{'fraction_non_alphanumeric': 0.024738344433872503, 'fraction_numerical': 0.017443704408499842, 'mean_word_length': 5.196463654223969, 'pattern_counts': {'":': 0, '<': 0, '<?xml version=': 0, '>': 0, 'https://': 0, 'lorem ipsum': 0, 'www.': 0, 'xml': 0}, 'pii_count': 0, 'substrings_counts': 0, 'word_list_counts': {'cursed_substrings.json': 0, 'profanity_word_list.json': 0, 'sexual_word_list.json': 0, 'zh_pornsignals.json': 0}}
The Politics of Peace in Mozambique: Post-Conflict Democratization, 1992-2000

Carrie L. Manning. The Politics of Peace in Mozambique: Post-Conflict Democratization, 1992-2000. Westport, Conn.: Praeger/Greenwood, 2002. xii + 230 pp. Bibliography. Index. Map. $66.95. Cloth. Carrie Manning has provided a focused analysis of party politics in Mozambique in the years following the implementation of the 1992 Peace Accord. She has organized her study within the political science concept of "elite habituation" (4), which refers to the ways that political leaders and other elites learn to behave in particular political modes. This framework serves her well as a window into the internal dynamics of Frelimo and Renamo (respectively, the ruling party since 1975, formerly the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique, Frente da Libertacao de Moaambique; and the primary opposition party, the Mozambique National Resistance, Resistencia National de Mocambique) . However, there is little attention paid to other political actors, such as the mass organizations of women, youth, and trade unionists, nor is there any extended mention of religious institutions or other associations that have had an impact on recent politics in Mozambique. Manning begins with a brief chapter of background on Mozambique in the 1970s, but quickly proceeds to discuss the negotiations during the 1980s peace process. Subsequent chapters deal with Renamo's transition from guerrilla movement to political party, the impact of the move to multiparty politics, and the elections of 1994 and 1999. Her broadest insights suggest how the experience of negotiating for peace led to the perpetuation of practices that have hampered the development of a strong democratic tradition. Renamo continues to be overly reliant on international actors such as donors and diplomats, and continually turns to boycotts and disruption rather than bargaining as equals whenever political discussions do not proceed as they wish. The inability of Renamo party members to advance their democratic practice may reflect a recognition of their own weaknesses. Fearing they would lose any parliamentary discussion or vote, they avoid such confrontations rather than risk defeat. Frelimo, on its side, has turned to a legalistic approach, sometimes, as Manning indicates, an excessive legalism designed to prove that they are more democratic in practice because they are willing to rely on civic structures, government bodies, and the courts to gain their point. Renamo leaders dismiss outcomes from such proceedings because they believe that these structures continue to be dominated by Frelimo supporters, yet at the same time they refuse to get involved in the process of governing in a way that might integrate Renamo party members. The result is that Renamo continues to want extrapolitical negotiations over every dispute, all the while complaining about the "tyranny of the vote" (169). President Joaquim Chissano and Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama have been forced to negotiate over mundane as well as important issues rather than relying on other individuals and entities to make the decisions. …