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Book Review

This is the most exciting collection on issues of gender and development that I have read in some time. It arises out of a Norwegian project to re-think and revisit gender in the geographical context of Southeast Asia. The editors claim that “the overall objective of the book is to revisit gender as a concept that can engage simultaneously with change and continuity in today’s Asia, but with greater reflexivity to examine multiple, intersecting and complex dimensions of identity and difference, and formally unacknowledged sources of social power from institution and their emerging discourses” (vii). This rather labored enunciation might herald impenetrable genuflections to postmodern discourse with rather little concrete material. Instead, the book presents a series of extremely rich empirical studies based on solid research. Each author presents sufficient detail about his/her project to allow the reader to understand the complex realities of gendered life in diverse localities, but examining them in satisfyingly theoretical detail. Much of the volume is held together by a shared use of Andrea Cornwall’s work, and especially her 2007 paper ‘Revisiting the gender agenda’ published in IDS Bulletin Volume 38. This paper and others in the same vein challenge the increasing reliance on ‘gender’ as a singular and static category and suggest directions in which more complex understandings of gender as practiced in real lives could be understood. The scholars working on this project formally divided their work into four thematic areas: gender over time (especially in terms of revisiting project sites after many years); power, policy and practices; environment and resources; and gender justice and rights, while also recognizing considerable overlap between the categories. One of the key contributions this volume makes is that, while working within these analytical categories, the papers are so firmly based on empirical research that they never lose themselves in the categories themselves. After a brief but effective introduction in which the editors lay out the four themes they want to explore, the subsequent chapters are not divided by theme

This useful and informative book presents and discusses statistical data relating to indices that the author argues are central to understanding the importance, breadth and intensification of rural poverty and other forms of distress of Indian women. It is important to understand the limitations of the study at the outsetthat it is focused on India, on Indian women and especially on the plight of rural Indian women. It is also important to recognize the limitations of a study based largely on the secondary analysis of very large data sets collected by national statistical agencies. Among the most important of these are the Census of India, the Department of Agriculture Reports, NSS(National Sample Survey) Reports, Labour Force Participation Reports, Sample Registration Surveys etc. The author has also made extensive use of studies carried out by NGOs both nationally and regionally. All this amounts to an immense, and to most people, impenetrable amount of data. Vepa's contribution is to sift through the mass of figures to present a coherent argument and to bring together a variety of data sources to reveal further information that is relevant to her focus. The result is not easy reading and it is limited to one country, albeit one as large and important as India. It also, of course, suffers from the weaknesses and limitations of all studies based on large scale data sets: it is derivative and depends on the accuracy (or otherwise) of the original data collection. Feminists are always faced with the lack of gender awareness among national statistics, and often find that data that are missing, are not disaggregated by gender as well as data that appear contradictory and/or are not adequately explained. All these deficiencies compound the problems for the quantitative researcher.
Despite these difficulties, Swarna Vepa has produced a logical account of rural distress among Indian women, and raised many of the consequences of the increasing difficulties of their lives. Her book begins with an historical overview of the plight of all rural Indians during the last century. She documents the ways in which the land base has decreased, forcing more and more people onto dependence on paid labor, and the decreasing opportunities and rewards for the rural workforce. This discussion leads logically to an account of the position of women in Indian agriculture. Vepa tries to discuss in detail the inequity of women's access to technology, land and water, but this is an area where the national statistics are lacking. She thus turns to case studies carried out in different parts of India. As a quantitative researcher, she is uneasy about using these kinds of resources, but as a reader I found the data she provided both interesting and compelling, especially in the next chapter where she is able to spell out the consequence of women's lack of access to natural resources and the consequences of poverty for long term environmental degradation. Chapter 3 develops the argument that women tend to be a positive force in conserving natural resources. Women, as Vepa has already demonstrated, do not have adequate or equitable access to resources and consequently are unable to relate to natural resources in constructive ways. As she says, "the rapid degradation and depletion of natural resources and the overwhelming de-pendence of large sections of the rural population on these resources for survival, brought to the fore the need to focus on effective management of natural resources" (62). But, as she goes on to point out, genuine conservation is a long term process and needs to be tackled in a coherent, well planned way.
Returning to the issue of access to livelihoods, the following chapter details three major concerns: women's increasing burden of unpaid and low paid work, inequality in wages and other remuneration, and women's poor educational status. All these factors interact with the situation the author has already described to lead to an increasing 'gender gap' among the rural poor of India. As the book moves towards the main argument, which is the prevalence and increase in the gender gap between men and women (and between rural and urban people), Vepa adds an important discussion on women's life expectancy, including their nutritional status and their access to health care. She also explores, using deduction and indirect methods, the appalling aspects of life threatening discrimination against girls, including foeticide, infanticide and plain neglect of the needs of girls.
The book culminates in Vepa's critique of the assertions that the gender gap is closing in India, arguing that in many ways it is increasing, especially for rural women. She opens by challenging the very old fashioned notion that women's well-being is congruent with that of the family and they will automatically benefit from improvements in men's lives. Breaking open the 'black box' of the family has been a long standing feminist project and Vepa contributes usefully to the endeavor. She also argues that enhancing women's position is in the national interest. While this is an argument that may appeal to governments, I prefer to stand on the issue of women's rights as human rights and to work (as Vepa does in parts of the book) through Nussbaum's 'capabilities' approach. In any event, Vepa uses available figures from a number of sources, including international comparisons from UNDP, World Bank etc. as well as some useful concepts such as the Gender Equality Measure. The combination of na-tional and international sources allows Vepa to assemble a powerful demonstration of the increasing gender gap in India. Furthermore, she is able to break down the indicators she uses by state. Unfortunately she declines to push further into the reasons for the differences in women's equality in different states and how it might relate to cultural or religious factors. This failure to push her analysis into more speculative (or political) realms tends to weaken the overall impact of the book. This can be illustrated by the lack of a concluding chapter. The book ends with the technical discussion of the Gender Gap Index, and I missed a chapter that might draw together and reflect on all the useful data presented throughout the book.
Despite these reservations, Swarna Vepa has produced a professional and thorough examination of data, which makes the compelling case for addressing the broad based and increasing distress of rural women in India. It will provide useful support for both researchers and activists pursuing projects and policies that might help to reverse the situation and set rural Indian women on the road to healthy, prosperous and satisfying lives. What motivated the publication of this book, I am Muslim? Apparently, it aims to offer a human and personal view of a politicized religion, Islam, amidst the relentless negative publicity about its adherents in the international media. Describing her book as a "selfish series of articles" (11) which previously appeared on the popular website, www.malaysiakini.com, Dina Zaman critically asks what it means to be a young Malay Muslim woman in Malaysia by exploring her religion and people through short anecdotes and selected quotes from the Koran. As the title proudly declares, she is a "(practicing) Muslim" although not a "role model" (9) for young modern Muslim women in Malaysia. She critiques the use of this popular term within the Muslim community and sees it as an unhelpful attempt to create an object that does not exist, and which has instead stoked conflicts by stereotyping people as either good or bad Muslims. Her unease with the disturbing tendency among some to withdraw from mixing with non-Muslims propels her to warn against erecting barriers that threaten respectful co-existence of different multi-racial and religious groups here. Such inwardness has also given the term 'liberal Muslim' (149) a somewhat negative connotation. Having lived abroad during her formative years with her diplomat father, the family returned to Malaysia where she tells us, she and her sister were regarded as "foreigners," and considered too "Americanized, too aggressive, too un-Malay" (9). When she joined an elite Muslim boarding school as a 15-year old, her recitation of Koranic verses was a source of mirth for her classmates, but more tellingly, she was told that as a Muslim she was not to question anything, failing which she would be regarded as an "apostate" (10). Her standpoint as a liberal Muslim and her curiosity about the real lives of fellow Malaysians set her apart from the more dogmatic segment of the Muslim community.
My interest in the book was aroused by a Malay academic who identified Zaman's writing as an important sounding board among the younger cohort about their faith and identities as Muslims and Malays. Indeed, an indication of Zaman's popularity is the fact that after her articles appeared online, she was encouraged to publish this selected collection.
According to the publisher, 1 the first print run of 3000 books was sold out within a month, and 6000 in the first two months. Although in terms of quantity, the figures are comparatively modest, the book is remarkable for being the fastest selling Malaysian book in English. Also, the fact that it is written in English suggests that its readership comprises an educated and cosmopolitan group. Zaman explains: I suppose I'm writing this because what's happening in this country scares me . . . we have friends and acquaintances who express nationalistic/xenophobic sentiments, and as a writer, I get many emails from readers asking me to help make sense of this Malaysia. I usually offer a 5-sen worth of opinion because I myself don't have the answers (146).
Zaman evocatively reworks the central theme of her book which is posed as a question: "Are Muslim Malaysians lost? Do we lack confidence and hold on to religion because there is nothing to make us feel fulfilled?" (11). Using her perspective as an 'insider-outsider,' she recounts her lived experiences and regarding the diverse people she meets, questioning and occasionally chiding them, using relevant verses from the Koran. Her refrain stresses the importance of many Islamic tenets, a sense of humility, acceptance of racial and religious differences, and a keen spiritual awareness of God, among others (33).
In the first section, 'Travels in Faith,' Zaman takes the reader on a journey that reflects the rich cultural history that she inherits in the region. She mentions that the Islam practiced by Muslims in Indonesia is regarded by some Malaysians as "deviant" (32). For centuries, the majority of Indonesians who were influenced by Islamic teachings have practiced a variant infused with elements of their local culture, indigenous Javanese or Madurese, as well as Hinduism. Using anecdotes, Zaman quietly answers these critics by describing practices of shamanistic beliefs that are acknowledged as part of Malay culture. She talks about Muslims visiting experts in witchcraft or popular Muslim 'ghost busters.' In between, she slips in observations about the fear that Muslims have of Christians and Buddhists (40). She de-politicizes the issue of Islam in her writings to a certain extent by making them personal narratives in her own search for peace. She writes openly about her status as a divorcee and her honesty makes her vulnerable, but also disarms her readers as she thereby positions herself as a fellow traveler with problems and anxieties like everyone else. Readers are made privy to her confusion but in the process she also offers sharp criticism regarding the frustrations of being a Muslim in Malaysia. She says of some people she met: "How they want an Islamic country, but not in the way it is now. How little tolerance is shown not only to non-Muslims, but also to other Muslims . . . . Is it any wonder that we have become experts in living double lives?" (60). She ends the section by repeating the question that weaves in and out of her writing in different forms: "Do we Muslims in Malaysia even want to be challenged?" (82).
In the second section, 'Sex within Islam,' Zaman deals with the issues of homosexuality, HIV/Aids, masturbation, anal sex, polyg-amy, and adultery among others, with candid earthiness. Her quotes from friends are thrown in with jaw-dropping effect. One told her: "I think we've always had a culture of cheating and prostitution. In the same way I think that our men are inherently homosexual . . . ." (98). Of some sociological interest are her comments about second wives. Although polygamy is permitted by Islamic Law, permission has to be sought from a religious leader and certain financial and other conditions need to be met. In the past, these second wives were usually from the entertainment industry or from less privileged families, or less educated women from the rural areas. Zaman, however, comments that the "Other Wives" are now well-educated career woman from middle to upper-middle backgrounds. "Unlike the Mistress who waits and waits for the day he'll leave his wife for me and ends up bitter and lonely, the Number Twos marry their men" (132). As busy career women, they appear to have the best of both worlds: "Thank God I see him like once a week. When he's in a bad mood or sick, I tell him I'm busy, so his first wife takes care of him. When he comes to me, he's all sweet" (132). Although her tone is mainly non-judgmental, at the end of the section, Zaman wryly asks: "Is this 21 st century (Muslim) feminism then? To covet another woman's husband?" (132).
Zaman uses humor to help her deal with taboo subjects. In mock horror at her ignorance about "tudung 2 lesbians", she utters in disbelief: "You're wearing a tudung, for crying out loud, you have taken a divine oath to be a good Muslim, you can't be a lesbian" (110). This response captures the feeling within the wider community and excerpts from her e-interviews make painful reading. Zaman sympathetically explains that these women themselves are just as confused and bewildered, and they ask her the same question: "How could they be gay when they were brought up as good Muslims? They wore the scarves, they didn't mess about, they prayed they were good daughters and friends, but they desired only women" (110).
The third section, 'Soul Searching,' touches lightly on the vexed problems of living with difference, including the socio-economic and cultural divisions among the Muslims themselves and overzealous religious policing that encroaches on the freedoms of other racial and religious groups. Her style is to make these controversial statements without going too deeply into abstract analysis or making any overt criticisms of the government. She writes in a way the average person in the street would agree in quiet desperation: "My God, people must think that we Malaysians live in a circus" (147). She achieves an overall critical effect by relying heavily on the direct speech of her subjects, plucking out critical selections from interviews to make her point. By juxtaposing her own thoughts and questions with critical or absurd utterances from the people she encounters, she offers a social commentary on the materialism of some rich Muslims, their snobbery, their purchases of expensive prayer shrouds, and the large amounts of money spent on pilgrimages to Mecca. The final section, 'Portraits,' is a mishmash collection of diverse characters and their opinions about fellow Muslims and Islamic beliefs. Zaman pulls in the taxi drivers, the wealthy jet set personalities, the veiled woman, the Muslim women bloggers, "(O)ur men, oh, our confused men" (227), among others. In this fragmented jumble, she presents a small kaleidoscope of people she met on her life's journey and makes the point about the heterogeneous diversity of Muslims living in the country.
Zaman is popular because her voice resonates with ordinary and young people who are frustrated by the actions of religious conservatives who lead influential religious bodies. The 'moral policing' adopted by these groups, in effect, has created an atmosphere of repression and fear which Zaman counters by reflecting the human foibles and struggles of her people through vignettes and anecdotes, sometimes with comical effect. She questions and cajoles within the narrow confines of limited free speech, using a chatty, conversational mode of delivery to include rather than intimidate her readers. In this way, she contributes to a more empathetic discussion among Muslims and opens up a window for better understanding for read-ers of other faiths. Although she bemoans the lack of debate in the country, she herself does not debate any difficult issues, using cut and thrust arguments. Indeed, compared to another Muslim woman columnist, Mariam Mokhtar (2010) 3 who writes incisively on political and religious matters of the day, Zaman, by comparison, treads softly. While Mokhtar is combative and intellectually stimulating, Zaman makes her point by gently holding up a mirror to show the prejudices, the contradictions and the pettiness among her people. Generally, she leaves her readers to draw their own conclusions.
Since the publication of the book, we have witnessed the sentencing of a Muslim woman, Kartika, to six strokes of the cane and a fine of 5000 ringgit (US$1442.00) for consuming beer at a resort in the state of Pahang. 4 Although the sentence was commuted recently, it has not deterred conservative religious leaders or over-zealous groups to continue their strident calls for tougher measures to enforce Muslim laws. For instance, child marriages are being debated in this supposedly modern state. In one passage, Zaman writes that "there are many moderate and progressive Muslims who want the best not only for the religion but also the nation but is the number too small or are we not vocal enough? Are we not doing enough?" (147-148). Her questioning observations reflect the conundrum before the people of Malaysia where complex issues of identity and religions threaten the delicate fabric of national cohesion. Her book is especially pertinent because it addresses the pivotal role that Malay Muslims play in a multiracial and multicultural society.