{'fraction_non_alphanumeric': 0.03734622144112478, 'fraction_numerical': 0.026215582893966024, 'mean_word_length': 4.995960660344222, 'pattern_counts': {'":': 0, '<': 0, '<?xml version=': 0, '>': 0, 'https://': 0, 'lorem ipsum': 0, 'www.': 0, 'xml': 0}, 'pii_count': 0, 'substrings_counts': 0, 'word_list_counts': {'cursed_substrings.json': 0, 'profanity_word_list.json': 0, 'sexual_word_list.json': 0, 'zh_pornsignals.json': 0}}
Conjunctive adverbs in Ancient Greek


 Conjunctive adverbs have generally been neglected in Ancient Greek grammars. In this language, textual cohesion is mostly assured by a battery of connective particles. While connective particles exhibit fixed position, conjunctive adverbs show a certain degree of positional variability. They usually take initial position, as well as medial position when preceded by a preposed constituent. Final position is very rare and most instances are due to ellipsis. This is comparable to the early phases of the development of similar adverbs in other languages.


Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to study the position of conjunctive adverbs in Ancient Greek, more precisely in classical and postclassical texts. Conjunctive adverbs are a morphosyntactic type of discourse marker with connecting functions, cf. Crespo (2011); Martín Zorraquino (2010: 121-129 pedíon plain hathroízontai. they.gather.together "Darius and Parysatis had two sons born to them, of whom the elder was Artaxerxes and the younger Cyrus. Now when Darius lay sick and suspected that the end of his life was near, he wished to have both his sons with him. The elder, as it chanced, was with him already; but Cyrus he summoned from the province over which he had made him satrap, and he had also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus". (X. An. 1.1.1-2) In this example, the connective particles linking the sentences which make up the passage are in bold, as well as those relating other types of elements (Dareíou kaì Parusatidos; presbúteros mèn Artaxérxēs, neṓteros dè Kûros; ēsthé-Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018) 211-240 nei kaì Dareîos hupṓpteue).6 The term 'connective particle' is used in this paper as a general term in order to distinguish conjunctive adverbs from the elements traditionally classified as particles.7 This term comprises conjunctions, like kaí 'and' , a syntactic category with the ability to coordinate any kind of element; particles, a more semantic category that only relates sentences,8 like oûn; other devices which stand more or less in between, like dé; and even elements that announce an upcoming conjunct, like mén. The adverbs that fulfill conjunctive functions are easily distinguished from connective particles.9 Apart from their phonetic size (particula means 'small part [of speech]') and greater positional variability (see below), most of them still maintain non-conjunctive functions that coexist with the conjunctive ones; their frequency is more limited;10 and they do not usually have the ability to connect by themselves but in association with particles. In Ancient Greek, conjunctive adverbs tend to reinforce or nuance the semantic and/or pragmatic instructions conveyed by the particles with which they associate, cf. Crespo (2014); Quirk et al. (1985: 645-646); Kovacci (1999: 769). See the following example, in which proséti associates with the particle dé: (2) ḗdē already Note that the first sentence has no connective particle since it is the first of Anabasis. 7 For the distinction of the different word classes covered by the term particle in Ancient Greek, including sentence adverbs, see Sicking & van Ophuijsen (1993: 76-79). See also Allan's enumeration of the features of Greek particles (Allan 2017a: 103-104): a degree of bondedness, phonological lightness, membership in a relatively closed set, and abstract meaning. 8 From a discourse-oriented perspective, particles relate acts or moves. Moves are minimal, free discourse units and they are composed of a main act and usually, one or more subordinated acts that are thematically tied; acts are minimal units with communicative intent and every act is supported by an argument or by the rejection of a counterargument. Cf. Kroon (1995: 64-67). For the application of these discourse units to Ancient Greek, see Bonifazi et al. (2016: II.2), who somewhat equates acts with kôla in terms of intonation units (Scheppers 2011). 9 The etymology of these particles is generally controversial, though in some cases an adverbial origin can be established, cf. Crespo (2014). 10 Compare the frequency of the particles allá (515 instances), dé (8075)  army "[They reported] also that many Thracian swordsmen had already been hired and that Egyptians were under sail to join them … Besides these, there was also the Cyprian army". (X. Cyr. 6.2.10) The particle dé indicates that there is a thematic discontinuity between the conjuncts, cf. Bakker (1993); Martín López (1993). The adverb proséti specifies that the conjunct introduced by dé adds to the previous one and that they have the same argumentative orientation.11 Conjunctive adverbs can additionally be used to strengthen the relation between main and subordinate clauses. This use is characteristic of some conjunctive adverbs. A clear case is that of hómōs between a concessive subordinate and its main clause: to.you eisin, they.are hómōs however.ADV episkeptéai to.be.examined.NOM saphésteron more.carefully "Even though our first assumptions seem to you to be certain, however, they ought to be more carefully examined". (Pl. Phd. 107.b) This "apodotic" function is especially frequent after concessive, conditional, temporal and causal subordinate clauses. In the first case, hómōs is most typical, while in the conditional and temporal cases, the adverbs eîta, épeita and tóte, all meaning 'then' , are the most employed; hoútōs 'thus' is used after all types of subordinate clauses, including manner clauses, after which hōsaútōs is also used. It should be stressed that some connective particles also exhibit this "apodotic" function, though this use is generally archaic and rare, cf. Denniston (1954: xl-xli).
Conjunctive adverbs can also function within a subordinate clause (Greenbaum 1969: 38-39). This adverbial function is not frequent at all,12 but strength- 11 That is to say, that both conjuncts lead to the same conclusions. On argumentative orientation, see Anscombre & Ducrot (1983). 12 For instance, example (4) (D. 19.322) In this example, the adverb hómōs indicates that the relative subordinate clause leads to different conclusions with respect to those of the main one.

Conjunctive adverbs and their position
Conjunctive adverbs tend to be placed in initial position. This position best accommodates their function as clause-linking devices since they occupy an intermediary position between linked units.13 Typologically, one of the features that distinguishes conjunctive adverbs from coordinating conjunctions is positional variability (Martín Zorraquino & Portolés Lázaro 1999: 4062;Pasch et al. 2003: 457 and 494;Lenker 2010: 43-44 and 67 Halliday & Hasan (1976), three levels determining the coherence relations among discourse units: representational (concerned with the representation of content), presentational (concerned with organisation), and interactive (concerned with the interaction of interlocutors). The presentational level is concerned with the organisation whereby the information is presented, and it "captures the fact that a language user imposes an organizing and rhetorical perspective on the ideas conveyed" (Kroon 1995: 61 The position of these elements has garnered some interest in the last years; see, for instance, Georgakopoulou & Goutsos (1998); Altenberg (2006); Haselow (2012); Lenker (2010: 43-44, 67-72, 197-213 and 233-241); Traugott (2016); and Goutsos (2017). These studies mainly focus on medial and final position. In English, conjunctive adverbs historically developed the medial position when they were placed after a contrastive constituent. In the 18th and 19th centuries, their use in medial position was already common (6a), including position after a contrastive constituent (6b): (6) a. The natural sciences do not, however, stand on the same footing with these instrument-knowledges … (CLARN3, 127; see Lenker 2010: 237). b. This portion, however, may still be considered as the natural rent of the land … (Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, Chapter XI, Part 1).
Final position appeared later, and it supposes a re-interpretive strategy.14 This position has given birth to a new constituent order according to which many conjunctive adverbs can be placed in that position in any type of text: (7) He is poor. He is satisfied with his situation, though. (Lenker 2010: 201).
In this position, not only adversative conjunctive adverbs like though but also consecutive conjunctive adverbs like then and additive ones like too are encountered. Even though this position is intuitively unqualified to connect to the preceding sentence, it is found in other languages, like German, where there are also a number of conjunctive adverbs that can be placed in final position; cf. Pasch et al. (2003: 553). Before examining the Ancient Greek data, it must be stressed that in English and Spanish, sentences and clauses tend to be connected via conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs that do not always overlap with the connective particles proper to Ancient Greek. Moreover, word order is determined by syntactic patterns in English and Spanish, while Ancient Greek is what has been called a non-configurational language, in which word order is mostly determined by pragmatic factors;15 cf. Matić (2003a); Bertrand (2010); Goldstein (2016a). Nevertheless, the position of conjunctive adverbs in these languages is not determined by syntactic patterns, or at least not only by them. This enables the comparison with the position of conjunctive adverbs in Ancient Greek, and as is examined below, the position of these adverbs in Ancient Greek corresponds to the early phases of the development of similar functions by English adverbs.

Position of conjunctive adverbs in classical and postclassical Greek
Even if textual cohesion is mostly assured by a remarkable variety of connective particles (Denniston 1954;Bonifazi et al. 2016), Ancient Greek does possess conjunctive adverbs, though most of them still maintain adjunct functions, and it is not always easy to distinguish their conjunctive use from other usages. The three adverbs on which this study is focused are clear cases of conjunctive adverbs. These adverbs are the result of different processes of pragmaticalisation: hómōs 'however, though' derives from the adverb of manner homôs 'similarly, likewise' , with an accentual shift that reflects its conversion to a conjunctive adverb. Note that Homer only uses hómōs two times (Il. 12.393, Od. 11.565),16 while he does not use homoíōs, the adverb that replaced homôs in classical Greek. However, homôs appears 28 times in Homer's Iliad and Odyssey. Proséti 'besides' is the result of merging two elements, prós 'besides' and éti 'still' , in conjunctive sequences like pròs d' éti 'and besides' , in which the connective particle dé appears between these two elements. The first instance of proséti is attested in Hdt. The concept of configurationality has been developed by grammarians working within Chomsky's generative framework. Non-configurational languages are mainly characterised by free word order, the use of syntactically discontinuous expressions and extensive use of null anaphora; cf. Hale (1983). Languages in which word order is determined by pragmatic factors have been called "discourse configurational"; cf. Kiss (1995). For references on the word order of Modern Greek and its (non-)configurationality, see Matić (2003b hṓs 'thus' and aútōs 'in the same manner' , and it is the only one that exhibits non-conjunctive functions. Hōsaútōs is used from the 5th century on and its conjunctive function developed from the sequence hṑs d' aútōs, well known to Homer (Il. 3.339,7.430,9.195,10.25;Od. 3.64,6.166,9.31,20.238,21.203,225,22.114,24.409). The conjunctive adverbs hōsaútōs and proséti function as additive connectives, while hómōs functions as an adversative one; additive connectives express that their discourse unit has the same argumentative orientation as the previous one, while adversative connectives indicate that their discourse unit has an opposite argumentative orientation with respect to the previous unit.17 Generally speaking, conjunctive adverbs tend to be placed in initial position either before or after a connective particle in classical and postclassical Greek. fine.deeds "What the citizens hear secretly weighs heavy on their spirits, especially concerning the merits of others. Nevertheless, since envy is better than pity, do not abandon fine deeds!" (Pi. P. 1.84-85) 17 Note that of the five adversative relations that can be expressed by adversative connectives according to Kroon (1995: 210-217)-see also Allan (2017b: 280-283 They can also be found with no connective particle, although this is not frequent except when they connect a subordinate to a main clause (see above). Cf. Aristid. Or. 14.210 Jebb dóntes d' heautoùs Athēnaîois, … metégnōsan, oúte tôn phórōn phérontes tḕn ametríān oúte toùs epì têi toútōn prophásei parakléptontas autoús … proséti tas te akropóleis eleuthérās ékhein ou dunámenoi kaì epì toîs dēmagōgoîs óntes tôn ekeínōn … "But when they had handed themselves over to the Athenians … they repented. For they could not bear either the immoderate tribute or those who robbed them with this for an excuse … In addition they were unable to have free citadels and they were subject to the Athenians' popular leaders …". This is the only example of proséti connecting two main clauses or sentences by itself out of 38 instances in Aelius Aristides' works; there is no such instance in agriculture "And so not merely is all medicine governed, as I propound it, through the influence of this god, but likewise athletics and agriculture". (Pl. Smp.

187.a)
In the first example, the conjunctive adverb appears after the connective particle allá, while in the second it appears before dé. This distinction is relevant since connective particles occupy fixed positions, either as first or second in their sentence.19 The particles with which they usually associate are dé 'and, but' , kaí 'and' , allá 'but' . See the following example in which proséti follows kaí, which always occupies first position when it functions as a connective particle:20 (10)  Second position is often called Wackernagel's position and is characteristic of clitics. However, there are conspicuous differences, and in this regard, Goldstein (2016a: 86-89) distinguishes between sentential clitics, mostly connective particles; clausal clitics, personal pronouns and modal particles; and phrasal clitics, especially ge, dḗ and per. This distinction is based on the fact that these clitics occupy second position either in their sentence, clause or phrase. 20 This is a polyfunctional element that can function both as an additive connective meaning 'and' and as an additive focus particle meaning 'also, even' .
Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018) 211-240 ined about all the matters involved in the suit, at first demanded him only in regard to a question of thirty minae; and, furthermore, that he has been put to no disadvantage because of the testimony". (D. 29.50) Conjunctive adverbs can also occupy medial position and, exceptionally, final position. The three adverbs under consideration are encountered in medial position after the first constituent of their clause, as well as the connective particle when it is used (see note 18). The initial position of this constituent is determined by its pragmatic function (Goldstein 2016a: 25 and 215), and generally speaking, the pragmatic function of these constituents is that of contrastive focus or contrastive topic. Focus and topic are pragmatic functions that reside with the assertion and the presupposition of a proposition.21 Focus is the element by which assertion differs from presupposition while topic is a category related to aboutness, i.e. a topic element is part of the presupposition since it is an element on which information is conferred. Contrastive topics comprise those topic expressions whose referents are selected from a limited set of candidates; cf. Allan (2014: 193). All these candidates belong to the same semantic class, and the non-selected ones can remain implicit or explicit. An example in which the conjunctive adverb is placed after a contrastive topic (ho huiòs autoû 'his son') is the following: In Lambrecht's terms (1994: 52), pragmatic assertion is "The proposition expressed by a sentence which the hearer is expected to know or take for granted as a result of hearing the sentence uttered", while pragmatic presupposition is "The set of propositions lexicogrammatically evoked in a sentence which the speaker assumes the hearer already knows or is ready to take for granted at the time the sentence is uttered".
Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018) 211-240 contrast within a limited set of alternatives and the propositions associated with them; cf. Lambrecht (1994: 286-291). An example in which the conjunctive adverb is placed after a contrastive focus is (12) lavishness "However, you got at least this much by your outfit: you are going away not only unpitied for your defeat but hated into the bargain because of this unartistic lavishness of yours". (Luc. Ind. 10) In this example, the element preceding the conjunctive adverb, the participle misoúmenos, is in contrast with the negated participle eleoúmenos. Both participles belong to a construction (mēdè … allà proséti is a variant of ouk … allà kaí "not only … but also") called "expansive focus", a term coined by Simon Dik, in which the focus completes some information previously given; cf. Dik et al. (1981: 65); see also Bertrand (2010: 129), who speaks of "fonction extensive".
Note that the verb can also be the contrastive element (see example 13) or even constitute a contrastive focus domain along with one of its arguments,22 like hupéthratten eníous in (14), an example in which hómōs is apodotic: A somewhat different case of medial position consists of proséti and hōsaútōs appearing after the element they introduce in an enumeration. In these cases, this element is a contrastive focus / topic, although the fact that the rest of the members in the enumeration have no conjunctive adverb seems to be due to a specially designated status of said element: more.lovely "And in this fair earth the things that grow, the trees, and flowers and fruits, are correspondingly beautiful; and so too the mountains and the stones are smoother, and more transparent and more lovely in color than ours". (Pl. Phd. 110.d) In the first example, the adjective ákritos is modified by the particle ge, which enhances its pragmatic function (Goldstein 2016b). In the second, hōsaútōs occupies medial position instead of aû, which appears after the connective particle kaí. This seems to point to a special status of those elements (ákritos and tà órē) from a pragmatic perspective; indeed, one gets the impression that the remainder of the elements is appended to it. Alternatively, it is possible to adopt Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018) 211-240 an interpretation that the conjunctive adverb insists on the addition of all of its enumeration members, even if appearing only in the first one: it should be noted that in both examples, the enumeration members make up a semantic unit differentiated from a previous one (physical vs sensory defects / things that grow vs mountains and stones); and the position of the adverb correlates with their contrastive status in relation to the previous semantic unit.
Final and medial positions coincide in a number of cases in which the adverb is the last element of its segment due to the ellipsis of other elements that already appear in the previous conjunct.24 This mostly applies to additive conjunctive adverbs when they are placed after the element they introduce in an enumeration; if that element is the last of the enumeration and the adverb follows it, then the adverb is encountered in final position:  Luraghi's (2014b: 362) definition of coordination reduction is as follows: "Conjunction reduction, or coordination reduction […] occurs when some common feature of two coordinated sentences or clauses, which is overtly encoded in the first, is not repeated in the second". In contrast with canonical ellipsis (Martínez Linares 2006), coordination reduction includes not only the arguments of the predicate-namely, those which are obligatory in order to maintain the grammatical coherence of their clause-but also all those elements that are not repeated in a conjunct because they already appear in the previous one.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018)   The frequency of initial, medial and final position is illustrated in Table 1, which shows the positions of the three adverbs under consideration in the works of Herodotus, Sophocles, Demosthenes, Aristophanes, Plato and Lucian.
All the authors belong to the classical period save Lucian, who belongs to the postclassical period; two of them are dramatists (Sophocles and Aristophanes), Herodotus is a historian, Plato a philosopher, Demosthenes an orator and Lucian a satirist and rhetorician. The frequencies are similar and reflect a clear preference for initial over medial position, although proséti and hōsaútōs are not employed by all of them. Hómōs, the best represented item, appears in initial position in 90% of Herodotus' instances, in 57.1% of Sophocles' , in 89.3 % of Aristophanes' , in 93.6% of Plato's, in 85.2% of Demosthenes' and in 48.3 % of Lucian's. Final position is rare and exclusive to hómōs: 10.7 % of the instances in Sophocles are in final position, 6.1% in Aristophanes, 1.7 % in Demosthenes and 0.5% in Lucian, while Herodotus and Plato do not show any instance of final position (on the positional variability of hómōs, see below). Note that hōsaútōs is encountered in medial position in 70 % of Plato's instances, as well as in all 4 of Herodotus' instances. This is partly related to the fact that hōsaútōs appeared in the 5th century both as an additive conjunctive and as an adverb of manner (see below); and the adverb of manner is not always easy to distinguish from the conjunctive one, especially when it does not take initial position.25 Conjunctive adverbs are placed both in initial and in medial position in classical and postclassical Greek. With respect to initial position, these adverbs are generally encountered either in absolute first position or after a connective particle. In medial position, the adverb is restricted, occurring after a first constituent, as well as the connective particle when it is used-connective particles always occupy first or second position regardless of the clause structure. Typologically speaking, connecting devices tend to occur early in the clause, namely, in a position between the two conjuncts they connect. The development of conjunctive functions is a process that can be roughly sketched as follows: first, the adverb restricts itself to initial position; this position is associated with adverbials that fulfil the pragmatic function of setting,26 and indeed, the development of conjunctive functions can be related to the use of the adverb as setting in a number of cases.27 Once the conjunctive function is established,28 conjunctive adverbs are placed in initial position before other elements, including settings.29 The last stages of this evolution are traceable in the case of hōsaútōs, which is the result of the univerbation of an adverbial epaphês aisthḗsetai, kaì toû malakoû tḕn malakótēta hōsaútōs "Does it not perceive the hardness of the hard through touch, and likewise the softness of the soft?". In this excerpt, it is possible to interpret hōsaútōs as an adjunct of aisthḗsetai (referring to dià tês epaphês). However, the ellipsis of the verb form also allows its interpretation as an additive conjunctive. 26 "Setting constituents … are adverbial phrases at the opening of clauses. Such phrases are like Topics in that they provide an orientation for the clause that follows, but they tend to be part of the spatial or temporal (or causal) organization of the text rather than themselves a participant about whom the speaker provides information" (Dik 2007: 36-37). 27 For instance, in Ancient Greek some adverbs of time develop conjunctive functions as inferential connectives when they fulfil the pragmatic function of setting; cf. Jiménez Delgado (2013). 28 This pragmaticalisation (see n. 2) can be considered a case of Traugott's subjectification (Traugott 2010). Subjectification is the development of metatextual meanings by a linguistic expression; these metatextual meanings express speaker attitude or viewpoint, while intersubjectification (a variant of subjectification) involves the expression of the speaker's attention towards the addressee's self-image. See also Allan (2017a: 104-105). 29 A clear case is Pl. Soph. 267d hómōs dé, kàn ei tolmēróteron eirêsthai, diagnṓseōs héneka tḕn mèn metà dóxēs mímēsin doxomimētikḕn proseípōmen, tḕn dè met' epistḗmēs historikḗn tina mímēsin "however, even though the innovation in language be a trifle bold, let us, for the sake of making a distinction, call the imitation which is based on opinion, opinionimitation, and that which is founded on knowledge, a sort of scientific imitation", in which hómōs precedes a concessive protasis and the setting, diagnṓseōs héneka. In this example, hṑs d' aútōs precedes the theme (tôn híppōn) and the constrastive topics (tà mèn perì stérna … tà dè perì toùs khalīnoùs kaì stómia kaì phálara), the topic the sentence treats. "Themes" are extra-clausal constituents "with regard to which the following clause is going to present some relevant information" (Dik 1997: 389; see also Allan 2014: 184).
During the 5th century, hṑs d' aútōs still coexisted with hōsaútōs as a conjunctive locution; cf. Hdt. 1.215.2,2.67.1,7.86.2,8.21.1,9.47,81.2 (no instance of hōsaútōs dé); X. An. 5.6.9; Cyr. 3.1.32, 6.4.16; Eq. 6.2; Mem. 1.7.3. (against 4 instances of hōsaútōs dé); Pl. Phd. 102e; Plt. 310d; Phdr. 240e, 275e; Prt. 313e; Lg. 728e, 809e, 879d, 910a (against 17 instances of hōsaútōs dé). The univerbated hōsaútōs, though, finally replaced the analytic form.30 Moreover, the new adverb not only exhibits conjunctive uses, but it is also used as an adverb of manner by Herodotus in 9 out of 13 instances. This development complicated the emergence of conjunctive uses since they could appear through the univerbation of the conjunctive locution hṑs d' aútōs, as well as the pragmaticalisation of the corresponding adverb of manner.31 As a matter of fact, one can verify the association of position with conjunctive functions in the case of hōsaútōs. In this respect, it must be noted that the 30 Hōsaútōs can still be found in somewhat high-style Modern Greek (ωσαύτως). Even so, hṑs d' aútōs can be found later, for example, 44 times in Strabo's Geography (2nd century BC-1st century AD) against 21 instances of hōsaútōs. 31 The adverb of manner also derives from hṑs d' aútōs since the reinforcement of aútōs with hṓs is only known within that locution. This is related to layering, namely, the coexistence of older and newer meanings in a linguistic form; see Hopper & Traugott (2003: 124-126 We have already seen that medial position is a historical development that can be analysed in languages such as English; furthermore, this position is characteristic of conjunctive adverbs when the preceding constituent has a contrastive pragmatic function (Lenker 2010: 68-72 and 235), even if in English, word order determines that only contrastive subjects and adverbials can normally precede them (Altenberg 2006: 19-30). Regarding our adverbs, we do not possess data from Homer,32 but in classical Greek, the alternation of initial and medial position is already established, as can be seen in minimal pairs like the following: to.be.told "Now I am ashamed to tell you the truth, gentlemen; but still it must be told". (Pl. Ap. 22.b) Both examples are Platonic, and in both, the same sequence of elements involving hómōs is encountered, although their word order is the opposite. It must be 32 Hómōs is rare in Archaic Greek, and proséti and hōsaútōs appeared later (see above). Nonetheless, an adverb like Homeric émpēs 'in any case, all the same, nevertheless' shows a distribution comparable to that of hómōs when functioning as an adversative conjunctive: it appears in initial (Il. 5.191,8.33,464;Od. 4.100,14.214,16.147,19.302,20.311,23.83), medial (Il. 1.562) and final position (Od. 18.12). Note that Homer uses émpēs 38 times. 33 The position of hómōs is apparently final in this example, although this is due to the ellipsis of the elements already appearing in the previous sentence; cf. D.C. Epit.Xiph. 163.31-164.1 hôn dè apékteinen epiphanôn andrôn polù mèn érgon arithmêsai kaì tò onómata, hrētéon dè hómōs olígous tinás "to enumerate the names of the renowned men they killed is an arduous task; a few of them must, nevertheless, be mentioned" (the English translation is mine).
Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018) 211-240 noted that the position of hómōs in (28b) can be related to the presence of the infinitive eipeîn in the previous conjunct, since hrētéon is implied by the infinitive and is not a contrastive focus/topic. The medial position of conjunctive adverbs cannot be determined by morphosyntactic criteria, since these adverbs can only appear after pragmatically relevant constituents and cannot interrupt a morphosyntactic constituent34 like particles do when taking Wackernagel's position.35 This position of conjunctive adverbs can relate to the criteria governing the position of pronominal clitics and the modal particle án in classical Greek as established by Goldstein (2016a). Goldstein has found that these clitics lean on the first prosodic word of the sentence nucleus, which can be preceded by contrastive elements.36 See the following examples, in which pronominal clitics are placed after the first word of the sentence nucleus and a contrastive topic (Ikhthúōn) and contrastive focus (tò khrēstḗrion), respectively, are preposed to it: Conjunctive adverbs can be found within a morphosyntactic constituent only when one of its elements is pragmatically highlighted; cf. Th. 7.70.8 kaì hoi stratēgoì proséti hekatérōn, eí tiná pou horôien mḕ kat' anágkēn prúmnān krouómenon, anakaloûntes onomastì tòn triḗrarkhon ērṓtōn … "the generals, moreover, on either side, if they saw in any part of the battle backing ashore without being forced to do so, called out to the captain by name and asked him", where hoi stratēgoì is a contrastive topic, while hekatérōn refers to the parties involved and constitutes a continuous topic (this passage of the Second Battle of Syracuse between the Syracusans and the Athenians follows the description of the boatswains' action in the previous section). Another example is Plu. Cam. 10.5 […] khalepòn mén ésti pólemos kaì dià pollês adikíās kaì biaíōn perainómenos érgōn, eisì dè kaì polémōn hómōs tinès nómoi toîs agathoîs andrási "war is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much injustice and violence; but even war has certain laws which good and brave men will respect", where polémōn is the focus element as the particle kaí 'also, even' makes clear. 35 The connective particles that occupy Wackernagel's position are not necessarily placed after the first prosodic word, they are generally placed after the first morphosyntactic word, so that they can be inserted within a constituent comprising more than one word; cf. Goldstein (2016a: 80-84). Prosodic words are characterised as the domain of word stress, phonotactics and segmental word-level rules. On the definition of prosodic word, see Hall (1999). 36 More precisely, they can be preceded by contrastive topics and by what the author calls "non-monotonic focus", which corrects or rejects some of the propositions making up the common ground (Goldstein 2016a: 176-177

Conclusions
Conjunctive adverbs are mainly used in Ancient Greek to reinforce or provide nuance to the instructions conveyed by the connective particles with which they associate; they rarely have the ability to connect two main clauses or sentences by themselves. Conjunctive adverbs can also be used to strengthen the relation between main and subordinate clauses, and are usually placed after the subordinate clause and without connective particle; the cases in which they function within the subordinate clause are exceptional. These adverbs occupy two positions in classical and postclassical Greek: initial, either absolute first position or position after a connective particle; and medial, after a constituent with a contrastive pragmatic function and the connective particle when it is used. The position of connective particles is fixed and does not count for assessing that of conjunctive adverbs.
Medial position, less frequent than initial position, can be related to the position that clitics occupy when they are placed after the first word of the sentence nucleus if preceded by a preposed constituent. In this position, conjunctive adverbs are placed immediately following these constituents, and so they delimit them. These constituents tend to be a contrastive focus or topic.
Finally, there are some examples of hómōs in which it appears in final position or at least far from initial positions. This cannot be explained by the above pragmatic reasons, yet these examples, though few, may indicate that the positional variability of this adverb in Modern Greek has its origins in Ancient Greek.
The position of conjunctive adverbs in classical and postclassical Greek coincides with what has been observed in other languages. Nevertheless, the traceable evolution, for instance, in English, according to which conjunctive adverbs develop medial position when they are placed after a contrastive constituent and later final position is still in its beginnings in Ancient Greek.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 18 (2018) 211-240 ments on previous versions of the paper. Needless to say, all the remaining shortcomings and errors are exclusively the author's.