The SNP’s Immigration Problem

The SNP’s Immigration Problem

The SNP are stacking-up an armoury of grievances to support their ideological objective of dissolution of the Union.  Since Brexit, Scotland’s unmatched matron of mischief has cast another ingredient into her toxic nationalistic brew to support the case for separation – the free movement of labour. Enshrined in EU law and pillar of the four-freedoms, free movement and immigration has been tossed onto the nationalist fire. With the uncontrolled will of runaway crazy train, the SNP have set Scotland on a crash course with Britain, mining the future with numerous booby-traps that will trigger another referendum.  Not diverging from the odious habits of the SNP, blackmail was the order of the day. Free movement of people was Sturgeon’s red line for Theresa May, should she cross that threshold the SNP would trigger a new referendum.  Acknowledging this behaviour fit for medieval royal usurpation, May dutifully called the wanton political mercenary out on her shameless ransom. No supplicant well-turned knee was observed to this brazen act of bravado and show-woman-ship.


Nippy Told to Bolt

The free movement argument exposes a deeper hypocrisy; the SNP’s ability to cross and devour any ethical line in pursuit of their cause.  Only last weekend did Alasdair Allan proclaim that Scotland has ‘369,000 migrants from outside the UK’ and generally speaking these are young ambitious workers that bring important skills to the job market that contribute to our economy.Like the broad beam of a lighthouse on a cliff, the SNP positions itself as a sanctuary for EU migrants and a beacon of light in the hostile waters of Brexit.  They are protectors of EU migrants; in fact, they stipulate their intentions for a greater intake of EU migrants, they are indispensable to the Scottish economy. The mantra is tireless and consistent.Noble indeed, but it appears that political expediency is not without its irony.


Allan: Pro EU Migrant but Anti Gay Marriage

The SNP proclaim to be the protectors of EU migrants yet they are employing them as a tool for political purposes. Their current position is fraught with pitfalls and dangers that seem invisible to upper echelons of Scottish stasi.  The next referendum will not be all bon homie and celebration, morals have become coarsened and the ideological lines hardened. The trench-lines are drawn and the whistle for attack ready to be heard. There exists a rightful and just silent resentment in segments of the Unionist camp; their votes and opinions have been discarded with the shoddy consideration reserved for Christmas trees in January. On the otherside of no-man’s-land, the nationalists possess a demonic zeal. Chastened and feeling cheated, they march to the beat of sweet revenge, looking to exercise the demons of 2014.  Should the cold war heat up, immigration will become a central talking point, particularly EU immigrants. The new referendum is being waged in the context of Brexit, immigration therefore will be crucial, and it already is. MSP Alasdair Allan, SNP, claimed that reducing EU immigration does ‘serious harm’ to Scotland. Placing EU migrants at the centre of the constitutional tempest is ill-advised in the extreme.

The SNP’s endemic short-termism and pursuit of their ideological dreams has placed immigrants in harm’s way. Yet these are the same individuals who vilify others for employing immigrants as a political football. We are told how rancid the Brexiteers are for using immigration as political capital, an unholy and selfish act that could lead to recriminations against migrants and minorities. Yet they would have you believe that placing them front and centre in the bludgeoning battle for the soul of a nation is not only completely responsible but virtuous. What perfect twaddle. That reasoning demonstrates the terminal stupidity of the nationalists: relentless moral signalling; little consideration.

The hypocrisy unravels further: The British Union is of greater importance to Scotland than the EU. The SNP peacocks its moral worth by being the sole protector of the Scottish economy and EU immigrants:  but what of our fellow countrymen?  Where is the respect and due consideration of the Northern Irishmen who has made Scotland his home? Or the Mancunian who has set-up trade in the burgeoning digital industry? Who speaks for them in the endless pursuit of national disintegration? Brought on by the gale of nationalistic fervour, 500,000 British people living in Scotland will become foreign nationals overnight. It does not suit the SNP to fight for their rights or acknowledge their existence or contribution to the economy. For let’s be clear here, Scotland relies on those people to fund its hospitals, build its railways, educate our children, and house our homeless.

According to the SNP, Scotland should remove itself from Britain because we need EU migrants; their loss does ‘serious harm’ to our country, but what about the British in Scotland? Scotland’s population grew to 5.2 million; the largest in its history, an unprecedented statistic brought on due to the inward migration of fellow Brits. In fact, they comprise a large part of Scotland; 514,000 people from Northern Ireland, Wales and England compared to 173,000 from the EU.  Net migration from the Union is greater than the EU. Scotland relies far more heavily on the British union for workers than the EU. In fact, Scotland relies more heavily on immigration from around the world than it does from the EU.  When Alasdair Allan proclaimed that Scotland has ‘369,000 migrants from outside the UK’ he deliberately conflated EU and non-EU migrants. EU migrants count for less than half of all foreign migrants, 10% of those are students that cost the Scottish Government £25.6 million, in 2013-14.  Furthermore, the British government currently has no major plans to alter international immigration from non-EU countries. Mr Allan just shamelessly uses those figures to make the EU numbers appear larger than they are. The EU migrant argument is a dead stick and should be ignored and challenged consistently. Do we need EU migrants? Yes. Do we need the EU? Preferably. Do we need them as much as we need the union? Never.

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