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British untouchables: a study of Dalit identity and education

Chapter 6 focus respectively on women’s wage labour, public sector employment, and self-employment. Chapter 7 discusses issues of labour mobility while Chapter 8 revolves around unpaid women workers actively seeking paid employment. Unpaid labour has grown, Ghosh argues, with neoliberal policies that shift the brunt of care work onto the backs of women. Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of the task Ghosh sets out to perform is to delineate the informal sector. She explains, ‘(o)ne of the major problems with studying informal sector employment is the sheer difficulty of defining, identifying and quantifying it’ (52). Yet it is this shadowy realm that is imbricated with the formal sector. A case in point: by 2004–2005, around half of the Indian workforce did not work for a direct employer (37). Confronted with a wealth of statistical data, readers may wish for fuller explication, case studies that illustrate the aggregate information and an engagement with feminist theories on care work. Ghosh’s slim volume reads more as an extended article that lays out broad propositions on the changing nature of women’s labour in India which dissents from the chorus of celebration that a liberalizing economy will only mean economic emancipation for Indian women. The propositions outlined here deserve to be analyzed further, debated, and elaborated upon. The value of Ghosh’s contribution is to provide readers with an overview of the startling directions in which Indian women workers are moving. The book is an invitation to read further about the everyday struggles of working women, paid or unpaid, in contemporary India.