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Yemen: The Search for a Modern State. By Peterson J. E.. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982. Pp. 221. $22.50.)

definitions and, above all, without losing sight of the fact that there are at least some common elements among modern authoritarian regimes and some differences between them and nonauthoritarian systems. In the last analysis, however, Perlmutter's work simply leaves many of the phenomena sought to be explained by the "totalitarian school of analysts" outside his frame of reference. He argues convincingly that much of the terminology of such analysis is imprecise, but he does not demonstrate that the phenomena sought to be addressed did not or do not exist. Thus, Modern Authoritarianism is a useful contribution to the study of antidemocratic systems in the twentieth century, but, it does not supersede many earlier studies. It focuses on the functioning of the authoritarian regime, not on the origins. Perlmutter presents especially useful material on corporatist and praetorian regimes in both industrialized and third-world contexts. His chapter "Authoritarianism and Development" will be helpful to both researchers and to teachers of courses on contemporary antidemocratic systems. Perlmutter brings a richness of detail and conceptualization to his efforts to untangle the roles of party, "parallel and auxiliary structures," and the state in the functioning of corporatist and praetorian regimes in the Mediterranean area, in Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa. The presentation of Soviet and Nazi authoritarianism is less successful. Despite an inexplicable error in attributing the events of June, 1934 in Germany to "a revolt of Roehm's SA" (p. 101) rather than to a purge of nonconformist elements generally by Hitler, the difficulty lies less in inadequate mastery of facts than in Perlmutter's distrust of what he terms histiophilosophical or demonological explanations of the ideological and causative aspects of modern authoritarianism (pp. 179, 65). His convincing emphasis on the structures of these regimes, i.e. on their actual functioning, leaves unexplored the linkage between causes and origins on the one side and structural development on the other. Yet it is precisely on this linkage that a comprehensive presentation of modern authoritarianism would have to concentrate. If one may visualize this type of "monopolistic domination" (p. 185) as a confused tangle of ideological elements, psychological processes, behavioral adaptations (e.g., the phenomenon of the follower or conformist), Machiavellian manipulations, and institutional arrangements, the central mystery is that of the catalyst, or galvanizing condition, which unites these elements into a pattern of control. Perlmutter has performed a service in pointing out the need to study the actual functioning of modern authoritarian systems—a point often overlooked in studies of Nazism that do not distinguish actual "revolutionary" behavioral patterns under Hitler and the "conservative" ideology of the regime. However, Perlmutter's criticism of those who attend to the origins of these systems is not convincing, if only because his own book cannot avoid falling back into use of terms such as "mass society" and "antibourgeois ethic" (pp. 179-180, 78) to explain "what went on" or "what is going on" under these systems. These are terms for ways of thought and action that may precipitate the establishment of the very structures of domination (in an act of defiance or despair) that Perlmutter seeks to describe as supposedly discrete phenomena. Without such motivations to act, or patterns of mass action, the structures would not come into being.