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Living for the City: Social Change and Knowledge Production in the Central African Copperbelt by Miles Larmer

defeated Cafiero and served two terms as president, and later presidents Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández. All of them tied themselves to the Peronist icons and brought the country out of fresh economic crises. The book offers a compelling portrait of, and plenty of insights into, both the psychology of individual attachments to charismatic leaders and the politics of the movements that they foster. Andrews-Lee’s methodology, combining quantitative and qualitative data, is a genuine strength and a testament to her efforts to tackle an important and thorny research question. She makes a forceful case that charismatic attachments are different from programmatic ones, but her contention that charismatic movements like Peronism and Chavismo survived even in the absence of programmatic platforms is likely overstated. Peronism emerged as a political project of economic nationalism, a programmatic agenda widely supported by the urban working class. Its links to organized labor were part of its DNA. Although Peronism was certainly personalist and heterogeneous, Peronist voters disapproved of Menem’s neoliberal turn. Indeed, Menem campaigned on a very different political platform than the one he pursued in office and faced tremendous opposition from his Peronist supporters both on the streets and in Congress during his first years in office. For a time, Menem’s policies were able to stabilize the economy and generate growth, for which voters eventually rewarded him at the ballot box. But surveys showed fewer and fewer Argentines identified with Peronism, and organized labor splintered in the process. Chávez’s 1998 campaign was economically moderate, but his popularity soared when he launched massive redistributive programs and subsidies for basic goods in the early 2000s, winning him solid support from the less-affluent Venezuelans who benefited most. Despite its many failures, Maduro’s Venezuela maintains similar economic policies. Both Peronism and Chavismo are certainly charismatic movements, but they are not without programmatic content. Peronism and Chavismo attracted a mix of charismatic, programmatic, and organizational attachments. Scholars, particularly in political science, tend to discount the role of charismatic attachments. The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements reminds us that those symbolic attachments are a critical part of understanding these political movements and their longevity.