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Contesting Nodes of Migration and Trade in Public Space: Thessaloniki’s Bazaar Economy

1 In the following I will use “informal” and “irregular” as open categories as proposed by Greiner (2003: 51) referring to forms of work and of gaining livelihoods or survival, which are not, or only rarely registered by official statistics of the regulated economy (Komlosy et al. 1997: 10). When I refer to the street vendors as “working informally”, I mean that they have no licenses and cannot get them because of legal requirements, and therefore pay neither taxes nor self-employed insurance contributions, with all the respective consequences. 2 In this context, “refugees” are defined with Jacobsen as “all people crossing the border from conflict-affected countries, regardless of their assigned legal status in the host country” (Jacobsen 2005: 5). I will use the term “refugee” both for recognised refugees and for asylum seekers. Whenever a distinction is necessary, I will use the terms “asylum seeker” and “recognised refugee” explicitly. 3 I will use the terms “street vendors”, “street traders” and “street hawkers” interchangeably and consider the self-employed hawkers described in this work as “entrepreneurs”, i. e. people who own and run their own business (Kloosterman/Rath 2003: 14). 4 Main methods used in the field included participant observation, semistructured interviews with street vendors and other members of refugee communities, social workers, formal trade representatives, local politicians such as the vice mayor and municipal police officers, as well as the analysis of scientific literature, local and national newspapers and internet pages.