{'fraction_non_alphanumeric': 0.031678082191780824, 'fraction_numerical': 0.004280821917808219, 'mean_word_length': 4.702439024390244, 'pattern_counts': {'":': 0, '<': 0, '<?xml version=': 0, '>': 0, 'https://': 0, 'lorem ipsum': 0, 'www.': 0, 'xml': 0}, 'pii_count': 0, 'substrings_counts': 0, 'word_list_counts': {'cursed_substrings.json': 0, 'profanity_word_list.json': 0, 'sexual_word_list.json': 0, 'zh_pornsignals.json': 0}}
Sexual Segregation in the Sciences: Some Data and a Model

Several years ago Henry W. Menard, currently director of the U.S. Geological Survey, in a provocative book, Science: Growth and Change,3 showed that the "growth rate" of a science, however measured, has a strong effect on the careers of scientists in that field. Menard described how advancement comes early to a man (sic) in a fast-growing field so that after a few years he can become a full professor, a spokesman for the field, and even president of a very young professional society. In a slowly growing field, however, the same person would have to be older, and have published more, before becoming a full professor, winning a certain prize, or being elected to a major professional office. One can extend Menard's reasoning beyond the timing of scientific careers. Growth forces may also affect the employment opportunities of women and minority groups and attitudes of other scientists toward them. Menard's model can be used to explain why, for instance, some fields have been more "open" to women and minority members, offering them jobs even during the depression of the 1930s when others did not.