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Deference and Defiance in Monterrey: Workers, Paternalism, and Revolution in Mexico, 1890-1950 (review)

opposition to this ideology, but only in passing. And, thirdly, it is one thing to describe elitist, anti-working class ‘middle-class’ ideology; it is another to accept its assumptions. Thus, as historians have problematically equated home ownership with middle-class status, it is not clear that in fighting for education and shorter hours to “do as we will,” artisans and workers forsook the working class. In addition, representing workers and the new middle as a binary through these conservative voices and in the case of the ‘professionalizing’ engineer, obscures many continuities and murkiness. Scholarship of the last generation has fought against modernization theorists who see the machine and factory as the hallmarks of the Industrial Revolution. Sean Wilentz’s idea of metropolitan industrialization and Raphael Samuels’ seminal History Workshop Journal essay on the Workshop of the World remind us of the overwhelming persistence of handwork in the industrial revolution. Finally, readers of Rice’s account need to consider three issues the book skirts: first, professionalization is a legitimizing project, an identity asserted as part of a status ideology, not itself evidence of the superiority of ‘mind’ work. Second, many emerging ‘professionals’ like engineers were dependent on bosses for a wage or salary, and in time, would consider unionizing themselves. And third, we need to unpack languages of class as markers of difference or as distinct social classes rather than class fractions: how do those imagining themselves as a ‘respectable’ labor aristocracy differ from other workers, what does it mean to say white collar professional-managerial workers hold ‘middle-class values? These questions remain to be interrogated in the history of the role and formation of the middle class.