{'fraction_non_alphanumeric': 0.02936378466557912, 'fraction_numerical': 0.007504078303425775, 'mean_word_length': 5.047337278106509, 'pattern_counts': {'":': 0, '<': 0, '<?xml version=': 0, '>': 0, 'https://': 0, 'lorem ipsum': 0, 'www.': 0, 'xml': 0}, 'pii_count': 0, 'substrings_counts': 0, 'word_list_counts': {'cursed_substrings.json': 0, 'profanity_word_list.json': 0, 'sexual_word_list.json': 0, 'zh_pornsignals.json': 0}}
New Directions in the Study of China's Foreign Policy

New Directions in the Study of China's Foreign Policy, edited by Alastair Iain Johnston and Robert S. Ross. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006. xviii + 482 pp. US$65.00 (hardcover), US$24.95 (paperback). This volume has two purposes. The first is to do what the title says: lay out new directions in the study of China's foreign policy. The other is to honor Allen Whiting's founding of and contributions to the systematic study of China's foreign relations. In general, the volume accomplishes both purposes reasonably well. There is some unevenness in the substantive essays in the collection and, at times, attempts to link Whiting's work to the essay at hand seem a little forced but, all in all, this book does provide strong evidence for sophisticated advances in many areas in the study of China's relationship with the world. The book is divided into three sections: security studies; China and globalization; and domestic politics. In the security section, Robert Ross compares the stability of deterrence in the Taiwan Strait and on the Korean Peninsula, and concludes that, while deterrence prevails in both areas at the present time, the situation across the Strait is more stable. Thomas Christensen follows with an essay arguing that China uses force when it perceives windows of vulnerability or opportunity to affect opponents' perception of the utility of long-term conflictual relations with China. John Garver discusses the Sino-Indian conflict of 1959-62, arguing that China (Mao) suffered from two different kinds of perceptual biases-attribution errors and projection-which limited its (his) ability to respond to tensions on the Sino-Indian border in a more measured way. Avery Goldstein follows Garver with an assessment of China's interests on the Korean Peninsula (though much more focused on North Korea than the South). Michael Yahuda asks why Sino-Japanese economic interdependence has not yielded better political relations between the two leading states of East Asia. Finally, Yong Deng concludes this section with a fine essay on how China has reacted to the "China Threat" theory, and modified its behavior in attempts to reassure neighbor states. Part 2 contains three essays. Allen Carlson challenges views about the rigidity with which China clings to Westphalian notions of sovereignty, showing the evolution of Chinese views about sovereignty and intervention. Margaret Pearson discusses China's emerging role in the WTO, concluding that, as a major trading nation, China often finds itself more aligned with other major traders rather than with developing countries. Samuel Kim also focuses on sovereignty, but at the broader level of China's involvement in global processes (and, in turn, how China is affected by globalization). Part 3 contains an essay by Peter Hays Gries on identity and conflict in Sino-American relations. Drawing on social psychological concepts, he suggests that group identities based on nationalist assertion need not lead to conflict. …