{'fraction_non_alphanumeric': 0.017434917602101745, 'fraction_numerical': 0.0016718414139001673, 'mean_word_length': 5.679425837320574, 'pattern_counts': {'":': 0, '<': 0, '<?xml version=': 0, '>': 0, 'https://': 0, 'lorem ipsum': 0, 'www.': 0, 'xml': 0}, 'pii_count': 0, 'substrings_counts': 0, 'word_list_counts': {'cursed_substrings.json': 0, 'profanity_word_list.json': 0, 'sexual_word_list.json': 0, 'zh_pornsignals.json': 0}}
The Caribbeanization of Black Politics: Race, Group Consciousness, and Political Participation in America

Racial and ethnic identity are powerful forces in politics that can shape the opinions, opportunities, and activities of native and new Americans alike. As the size of the black immigrant population increases, questions emerge about whether these new Americans improve or impede the efforts of black people to overcome political barriers and achieve greater political power in their communities. Studies that examine African American political behavior find that a common racial identity can inspire mobilization and increase political participation in favor of greater representation in government. However, studies of the relationship between identity and politics among black immigrants, particularly those from the Caribbean, produce varied results when assessing participation, coalition-building, and the potential for conflict with African Americans. Some suggest that immigrants emulate earlier white ethnic groups as they assimilate into political life, with political parties and machines reaching out in an effort to tip the balance of power locally. Others argue that recognition of the U.S. racial order and attachment to the country of origin prompt black immigrants to distance themselves from African Americans and resist political incorporation, as they envision a future return to the country of origin. Still others suggest that a common skin color and the persistence of race-based discrimination in society inform a sense of racial group consciousness that encourages racial solidarity and coalition-building. Efforts to prove or disprove these theories are generally limited in scope, frequently focusing on a single city and relying on a smaller number of study participants. Such limitations tend to result from, or be a function of, data collection efforts focusing more on racial identity and ignoring black ethnic diversity. The Caribbeanization of Black Politics: Race, Group Consciousness, and Political Participation in America, by Sharon Wright Austin, pushes beyond these existing limitations and provides a clearer picture of black ethnic identity and its impact on efforts to increase black political power. Recognizing the importance of social and political context in shaping identity and political behavior, Austin focuses her analyses on four gateway cities: Boston, Chicago, Miami, and New York. She is attentive to the development of distinct political arrangements and the history of black leadership in each city. Given that the literature shows that racial and ethnic identity structure politics as a result of group consciousness, Austin defines group consciousness as a common racial identification, recognition of racial group disadvantage, and support for coalitions with other groups of African descent. However, rather than assuming that group consciousness will manifest in the same way for every group in every political context, Austin examines whether black immigrants share a common group identity and sense of group consciousness with African Americans in each city separately. She then investigates the factors that contribute to group consciousness and the impact of group consciousness on political participation. To understand the relationships between identity, group consciousness, and political participation, Austin relies on an impressive number of surveys and interviews with 2,359 African Americans, Cape Verdeans, Haitians, and West Indians. The examination of group identity provides evidence that West Indians, Haitians, and African Americans largely share a common identity, with members of each group suggesting that ‘‘black’’ is an appropriate identifier. Austin also highlights the prevalence of perceived discrimination as experienced by African American and black immigrant respondents. Such realities contribute to a sense of racial group consciousness and support for political coalition-building between the various groups. The study finds that an increase in educational attainment, residence in a black neighborhood, and a longer time in the United States, as measured by generations from 396 Reviews