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Redistribution, Recognition, and the State

Recent work in political theory has examined progressive politicalmovements in terms of the claimsmade by thesemovements for redistribution and recognition. Rather than accepting a simplistic division between a “real” politics of class and a suspect politics of identity, Nancy Fraser, in particular, has explored the tensions between economic and cultural claims in movements for gender and racial equality, and developed an original and insightful synthesis of claims for economic and cultural justice by advocating a combined socialist politics of redistribution and deconstructive politics of recognition. Butwhat remains lesswell developed in Fraser’swork is the particular role of the state and “the political” in struggles over distribution and recognition. This difficulty, I believe, reflects some broader tensions in thinking about state and civil society as sites of injustice. Where liberal theory constructs a division between state and civil society in which the state is the locus of (legitimate, sovereign, controllable) power-as-coercion and civil society is a realm of (individual or associational) freedom, a long history of critics have exposed the power (and injustice) in civil society. From Marx’s equation of civil society with capitalist domination and exploitation to Foucault’s recasting of civil society as “the paradigmatic terrain for the disciplinary deployments of power in modern society,” critical theory has sought to redirect attention away from the “obvious” sites of power to the places and practices