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A new bill of rights for Britain

that the U.S. was trying to "compete" with Great Britain for naval superiority in the mid-'fifties (p. 23), on through the misguided judgments that Japan has military designs on the Indian Ocean (p. 119) and that China will soon present a naval threat to India (p. 115). Dr. Singh has apparently settled for a Cassandra-like role, seeing military threats and challenges to the Indian Ocean area from nearly every direction. But reality is difficult enough for the Indian Ocean policy makers without inventing new problems. While there is a substantial amount of information on the political history of the Indian Ocean (drawn largely from readily available Western sources), the chief interest here is tone and style. A note of anti-Americanism permeates this book. There is also a vague and rather naive belief in the integrity of the Indian Ocean "community": that by pulling together, the littoral states can keep outside powers away. This view is commonly found among Indian analysts (although not in many other littoral states), who have long argued that the region's difficulties stem from outside intervention and involvement. But it ignores the very real damage which littoral states have inflicted upon each other — most recently the victimization of South Asia by the oil-producing states of the Persian Gulf — and the fact that American and Western interests in South Asia largely derive from interests and objectives stemming elsewhere. As Dr. Singh does note in his final chapter, the politics of the Indian Ocean area have taken a new turn following the 1973 oil crisis. We can hope that in his next work he will elaborate on this theme and perhaps include his ideas on the nuclear balance in South Asia in light of the recent Indian nuclear explosion.