25/09/09 (B517) The report Deberkalleh / Overview and sociopolitical analysis. (Cont ENG 7)

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Plainte déposée devant le Procureur éthiopie pour l’assassinat des vieillards et d’enfants Afar à Guerrissa et dans les localités voisines
(lien avec l’article – 2005)

Overview and sociopolitical analysis.

§ 7 – Second part

After a busy and leading the internal and external security of the country since independence, ie, since June 1977 (27 years consecutive), the current President of the Republic of Djibouti, Ismail Omar Guelleh (IOG ) has attained the highest office in 1999, in a way that gave rise to much controversy, suspicion and incredibility from a majority of the population of Djibouti.

Without seeking to return to these elections, our readers should know that this election victory is the result of a massive manipulation of the masses and "tweaking" the final figures and the use of proportion of Corruption all population levels.

This entire operation was orchestrated by the principal party, his wife and also a number of actors whose many activities they have undertaken formally or informally, fraudulent or legal, have a IOG currently being considered as President of the Republic of Djibouti.

Those employees whose roles and actions were crucial and decisive victory in this include:

• Ex-Prime Minister Barkat Gourad Hamadou
• Former General of the National Police Force Yacine Yabeh Galab (since deceased)
• General Zakaria (Force Djibouti army)
• Minister Mohamed Said Barkat (Labor and Social Affairs)
• Former President of the National Assembly Said Badoul
• The current president of the National Assembly Mr. Arnaoud
• The financier Abdurahman Mohamud Boreh (Friend and associate of President IOG) (** Please note that they have broken their friendship since. Update ARDHD)
• Mr. Boureyeh (President Sogik in Dire-Dawa)
• Monsieur Ibrahim Abdi Kahin (businessman)
• Mr. Taher Said Seif (businessman)
• Mr. Abdurahman Taha (stockbroker)
• Mr. Al-Gamil (merchant)
• Master Martinet and his wife (Legal Adviser of the Presidency)
• And many others … etc..

These elections have served to legalize the situation that already existed. Indeed IOG was for years, by force of circumstance, the real chief executive of Djibouti. With methods based on manipulation, misinformation and intimidation practiced primarily on the major officers and directors of state or ministers and other politicians, the real power was already in the hands of IOG.

The phenomenon of seizure of power at that time was made possible due to the advanced age of the then President, Mr. Hassan Gouled, but their kinship and especially liked the total void and ordered by IOG which excluded from the entourage of the ex-president all persons likely to have an influence that could oppose his political ambitions. In this case, the examples are legion at all levels of government and governments of the time.

Having been so successful in the presidential elections of 1999, IOG, consider themselves confident and reached the goal for which he worked for many years, began implementation of its concept of governance of a country and especially a population for which we are really confident, he has not only not considered, but whose well being and development are the least of his worries.

I. Overview

Without an analysis Geostrategy or Geopolitics, detailed object of this report, I think a brief presentation of the Republic of Djibouti is needed to clarify at the outset, some, ambiguities arising from misconceptions .

Contrary to notions conveyed by some Western powers or by large capital interests and Arab (Islamic or not), I do not believe that the Republic of Djibouti is only a strategic geographical point and is about more than one point of penetration financial interests in the Arab region.

We’re also not convinced that it should reduce this country just pass Marine Bab-el-Mandeb or the Gulf of Tadjoura which could possibly serve as a harbor protection to any European or American fleet in case widespread nuclear conflict or war of terror.

I also refuses to adhere to the design of certain foreign and Djibouti that define this country as a means of access to economic wealth, cultural and strategic highlands of Ethiopia and within the African continent.

My thoughts and movement that I represent, while taking account of certain points of the definitions above, believes that Djibouti is first and foremost a people. This population, composed of several communities (tribes), is often neglected and its vital interests and dignity are never taken into account in the first place by the regime, supposed to govern better.

When its development and to the country, it is really taken into account in the framework and if it only brings personal and substantial benefits to the ruling family and its court starve the people.

This population aspires, however, to have a normal life characterized by a good distribution of national resources and above all an atmosphere of peace both within its territory in the country and among neighboring peoples.

This commitment to social development, just, harmonious and equitable population and its desire for peace and building excellent brotherly relations with neighboring countries (these are the same people on both sides of the borders) is our capital and appears verbatim in the goals it set the political agenda of our movement.

This movement and its political objectives will be presented to our readers at the end of this report.

II. Analysis Sociopolitique

The system of government established by IOG and currently governs the Republic of Djibouti and its people is nothing but a totalitarian dictatorial system and the image of those of Siad Barreh and Menguistou Haile Mariam.

It is characterized by full control and police state institutions, population and of all national resources. Yet this regime at the regional and international, does everything to make foreign observers believe that it is democratic and respects human freedoms.

However, the reality faced daily Djibouti is very different because in truth, Djibouti lives under the reign of terror, arbitrariness, corruption and division.

A. Institutions of the Republic

In Djibouti, the constitutional institutions essential for the proper functioning of a state exist, but unfortunately they are so distorted and misused their respective functions by the power of IOG, they no longer play their role in ensuring the sustainability of state.

More seriously, these institutions no longer provide their functions to cons who are their reasons for being in a normal democracy.

Indeed, besides the Executive which will be discussed below, the legislative and judicial powers are Djibouti, considered negligible and are no longer seen only as a government department that is there to enforce strictly and faithfully the orders of those in power.

1. The Legislature

Represented by a National Assembly composed of 65 members, the legislative power of Djibouti is really fictitious and nonexistent. Members expected to perform, that around the world, called the national representation of a people, do they really represent the same individual.

Indeed, Djibouti to the assembly does not represent his people, because members who serve are in fact not elected by the population but are selected and appointed to this position by the Executive and in this case by IOG itself. This choice is based on the quality of services rendered or they will make both personal, political or tribal plan.

However the choice for the post of caucus must necessarily pass by the condition of the tribal division. Comply with this condition has never been a problem for the regime chooses in each clan, each tribe or people less competent, and especially the least representative of his tribe or clan.

In this way, the deputies elected by IOG are convinced from the outset that they owe nothing to their community or tribe they are supposed to represent the National Assembly. Logically, their presence at this meeting is the fact the scheme it is normal in a sense they do not seek to oppose the wishes of the executive. Instead, in the neighborhoods of the city or within the tribes, they fought fiercely and unequivocally any attempt to debate or constructive criticism or not the plan from the people.

Moreover, they regard themselves as intelligence agents and are directly linked to the service of cons-intelligence (SDS) to which they provide information about the community or tribe from which they come. Sometimes the SDS uses them to specific missions within or outside the country. In conclusion the National Assembly is just that to legalize and legitimize the decrees and orders of the Executive unjust, ie the Presidency and without prior debate.

2. The Judiciary

In Djibouti, it is very simple, this power is not strictly, since justice in this country belongs to IOG and sometimes his wife.

He is the chief magistrate. So a family law that is there to defend the interests and wishes of the family, relatives and all those with her, share the same financial interests.

The rest, ie the people of Djibouti and foreign individuals, will find themselves facing a formidable characterized by a denial of justice represented by the total absence of opportunities to use some form of equity. To maintain this state of things so that defends its interests, the regime IOG planned and implemented a sophisticated system of corruption within the justice system that makes all court proceedings are expected to use the laws, abandoning that aspect of their functions to adopt other values and outcome measures. Indeed, judges, prosecutors and magistrates are all the direct orders of the Presidency, it can not be otherwise.

This state of things perceived as normal in Djibouti, is explained by the fact that traditionally, the Presidency considered that any court case was a matter of state security. This is especially true if it is a matter of commercial policy that attracts more money on less important.

In all cases, magistrates and judges receive the judgments they must make or IGO himself or his wife or either of the service documentation and security (SDS). The number of people who have been ruined and dispossessed in this way are endless and most of them were and still are foreign traders (Somalis, Ethiopians, Yemenis etc ….)

At the time he was Chief of Staff, was the favorite method of enrichment of IOG

In addition, the fact that judges consider themselves covered by the scheme as they apply in their judgments and decisions the guidelines unjust and unfair, too, trying by all means, including bribery, to find their own financial interest in the issues submitted to them for trial.

In conclusion Djibouti, Djibouti any complainant or abroad is not guaranteed to receive no justice if the system does not agree with him or if he does not pay what he owes (Bakchich!) To whom right. We can therefore say that Djibouti is really not a rule of law but a country where the law of the strongest priority over any other consideration.

3. The Executive Power

Officially the Republic of Djibouti is defined in terms of constitutional law as governed by a presidential system, but in reality this country is subjected to the dictates of a dictatorial regime and police.

No one can deny that since this system, like other dictatorships around the world, is characterized by grabbing an abuse of human freedoms and all the legal powers of the state by the executive represented by the Presidency.

The reality described in the preceding two paragraphs, clearly demonstrates the degree of power and omnipotence of the executive Djibouti. Indeed, not only the scheme IOG has managed to collect improperly in his hands all the powers and duties provided by the institutional establishment, but also the resulting powers of government management as information, military power, economy and finance, security ,…. etc..

So having a grip force, but illegal on all powers and legal rights in the country, the executive can afford to suffer and do not bear any criticism and any challenge in its own way of governing. The scheme I. O.G. considering holding a power of absolute ventures to adopt laws and regulations most arbitrary and most unjust possible. Moreover, being deeply convinced that no one in Djibouti and elsewhere, unable to discuss and question the system, the regime has instituted and established a mode of government of the country and its people, the most immoral and most unpopular possible.

For completeness, the particularity of the Djiboutian regime, we need to agree and to inform our readers that the executive of this country is not a single set, a whole, but rather an artificial assemblage of two parts who do not share equally the power they represent yet together. Indeed there is one side, the Prime Minister and other Ministers who do not really decide anything at all, even in their respective departments. They are there to execute orders and thereby ensure their personal enrichment. On the other hand, there IOG and its instrument of power, the Presidency, where all the country’s activities are supervised and monitored closely.

So having a complete control over the executive government by decree and so far none of his decrees was never denied or questioned by the legislature.