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Performances of injustice: The politics of truth, justice and reconciliation in Kenya

for instance, by the Austrian People’s party with the far right FPÖ. This is a major question that still needs to be addressed. A second crucial aspect of the book is linked to the role of the crises that Levitsky and Ziblatt consider as critical junctures for the authoritarian turn, in particular security crises such as terrorist attacks and political violence. This issue deserves a thorough examination, because a crisis could also lead to the reinforcement of democracy, as a reaction. Under what conditions, then, does a crisis become a catalyst for autocratisation or democratic renewal? It seems that the configuration of other agency-related and structural conditions should be assessed in order to have a more comprehensive picture. In conclusion, despite appearances, this is not a book about Donald Trump. On the contrary, the most interesting part of the work deals with the long-term and general evolution of US democracy, rather than the short-term, recent political events. Before (and beyond) Trump, the real threat to American democracy lies in the heavy polarisation of society as a consequence of the rise of inequalities. The authors write that ‘parties become wedded to incompatible worldviews (...) especially when their members are so socially segregated that they rarely interact’ (p. 116). So, look at the wood (of inequalities) and forget the (orange) tree. This is a powerful message that echoes the words of Charles Tilly (2007) on de-democratisation, when he warned about the risk that differences in ethnicity, gender, race, wealth, or religion ‘translate directly into categorical differences in political rights and obligations’ (2007, p. 75), paving the way to autocracy. Yet, the most worrying message of the book still is that authoritarian leaders always have and always will be there. The solution then lies in weakening their political and economic breeding ground, by any political means possible.