (2:130) alludes to the Bijapuri ruler by way of his namesake, the Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham). The selection of this verse, which was highlighted in other artistic contexts, must be contextualized in light of Ibrahim's repentance (tawbah). 81 Through it, the ruler was presented as a repentant hanif, an appellation applied to those who considered themselves to have "reverted" to the religion of Ibrahim/ Abraham, before and during the prophethood of Muhammad.
wa man yarghabu ʿan millat-i Ibrahim illa man safiha nafsuhu wa laqad istafaynahu fi al-dunyà wa innahu fi'l-akhirati lamin al-salihin Who therefore shrinks from the religion of Abraham, except he be foolish-minded? Indeed, We chose him in the present world, and in the world to come he shall be among the righteous 82 Notable impressions: 83 a. Khamsah of Amir Khusraw: no. 8a. Here, the seal impression is integrated into the ruler's tripartite ex libris. Provenance: ʿAli I ʿAdil Shah (seal no. 8).
Bibliography: Overton, "Book Culture," 2016, fig. 16. The seal is impressed on all but one of the manuscript's eighteen illustrated folios. It also once adorned the opening flyleaf (fol. 1r), with a notation below, but both have been vigorously effaced. Bibliography: Overton, "Book Culture," 2016, fig. 19 The kashidah in the words shah and shud divide this stacked inscription into three registers. Reading begins in the center, followed by the top, then upward from the bottom.   This essay is a general introduction to Deccani book culture and collecting, a subject that remains in its infancy and whose preliminary conclusions favor the ʿAdil Shahs Acknowledgments: The study of library collections is rooted in patience, collaboration, practicality, and luck. We have benefited from the expertise and generosity of many scholars. We are grateful to Subah Dayal for helping us to decipher no. 19 through her sharing of impressions g and j; Peyvand Firouzeh for her insights on Ni'mat Allahi examples; Abdullah Ghouchani for reading nos. 6 and 8; Saqib Baburi for assistance with nos. 5, 6, 11, and 15; and Muhammad Javad Jiddi for invaluable help with nos. 16,17,18, and 20. Elaine Wright, Amélie Couvrat Desvergnes, Mahmood Alam, and John Seyller kindly provided measurements of impressions. Seyller's work on the Mughal library has been a long-standing inspiration, and we further thank Ada Adamova, Ahab Bdaiwi, Hamidreza Ghelichkhani, Francis Richard, Marianna Shreve Simpson, and Elaine Wright for important exchanges. Special thanks to Jan Just Witkam for help with secondary sources; ʿAli Safari Aqʹqalʿah for providing a copy of his recent exemplary article on Qutb Shahi seals; and Ursula Sims-Williams for providing photographs of British Library manuscripts, facilitating viewings, sharing her transcription and translation of no. 12 (and bringing d and e to our attention), and advancing knowledge of BL volumes through her excellent blogs. Finally, we thank all repositories, collectors, and scholars who have allowed reproduction herein.