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The existence of agriculture and the autonomy of peasant community

Deagrarianization represent the situation in which the village as the basis of agrarian life and its peasants deal with the pressure of destroying its existence as an agrarian community. Deagrarianization poses a real threat to peasant communities in developing countries. This study aimed to determine the efforts of peasants who still exist to maintain their agriculture and able to survive from the process of deagrarianization, and the forms of autonomy that grow in it. The research used a single case study approach. Data were obtained through participant observation and in-depth interviews on 28 peasants. The results showed that ideological autonomy could support the existence of peasant communities to survive the deagrarianization process. The peasant community could withstand the deagrarianization process because it has strong ideological autonomy. This ideological autonomy was manifested in strong and sustained subsistence farming ties in communal farming practices and kinship ties within the internal community. Through ideological autonomy, the peasant community was resistant to interventions from outside the community that are considered inconsistent with the community values. This resistant attitude was consistently undertaken by applying livelihoodonly on agricultural activity and identifying themselves firmly as peasants who continue to practice subsistence agriculture.


Introduction
Farming or agriculture as a key feature of an agrarian community, especially in developing countries, is dealing with a massive decayingprocess. 'Farewell to the farm' is a term used by [3] to describe a large portrait of countries that no longer make agriculture or farm as the primary source of livelihood. Ethiopia, Nigeria, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, and South Africa are some countries that show the signs of deagrarianization. This is visible from the inability of the peasants to compete with large-scale capitalist agriculture. Deagrarianization alsovisible from how they respond to changes that have occurred due to market liberalization and ecological degradation due to population growth. Diversified livelihoods, which include urbanization, widespread trade, service provision and depeasantization of social identity among young people, occur extensively in rural areas.
Deagrarianization is the reality of the vanished of peasants from their agrarian existence. It is not simply the loss of peasants' capacity as economic units (food producers) and the disappearance of rural areas as they grow into urban zones (de-ruralization), deagrarianization indicates the situation where the village as the basis of agrarian life and its peasants deal with the pressure of destroying its existence as an agrarian community [12]. Deagrarianization has replace agriculture into a tertiary sector [2]. Farming and agricultural activities are stagnant (involution). This is evident from the structural changes occurs in income sources from declining agriculture while economic diversification and mobility attached to remittance flows have increased [6] [7].
Deagrarianization poses a serious threat because agriculture is a crucial sector not only to ensure food availability, but also to support 70 percent of the world's poor. In fact, by 2050 when world food needs are doubled, agricultural activity is increasingly expected to continue to grow [10]. As  the Food and Agricultural Organization [5] report, by 2050 the world's population will reach 9.1 billion, 34% larger than the current number. The largest population increase will occur in developing countries. Urbanization will continue and accelerate the shift of 70% of the population in urban areas compared to49% of the current number. The amount of revenue will multiply. To feed the growing population and the larger income population, food production must be increased by 70%. Cereal production should be increased to 3 billion tons from the current 2.1 billion tons and meat production should also be raised from 200 million tons to 470 million tons. Supporting peasants to avoid deagrarianization processes is very important because when villages as the basis of agrarian communities disappear, food and civilization anchors will also disappear. Villages as the basis of agrarian communities with peasants who pursue their activities and are able to meet their food needs must be maintained and protected. Peasant seed a fair chance to live peacefully doing what they want to do.Peasants must have autonomy in order to be independent and free to choose more profitable options. Becoming an autonomous peasant, they can be tougher when faced with various threats including deagrarianization. Peasant autonomy is very important for peasants to reduce the dependence and risk of agriculture. Autonomy deals with economic rights, cultural rights and the right to improve peasants' capacity.
This study sought to gain a deep understanding of the farming communities in Java that are able to survive from the deagrarianization process. In the context of deagrarianization, autonomy is a central aspect of peasants to come out from their deprivation and dependency situation [9]. Autonomy is the key to survival and resistance. Autonomy includes the mastery of resources (economic autonomy) as well as the authority to live up to the values it believes in (ideological autonomy). Through autonomy, peasants can claim and defend their living space by reducing various forms of external dependence [11]. Autonomy is obtained by restoring control over the peasants' living space. The process of control is not only limited to physical space (land, economic resources), but also to the immaterial spaces of ideas and ideologies embodied in agrarian cultures (peasant culture), which are protected and preserved within the community.

Peasant autonomy
Human creativity are specifically distinguished from other living beings. Humans have the ability to create through the energy they possess by altering their nature and social environment in various ways. Humans can continue to use their ability to create as long as they can control their energy, the process while working and the products produced from their energy. When someone has to sell his/her strength to the owner of the factors of production, this is where the process of creativity alienation or the ability to create possessed by someone is replaced with wages. This is what Marx calls the alienation. Autonomy will not be possible when alienation occurs [4]. Autonomy is possible when someone is able to use his creativity and not experience alienation. In the context of peasants, it can be said that an autonomous farming community is free to manage its own community and can fight against processes they do not want, such as land commoditization and monetization of production relations. Processes such as agricultural modernization often place peasants into a permanent semiproletarization process. Peasants' communities or rural direct producers are sometimes faced with unstable wage-earning conditions. Also led to an autonomous approach. In the concept, Archetti states that autonomy can be possible if there is no relationship at all between the peasant and the landlord, or the absence of landlord [1]. The tenant system and the profit sharing with the landlord make the peasant un-autonomous. There are two ideal conditions in which autonomy is possible: 1) ecological isolation and 2) property ownership. Property enables peasants to have economic independence, while ecological isolation allows peasants to gain ideological freedom. Only two types of peasants can gain this autonomy: middle-class peasants owning land and peasants living outside the landlords. The mode of agricultural production of small scale (peasant) is the mode of production that allows this type (high independence). Different production modes, allowing different degrees or levels of peasant autonomy. The degree of autonomy can be distinguished: 'less autonomous to 'very autonomous' [1]. Autonomy is totally absent or near zero (zero or almost zero) in peasant communities with neofeodal production mode. This happens because peasants are heavily dependent on landlords. The degree of very autonomous can be found in the capitalist mode of production. This is possible because of the relationship between peasants with weak or weakening landlords. Dimensions that affect autonomy in this degree are: 1) tenure security; 2) the degree of direct relationship with the vertical market; and 3) management of peasants on the plots they own. Tenurial security enables peasants to predict the stability they can achieve by using the land they own. Direct relationships to vertical markets allow peasants to sell their produce directly to buyers and vice versa, so as to curb uneven relationships between sellers and buyers commonly occurring in vertical market relations. Meanwhile, through 'managing plots', peasants can also distribute their own resources by selecting the types of crops, types of seeds used and the needs between subsistence and the market. Through market expansion, peasants can engage in a wider exchange system and enable them to gain profit and reduce their economic dependence on landlords. Distinguishes autonomy by the term 'by product autonomy' and 'genuine autonomy' [8]. In this case, the autonomy of peasants is related to the independence of the right and authority of the peasant to define himself. Autonomy as a product occurs because of an alliance between peasants and the state. Real autonomy, meanwhile, occurs when a peasant does not make an alliance with an agency outside himself. When a peasant builds an alliance with outside parties himself, the peasant will have no autonomy because he will always be faced with outside control either in the form of an administrative regime, a military apparatus or an elite dependency. Autonomy in this concept is another form of dependency when the rights or authority of a peasant community are defined by an agency that comes from outside. Peasant rebellion is also not a form of autonomy from peasants.
Place the concept of autonomy or dependency with the idea of agriculture as an important value in the identity of a peasant and as a social instrument always used to reinforce that identity [13]. Autonomy is an integral part of the identity of being a peasant and becoming a peasant. "This autonomy is furthermore concerned with its role in maintaining and building relationships with agriculture, land, family members, neighbours and all relations related to. Autonomy is a key indicator of 'happiness' beyond the calculation of hours of work or income to be earned. Autonomy allows one to interpret 'farming' more than just the extent of land to be worked on. Being autonomous is an experience of 'freedom to' to do things as well as 'freedom from'. The aspect of 'freedom' in autonomy is divided into two namely: 'freedom in a positive sense (positive freedom) and freedom in a negative sense (negative freedom). Freedom in a positive sense is defined as the autonomy of the individual to make decisions on himself, free to be a ruler to himself. Freedom in the negative sense is the freedom to not be disturbed by others. Autonomy is not always related to land ownership or agricultural business, but this level of independence can be found in its very personal form of 'feeling can be master to itself'. Some of the things that could be a barrier to autonomy include: the state and its regulation, banking and other financial institutions and companies or industries.
Peasant autonomy is also raised by [9] by referring to these autonomy values as the key to survival and resistance or often called repeasantization. Quantative repeasantization means an increase in the number of peasants and qualitatively (increased management autonomy and progress in production activities that do not depend on the market). The essence of repeasantization is the struggle for autonomy and survival in the deprivation and dependency situations experienced by peasants. In this case the situation of peasants is assumed to be not static, but changes from time to time. Autonomy can be achieved through cooperation between man and nature. Repeasantization of farming is made as peasants' desire. The control of resources (self-controlled resource base) is an important indicator or metaphor for autonomy. Control is not only related to resources such as land but also control of the market network.
Autonomy is an effort by peasants to resist pressure and dependence. Autonomy can be obtained through cooperation of production, knowledge, network, access to market and so on. In this case, the condition of peasants is described in two main elements, namely: co-production (mutual interaction between individuals and their environment) and resource base (self-maintenance of resources). It seeks to regain control and management of existing resources through various forms of cooperation between 4 1234567890 ''"" individuals and the environment and markets that enable them to survive and gain opportunities to strengthen the resource base, improve production processes, expand autonomy and reduce dependence. Agricultural and resource development must be understood as the emancipation of the peasants. Farming is concerned with the active process of generating, resources, relationships and symbols. The peasant principles or so-called Ploeg as peasant conditions are the product of the peasant's strategy of obtaining autonomy and enduring the increasing marginalization and economic pressure on the village. Self-controlled resource base, return to re-grounding of nature and intensive labor-based farming (labor intensification) are some of the best forms of effort. Patterns that can support peasants' innovation are done by restoring the importance of local culture, persistence, and tech-oriented skills. Furthermore, peasant autonomy is defined as the ability of peasants to act without fear, freedom selfgoverning, self-mastering, exploring, creating and nurturing his creations in the totality of farming activities as the embodiment of a proud and happy identity.

'Sedulursikep'-peasant community in Baturejo
Sedulur Sikep or better known as Samin community is a community that can be found in some areas of Blora, Bojonegoro, Pati and Kudus. Community Sedulur Sikep or Samin follow the teachings of Samin (Saminisme) spread by SaminSurosentiko (1859SaminSurosentiko ( -1914. This teaching is rooted in the resistance of Dutch colonial culture and capitalism that emerged during the 19th century colonization. Saminism grew as a struggle against the Dutch arbitrariness that seized the land for expansion of teak forests. Resistance in the doctrine of Saminism is not done physically, but it is a form of opposition to all the rules and obligations that the people have to do against the Netherlands (i.e, not paying taxes). It is through this opposing attitude that the Samin community then establishes its own order and customs. SedulurSikep which became the focus of this research is Sedulur Sikep located in Bombong Hamlet, Baturejo Village, Sukolilo District, Pati Regency. Historically, Sedulur Sikep Community in Baturejo Village is an immigrant population from Kalioso, Kudus. The adherents of 'Samin' teachings in this village start from the descendant of 'Mbah Jambat (Jambat grandfather)' who was the first figure to develop the teachings [14]. There are 302 families or about 14 percent of the total number of households in Baturejo Village, amounting to 2154 households. If in the surrounding villages, houses have been built with tiled floors and magnificent pillars, most of the houses in Bombong Hamlet still have cement floors or soil. Some homes still maintain the structure of a limasan-style with a rooster architecture on the roof and teak wooden walls. The newly married nuclear family houses were built around the main house. New houses are usually narrower in size than the main house. If in ancient times there were rules for building houses facing north and south, then this rule seems to have begun to be compromised as many houses are already facing east and west. The influence of modernization began to be seen from the design of new homes that began more diverse with the addition of a canopy or modern kitchen among the cattle stables that remain built attached to the back of the house.
The main livelihood for Sedulur Sikep community is farming. Customary procedures do not allow them to trade, migrate or work as employees. They also did not attend formal education in schools. Children are taught literacy and simple numeracy from their parents or relatives. Paddy field is considered the actual 'school' for this community. Children from childhood are accustomed to be familiar with the agricultural world by being invited to go to the paddy fields. Although full responsibility for managing the paddy fields will be done after marriage, children are taught from childhood to master simple farming techniques such as: planting seeds (nandur) for girls and clearing grass (ndaud) for boys.
Modernization is apparent in affecting this community. Sedulur Sikep is not enough to be described with cloth and black kebaya (Javanese blouse) for women or shorts and black headband for the men. Black shirt will be used during a traditional event or other formal event. Beyond traditional events, they are already using various types of clothing with various latest models. The influence of technology such as mobile phones and television has impacted the development of fashion among these communities. Modernization of technology also allows them to access various information about situations outside their village. In this context they always use the terms 'sedhereksanese '(the other brother),'tiyangmanca'(the outsider) and 'wongkutho' (city man)' to distinguish himself from outsiders. This once gave confirmation of their identity of Sedulur Sikep Community with their characteristic as 'peasants'. The location of the settlement is relatively close to the subdistrict center and an alternate route to the district town, making the village road a busy path in its daily routine. Passing by large and small vehicles freely coming in and out of residential areas, once again confirms that Sedulur Sikep Community is not an ecologically isolated community. As explained by [1], ecological isolation is one of the ideal conditions that enable the peasant community to have ideological autonomy.

Agriculture risks, peasants' dependence, and depeasantization
The phenomenon of deagrarianization are evident in the village of Baturejo as well as the surrounding villages. This can be seen from agriculture that is considered not able to bring success and prosperity. Pessimism is raised from the non Sedulur Sikeppeasants who think that farming does not bring changes in their lives. The farming is a farm of inheritance from parents who are less innovative and cannot be expected to be able to meet daily needs. Finding other opportunities outside the agricultural sector becomes an option for peasants to earn other sources of income. As [2] explains, deagrarianization places agriculture not as the primary sector, but turns it into a tertiary sector. Revenue from the agricultural sector cannot guarantee the fulfilment of daily needs. Harvest failure is a major threat facing peasants every year. The location of paddy fields not passed by the primary irrigation canal requires peasants to prepare higher costs for irrigation. This is managed by peasant groups through auction system. Being a group committee eventually becomes another kind of livelihood source which is promising when the harvest is successful. In addition to the threat of crop failure, if it does not get enough water, floods also become a threat that is quite disturbing to peasants, especially in the first growing season. Many cases, rice that is ready to be harvested, was forced to drown due to flooding. This situation makes peasants unable to ensure that the rice they plant will always be harvested. Conditions will be more severe, when there is a pest attack. Rats are endemic animals that always appear. Meanwhile, aphis often dashed peasants hope because of its unpredictable arrival. Every time the aphis attack, it can be ascertained that the paddy that can be brought back home can be reduced to 80% or even no harvest at all. Droughts, floods and pest attacks are almost always emerging threats in every cycle of agriculture. Another threat that also increases the risk of agricultural activities is the decline in the scale of the agricultural economy. This condition is mainly complained about government policies related to the availability of agricultural production facilities such as seeds, fertilizers and the sale price of agricultural products. The purchase of fertilizer with a package system between chemical and organic fertilizers, confuses a number of peasants. This confusion raises prejudice among peasants themselves. Meanwhile, the highest retail price fixing from the government, making peasants difficult to expect greater profits. This situation often must be addressed by storing the previously harvested rice for later waiting for sale when the price is good enough. However, rice cannot be stored for too long. Peasants also have to sell at a price that is not too good.
Land fragmentation is also an agricultural challenge that peasants are beginning to face. Although the change is still not very visible, the system of splitting of agricultural land due to inheritance keeps the agricultural lands narrowed. This situation is also worrying when farmland is given to heirs who already have other investment plans. Existing agricultural land is vulnerable to conversion to non-food agriculture purposes. The transfer of this function becomes one of the long-term threats to the agricultural landscape because it is closely associated with the opening of investment opportunities into Central Java. Central Java is a strategic location of industrial development and is becoming the target of many investors because of the low investment cost. The entry of industry threatens the existence of sustainable rice fields and farming communities. This situation has recently emerged with a polemic case of the founding of a cement plant. On the one hand, the presence of a cement plant, has the support of the local government because it is considered capable of moving the economy, while on the other side of the factory is regarded as a very serious threat to the sustainability of agricultural businesses that are vulnerable to losing groundwater resources.
Various agricultural risks andpeasant dependence on production facilities, causing agriculture become increasingly unpopular. This is evident from the increasingly scarce agricultural labour. Agriculture can only absorb the limited number of workers (depeasantization) because many villagers, especially the younger generation, have been reluctant to enter this sector and prefer other sectors that are considered more able to provide income certainty.

'Do not help do not disturb': The existence of food peasants community
Various failures and success of harvest on agriculture, is not a kind of disaster for Sedulur Sikep Community. Through the principle as long as have a healthy body (segerkuwarasan), Sedulur Sikep community ensure will be able to meet their needs. This is reinforced through kinship values.Cautious is a way to deal with the crises experienced especially when crop failures by striving for daily needs to be met.
The annual cycle of the Sedulur Sikep community is wrestling with its agricultural lands that cannot always promise an abundant harvest. Floods, pests, and prolonged droughts come and go. 'Kejulak' (crisis) is a situation that cannot be predicted, but must always be ready to deal with. Pests are not the only threat. When the rainy season comes, their fields that are mostly located in the 'rowo' (swamps) will be inundated. During this inundated water, they cannot cultivate their fields for one planting season (3-4 months). Waiting until the water recedes while looking for fish or snails is an activity that is usually done to meet daily needs.
Persisting as a peasant with all the risks, becomes an option for the Sedulur Sikep community. With simple farming techniques, they fully believe that farming is their life. They do not completely reject modern agricultural technology or aid that comes from outside their community. 'Ojodiganggu' (do not disturb) is their desire to be left alive as their current choice. They just do not want to change what is 'steady' and want to always be able to maintain harmony within their community. Living in harmony is part of the Sikep view of life that considers everyone brothers and are obliged to help each other. They do not want a class or hierarchy with the size of clothing and food. If people in the surrounding villages consider 'farming' not as an activity that brings success, for Sedulur Sikep 'farming' is their life. Farming is interpreted as 'ngratani' (evenly). Through farming, all living things on earth can get food. Farming not only ensures the adequacy of food for humans, but also for pests that disrupt crops, such as mice, aphis, and birds can enjoy the natural merit. Pests that become enemies of this peasant also actually have the right to get the results of crops planted by peasants. Farming is very rewarding especially when what has been planted and grown on agricultural land can be harvested.
Trading, being an employee or wandering out of the village, does not become the 'order' they hold. When the success stories of Korean immigrants from the surrounding villages clearly showcase the magnificent houses and luxurious cars, combine harvester at hundreds of millions and more expensive rice fields purchased, the famous dangdut orchestra hired to celebrate the great celebrations, the Sedulur Sikep community survives with its farming routines, simple agricultural technology, and shadow puppets performances that are considered as historical speeches that are more important than mere dangdut performances.
This hereditary order becomes the energizing energy of the Sedulur Sikep community. Identity as an agriculture-based community is reinforced by calling outsiders communities as 'sedhereksanese' (other relatives) and 'tiyangmonco' (immigrants). Their cultural territorials are affirmed with the ability to follow the 'Sikeporder' i.e. by not trading, being an employee, or wandering out of the village. When community members choose to follow another order, it is considered a conscious choice and cannot be forced to survive. 'Sakbutuhe' (as needed) is a term used to release community members who choose not to follow the order of the Sikep.
When the surrounding villages are experiencing a crisis of agricultural labor, the SedulurSikep community is fully capable of meeting the needs of its agricultural workforce with a 'lebotan' system (alternately system). The powerful kinship system allows the Sedulur Sikep Community to maintain this system. In the system, there is a priority sequence from husband and wife, then between parents and children, with relatives, then to the neighbors then others. This alternately system is also not only known in agricultural work, but also in working together to build a house.
Awareness of Sedulur Sikep about the importance of agricultural land to be maintained and continued to posterity is also very high. When in the surrounding villages, rice fields began to be traded for expenses abroad or even replaced with a business that generate billion rupiah, Sedulur Sikep remain faithful to maintain and cultivate the fields with various risks of crop failure and even continue to strive to add the area of cultivated land either by buying rice fields in neighboring villages or becoming a cultivator of the peasants in the surrounding villages who no longer want to plunge into the fields and choose to switch to non-agricultural businesses.

Autonomy of ideology and economic autonomy
For Sedulur Sikep Community, farming is an expression of freedom, not pursued by time and nothing to manage. There is a strong belief among these communities that if they leave the village, then there is a sense of uneasiness that will always keep them going back to the village. They feel always protected if they remain in the village. Living near family and relatives in the village has become a necessity for them.
With its order, the Sedulur Sikep community is considered difficult to be part of the administrative circle of the village. 'Mligi' is a term to refer to the native Sedulur Sikep which the community considers to still apply strictly community rules. This situation then impressed them as a passive peasant and did not want to go forward. 'Ora umum' (unusual) is a term used by communities outside the community to call a way of life that is not like the average community. They refuse to rely on the government of Sedulur Sikep will not accept any kind of outside intervention that is compensatory. They will reject various forms of assistance/subsidies intended for individuals. Sedulur Sikep Community also avoids various forms of ceremonial activities. One of the activities they often complain of, is agricultural extension which is often done in the village hall office and does not directly show the practice in the field. Compared to these meetings, they prefer to go to the fields to farm. Freely choosing what to do, is one of the keys to peasant autonomy. As explained Stock and [13] autonomy means free to do something.
Social relationships that are not money-based also become one of the choices of attitude Sedulur Sikep. Money is replaced by various forms of goods. For this community, money is not an exchange instrument. Money only becomes an exchange instrument when they interact with the non Sedulur Sikep community. Mutual cooperation system actually gives rise to greater social responsibility because every member of the community is bound by the obligation to do the same in the future. The values of cooperation and kinship are maintained through this activity. In this context, they resist the presence of combine harvester as one form of modern agricultural technology. The presence of combine harvester causes many seekers of the remnants of rice harvest to lose their jobs. Yet from the activity of looking for the remains of this harvest, those who do not have rice field, can get the rice for them to bring home. The presence of modern technology that affects the loss of communal values is considered less precise.
The attitude of refusing to help and belief in carrying out her own custom, shows that Sedulur Sikep Community has a fairly strong ideological autonomy. Ideological autonomy in this case is the freedom to live up to the values it believes [11]. This autonomy arises in the form of freedom in selfregulation, freedom to practice local agriculture, the freedom to continue the existing farming traditions, and the pride of attitude in showing identity as a peasant. A strong ideological autonomy can be found in the Sedulur Sikep not because they are ecologically isolated or unrelated to the landlords, but rather because they are free to live their way of life. Nonetheless and freedom from the pressure that comes from outside them.
Meanwhile, economic autonomy or control of resources related to property ownership in this case can be said that Sedulur Sikep Community is relatively not economically autonomous. This is possible because although some communities have agricultural land and manage it themselves, some communities still have status as peasants with a profit-sharing system. With a revenue-sharing system, decisions on land management are not fully self-administered but must still involve landholders. They also do not have a direct relationship with the market when selling the crop. This situation causes them to still depend entirely on intermediary traders.

Conclusion
Peasant's autonomy is actually the ability of peasants to act fearlessly, freely organize themselves, to master themselves, to explore, to create and to keep their creations in the totality of farming activities as the embodiment of a proud and happy identity. An autonomous peasant community is free to manage its own community and can fight against processes that they do not want. The values of autonomy are the key to survival.
The existence of the Sedulur Sikep community as a farming community that survives its agriculture in the midst of deagrarianization which poses a threat to the continuity of villages and peasants in Java shows that ideological autonomy can support the existence of peasant communities to survive the deagrarianization process. Ideological autonomy saves peasants from unfavorable situations when peasants lose their economic autonomy due to various risks to be deal with.
The ideological autonomy is manifested in strong and sustained subsistence farming ties in communal farming practices and kinship ties within the internal sphere of the community. Through ideological autonomy, the peasant community is resistant to interventions from outside the community that are considered inconsistent with the internal organs of the community. This resistance attitude is consistently undertaken by applying the livelihood only on agricultural activity and identifying themselves firmly as peasants who continue to practice subsistence agriculture. Through autonomy, the peasant community maintains the way of life and farming that they believe. Resist external intervention is a way of reducing control and dependency externally. The process of control is not only limited to physical space (land, economic resources), but also to the immaterial spaces of ideas and ideologies embodied in agrarian cultures (peasant culture) protected and preserved within the community.