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Hanging out the Dirty Washing

Much of the labor process literature since the early days of the annual labor pro cess conferences in the United Kingdom has been concerned with responding to the numerous critiques of Bravennan (1974). In various ways, authors have con tinued and/or elaborated on the early criticisms (e.g. Burawoy 1979; Edwards 1979) of Braverman's perception of management as homogeneous, omnipotent, and om niscient, and of labor as subjected and controlled. Some (e.g., Pollert 1981; Cockburn 1983,1986; Westwood 1984; etal. 1990; Kondo 1990; Collinson 1992) have sought to document the gendered, sexualized, or ethnic features of the labor process. These studies point to the complex and heterogeneous differentiation that characterizes labor processes and demonstrate how, no matter what managerial devices are constructed for more closely controlling labor, space will always be found to resist. The discontinuities, internal dissent within the management ranks, unintended consequences of action, and conflicting and incompatible demands all indicate how accounts of power and resistance within the labor process require additional theoretical insights to those provided by Marx. Some of these insights may be found in the writings of Foucault, whose whole intellectual enterprise was to show how subjugated knowledge can be deployed to resist the subjectivities that, through diverse regimes of power, have rendered us docile and manageable (Foucault 1982). Other insights can be drawn from postmodern feminism, where there is recognition that masculine discourses construct subjects in such a way that we seek continually to order the world in our own image. Accordingly, within the social sciences, labor process theory is no exception in having to confront the kind of questioning of its basic conceptualizations and premises that emanates from the deconstruction work of poststructural and