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Cold War Correspondents: Soviet and American Reporters on the Ideological Frontlines

the Bureau sharply curtailed its operations in exchange for its officials not being indicted. The newly formed ACLU continued this conciliatory approach after the war ended, seeking the release of IWW and Socialist prisoners but agreeing in secret negotiations to press them to request individual pardons and accept restrictions on their conduct. Roger Baldwin, the ACLU’s founding executive director, persuaded a few to accept these terms, undermining the amnesty movement and sparking bitter conflict within the IWW. The administration also attempted to divide the Socialist Party. Chester argues that Debs’ speech in Canton, Ohio, for which he was imprisoned, was an effort to restore party unity and refute claims that he had abandoned its antiwar policy. Debs’ appeal to the jury, Chester concludes, was both a defense of the principle that free speech is a basic right and a reflection of his confidence that his views were popular—that he faced prison precisely because the government dared not allow open debate. When Julian Assange was indicted under the Espionage Act in 2019, many wrote that this was the first time the law had been used against someone for committing acts of journalism. This, of course, is untrue. Milwaukee Leader editor Victor Berger was prosecuted under the Espionage Act, though his conviction was overturned on due process grounds. Several of the defendants in the Chicago IWW trial were convicted based on articles they published in the IWW press, and three editors of the IWW Finnish-language daily Industrialisti were indicted on espionage charges, though that case seems not to have gone to trial. Chester concludes by criticizing the Holmes-Chafee approach to free speech rights, arguing that in practice it offered little to no protection for dissent. Instead, he argues that the right to openly debate matters of public policy is absolute and that this principle holds even in wartime.