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Brain Storm: The Flaws in the Science of Sex Differences (review)

64 and in the prison system (as justification to ignore or perpetrate cases of sexual and physical abuse or to house LGBT people in isolation). Likewise, components of the criminal legal system, from court cases to prisons, produce and maintain myths about particular populations, such as the hypersexual person of color or deceptively predatory transgender person—archetypes that frequently overlap. Stressing that the violent criminalization of queer and transgender people is deeply embedded in U.S. culture and politics, the authors note that efforts to merely reform police forces, courts, or prisons will necessarily fall short. In a chapter focused on hate crimes legislation, Queer (In)Justice argues for a queer politics that seeks justice in spaces other than those of the criminal legal system, which is already a site of violence against marginalized people. They point out that hate crimes laws are easily used to further criminalize bodies already marked as deviant—particularly people of color—and often result in the expansion of policing and prisons. This is a particularly useful section of the book, and though it stops short of taking an explicitly abolitionist stance on prisons, its arguments for deep systemic change rather than reform are eloquently and convincingly stated. The final chapter of the book offers several examples of ways that this more radical change has been envisioned and enacted. While this section feels somewhat rushed, it helpfully cites a number of activist and advocacy organizations and is followed by a suggested list of texts for further reading. Queer (In)Justice would be a welcome text in queer, gender, and ethnic studies classrooms, and in courses dealing with the concepts of crime, law, prisons, or social movements in the United States. Although the book draws on a wide range of academic work, it is intended for a general audience, and the authors helpfully define their terms with care. The arguments are illustrated at every step with case studies and interviews with queer and transgender people. Importantly, these accounts offer concrete examples that are neither exploitative of the people involved nor portrayed as exceptional cases. In fact, in one of the book’s most compelling moments, the authors point out that this queer lens on criminalization demonstrates the effects of the criminal legal system not only for queer and transgender people, but for all people who experience the violence of policing and punishment. Arguing that “queer criminalizing archetypes stick to all of us like unwanted burrs,” Queer (In)Justice makes clear the pervasiveness of criminalization efforts, the failure of reform rhetoric, and the possibilities for deeper frameworks of justice.