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Double plurals in Breton: Evidence for a split analysis of plurality

Traditional analyses of plurality situate number features within Num(ber)P between NP and DP projections. However, such an analysis does not easily account for all of the properties of plural forms cross-linguistically, particularly those that surface with multiple plural morphemes affixed simultaneously to a single stem. Kramer (2016b) proposes that number features can be exponed on the n category head in addition to on the Num head, generating plural nouns with either one or two plural suffixes. Yet, questions remain about the ability of this analysis to generate multiple plurals in other languages, such as Breton. In this paper, I test the predictions made by Kramer on Breton, which has a complex set of possible plural nominal forms. I present a morphosyntactic description of Breton noun phrases from the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), and I propose several adjustments to the theory of split n/Num plurality as presented by Kramer (2016a). This analysis is an alternative to previous descriptions of Breton number that situate double plurals within theories of lexicality (e.g., Acquaviva 2008) or that assume a strict dichotomy between inflectional and derivational morphology (e.g., Stump 1989, 1990).