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The Changing Pattern of Hopi Agriculture. Maitland Bradfield. Occasional Paper No. 30, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, London, 1971. 66 pp., 5 tables, 12 plates, appendices, 2 maps. $6.60.

For an area once deemed unsuited for inhabitation, anthropologists have swarmed over the Hopi Mesas as if they were the Garden of Eden. Long plagued by adversity and intruders the resourceful Hopi have survived by means of an ingenuity ethnologists may never discover. Without making a pretense for thoroughness, Bradfield's slender and relatively expensive monograph is a genuine contribution to our understanding of human adaptation in arid lands. But its limitations are precisely the secrets the Hopi retain. First let's clarify what this book is not. It is not about Hopi agriculture; a book about Hopi agriculture is yet to be written. Forde wrote about First Mesa, Beaglehole about Second Mesa, and Clark, Hack, Hoover, and Page about general farming practices at Hopi, but this accumulating information has not been synthesized. Recalling that these people occupy nine villages today (and many more in prehistoric times), generalizations about one town are not necessarily applicable to all others. This book meticulously records the farming practices of several farmers (the exact number of informants is not reported) at Oraibi on Third Mesa. Moreover, it is not about the changing pattern because a base-line is never clearly established nor are the many alternative techniques which complement flood-water farming ever presented. In addition, the belief system that guides the farmers' decisions are essentially ignored. Thus it is a normative study of the changing pattern and methods of floodwater farming in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Although this concise treatise is a primary reference, some technical ambiguities spoil its universality. A fundamental problem is that often the reader simply does not recognize whether the expressed point of view is Bradfield's or a Hopi's. Moreover, even though Latin binomials are given for most plants, the author proudly states that his only botanist was a Hopi. Either this man had an exceptional education or Bradfield found the Latin equivalent to Hopi names in Whiting's Ethnobotany of the Hopi. Environmental archaeologists will relish this book. Bradfield employs many of the ecological techniques missing in most ethnographies, and many of the assumed causes of cultural changes held by some archaeologists-population growth, environmental changes, lowered carrying capacity, and the relationships between soil types and farming-are supported with field observations. Bradfield examines through careful analyses the physical environmental bases of Oraibi flooded field farming. The sources of water, soil quality, and conductivity of geological strata all come under his skilled eye and are neatly tied to the physiological requirements of the natural plant communities and economic plants which sustain the Hopi. Much of this information is reproduced on detailed maps and charts. These data are then used to explain the famous social schism at Oraibi and the change in field locations during the past century. While ethnologists have emphasized the social factors underlying the Oraibi-Hotevilla-Bacobi split, Bradfield posits that the consequences of a changed climatic pattern of the late 1800s should be accorded causal priority. In the main text and in an important postscript he argues quite persuasively that prolonged droughts and stream incising of the alluvial valleys essential to flood-water farming began in the 1880s and was accentuated by disastrous floods in 1905 and 1907. The cumulative effect was to reduce the amount of arable land and to lower the productivity of the fields that were farmed. The diminished land base and concomitant food shortages prompted social discontent and eventually the division of Oraibi's population into units more in line with the effective carrying capacity. Bradfield's second major application of agronomic and physiographic information is more tenuous. He contends that Hopi crop production increased after 1870 with acceptance of draught animals. Burros and carts hastened the harvest and brought distant agricultural lands into easy access. The addition of the plow replaced the slower but more conservation oriented and time proven farming techniques of the Hopi, rapidly resulting in accentuated soil erosion and water loss. The use of the pick-up truck is seen as further eroding the Hopi's local economic base by encouraging concentrated land holding away from the village. This technological innovation, however, is assaulting the entire economic base and the Hopi's very existence by opening the door to wage labor outside the community. The complex interplay between climatic deterioration and social constraints is cogently argued by Bradfield, but other facts do not support his second thesis. First, travelers and special agents to the Hopi reporting in the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs noted the presence of burros, mules, and horses prior to 1870, and attributed their limited number to the water requirements of the stock and losses to marauding Navajos and Apaches. With the Pax Americana in the West, Hopi holdings of mules and horses increased from an estimated 500 in 1879 to 900 in 1888 and to 4200 (!) in 1890 if one chooses to believe this census. The key to understanding the