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DIASPORAS OF NORTH CAUCASIAN PEOPLE DEPORTED TO KAZAKHSTAN AND KYRGYZSTAN

The present paper considers the process of forming the diasporas of the North Caucasian peoples in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The adaptation process is one of the most demanded problems in the history of internally displaced persons. Undoubtedly, intergenerational continuity appearing in all areas of life: production, political and economic, as well as relating to legal, moral, aesthetic relations is a prerequisite for social progress. Successful socialization provided for the uptake of the required content that existed in the collective memory of a particular human community. Migration processes associated with deportations in the 30–40s of the 20 th century exerted significant influence on the development of personality amid alienation and a shut-in society. The transfer of the diverse experience accumulated in society to new generations starting out in life, i.e. obligatory intergenerational transmission of ethnic culture being the essence of the younger generation socialization is a key factor for the sustainable and planned development of each society. It should be born in mind that these problems examination is prominent in creating patriotism, strengthening civil peace and interethnic harmony in the younger generation of the North Caucasus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. These republics became the adoptive country for hundreds of thousands of different nationalities forcibly expelled in the 1930s-1940s to Central Asia and Kazakhstan. Diasporas of the deported North Caucasian peoples being demographically self-reproducing and independent communities of fellow tribesmen gradually became an organic part of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.


Introduction
The North Caucasian diaspora began to form in the countries of Central Asia in the 30-40s of the 20 th century when the families of the so-called "kulaks" were exiled to Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, etc. The Soviet people's intimidation during political repression culminated in the second half of the 30s and was exacerbated by the war. It degenerated into intimidation and repression against entire peoples and was accompanied by the violation of existing laws and civil rights. To give a veneer of legality to the apparent Stalinist arbitrariness, the twelve peoples of the USSR were branded as traitors (Sabanchiev, 2004).
On November 2, 1943, the deportation of the Karachai people began. The Chechens were among many peoples who were forcibly resettled from the territory of the North Caucasus and there were about 400 thousand of them. More than 90 thousand Ingushes were deported as well (Bezugolny et al., 2012). In March 1944, over 37 thousand Balkars were deported to Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The national autonomies of the peoples subjected to forced eviction were abolished and the corresponding Decrees of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the SSR were issued. The political rights of the deported peoples were curtailed; their progressive development suffered significantly, and some areas were irreparably damaged. The most important and basic was their development within the framework of the nationalterritorial statehood, which was interrupted.
The activity on the reception and accommodation of the internally displaced persons from the North Caucasus started in mid-January, 1944. By February 16, it was necessary to prepare all uninhabited dwellings for accommodation. The special settlers were deprived of their property rights. Houses, livestock and other values were not fully compensated. The highlanders were resettled during the harsh winter, which complicated the creation of acceptable conditions in new places of residence. Due to the lack of vacant houses, the problem was solved by assigning the houses of collective farmers, workers, office workers to special settlers. The situation of the special settlers was complicated by humiliating registration procedures, re-registration in local commandant's offices and NKVD bodies (Isakieva, 2017).

Problem Statement
In the first years of living in the special settlement, the number of those evicted from the North Caucasus decreased significantly. Unsettledness, a harsh, unfamiliar climate, disease and hunger were the main causes of the very high mortality rate. About 146,892 people died and only 28,120 people were born from the beginning of the settlement until October 1, 1948, i.e. the death rate was 5.2 times higher than the birth rate (Zemskov, 1991).
The archival materials state the suppression of the mortality rate from the official authorities. It is noted that the dead are not registered anywhere but buried furtively without the commandants' awareness.
The cause of death is mainly dystrophy and gastric diseases due to malnutrition and lack of medical care (Kazbekova, 2016, p. 48).
The special settlers were implied to be provided with property and food using the funds of the union in exchange for the buildings, cattle, grain, etc. they left at their former place of residence. The first years of special settlement became especially difficult for the exiled peoples. In the new places of the https: //doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.11.277 Corresponding Author: Zulay Sulimovna Isakieva Selection and peer-review under

Research Questions
Scattered over a vast territory and limited in contacts with compatriots, the special settlers were in danger of ethno-cultural assimilation with the local population.
In the first half of the 1950s, there were 142,267 Chechens and 44,600 Ingushes in a special settlement in Kazakhstan. Special settlers were not equally settled in all regions of the Kazakh SSR as there were one or two families in all regions. In the Tajik SSR, there were 50 Chechens and 13 Ingushes in the special settlement. In the Kirghiz SSR there were 39,663 Chechens and 1,389 Ingushes. In Kyrgyzstan, special settlers from the North Caucasus were settled in 6 regions.
In the Uzbek SSR, 120 Chechens and 108 Ingushes were registered in the special settlement. Also, in some regions and autonomies of the RSFSR, several representatives of the deported North Caucasian peoples were in special settlement (Schneider, 2009).

Purpose of the Study
Kazakhstan and the republics of Central Asia, which received the deported peoples and the evacuated population during the war years, faced big problems in their economic and household structure. The adaptation of the deportees from the North Caucasus to uninhabited places with severe climatic conditions was extremely difficult due to the fact that the special settlers were removed from their usual habitat, social and linguistic environment, were separated from relatives and friends and dispersedly settled over a huge territory without the right to free movement. One of the main factors of their adaptation and socialization in places of special settlements was their labor activity in close contact with the local population. https://doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.11.277 Corresponding Author: Zulay Sulimovna Isakieva Selection and peer-review under

Research Methods
Abusive labor practices of the deported are one of the important components of the deportation process. The spheres of the repressed citizens' employment were different: mining, logging, construction of manufacturing facilities, transport communications, industrial enterprises, railways and dirt roads, and the fishing industry. Most of the deported citizens were employed in agriculture (Bugay, 2012).
In general, Balkars, Karachais, Chechens, Ingushes did not have the right to choose their place of residence and employment in terms of occupation structure and socially due to being rural residents having fallen into exile on false accusations by the Soviet leaders. Special settlers could work in agriculture, industry, construction sites, etc. The sequence of employment objects once again confirms that this provision was formulated by the practice of deportation policy. In fact, it reflected the real distribution of labor by industry (Akkieva, 2019). The majority of the deported worked in collective farms and coal basin, participated in the construction of housing and industrial enterprises, the improvement of cities and towns together with Kazakhs, Koreans, Poles, Germans, Crimean Tatars, Kalmyks, Greeks, Ukrainians, Russians, etc. in places of special settlement

Findings
The special settlers were employed by order of the authorities. Thus, out of 1,349 Chechens who arrived on March 4, 1944 in the East Kazakhstan region, 651 people were accepted and placed at the Chulak-Tau chemical plant in the following specialties: engineers -4 people, doctors -2 people, medical and veterinary paramedics -2 people, laboratory assistants and chemists -5 people, operators -1 person, locksmiths -32 people, carpenters -7 people, drivers and tractor drivers -38 people, blacksmiths -1 person, agronomists -3 people, railway workers -3 people, drillers -2 people, bricklayers -3 people, accounting workers -18 people, teachers -23 people. The rest were assigned to work on 26 collective farms in the region. The reports of the mining administration of the Leninogorsk enterprises of the East Kazakhstan region indicated that among the special settlers there were 10 teachers, 3 accountants, 1 paramedic, 1 accountant, and it was not planned to use them by occupation (Ermekbaev, 2009).
Intellectuals did not manage to get a job by occupation due to the fact that in places of special settlement their skills, level of knowledge and specialty were practically not regarded. Alienation from the profession had a negative impact on the well-being of people and their perception of reality, generated pessimism, reduced immunity and provoked illness, increased the mortality rate among this category of persons. Thus, in the Osh region, teachers M. Osmanova and K. Chofanova were forced to work on a collective farm growing tobacco despite their high qualifications and work experience. It was only in the mid-1950s that they got the opportunity to work at school. Teachers, journalists, law enforcement, Soviet  2105 Language was of key importance in adaptation in special settlement. It should be noted that the level of Russian language proficiency was low among the deported, and most of the local population of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan did not speak Russian. And linguistically, the Turkic-speaking Karachais and Balkars were in an advantageous position because the host country population was also Turkic-speaking.
The similarity of the language of the settlers with the language of the host country (Kyrgyz, Kazakhs and Uzbeks) was perceived as a marker of similarity and kinship by the local population and helped to quickly establish trusting relations between the settlers and the locals. Due to linguistic differences with the host community, Chechens and Ingush ran a longer and more difficult path of adaptation and building trusting relationships (Akkieva & Sampiev, 2013).
Joint work and cohabitation, interpersonal contacts in the labor and household spheres contributed to the adaptation of the newcomers to the local population. It should be noted that Islam, which characterized by humanity, compassion and empathy, also played an important role. Local Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks were compassionate and provided assistance to coreligionists being Karachais, Balkars, Ingushes and Chechens. The adaptation was also facilitated by the fact that the Soviet value system became stronger during the war. Help and support were indispensible for relations in the country, and joint work rallied and strengthened interpersonal relations. In the early years, the establishment of contacts with the local population was complicated by the fact that many Chechens and Ingushes did not speak Kazakh and Russian languages. However, the children of the special settlers soon mastered the Kazakh, Kyrgyz and Russian languages. Those representatives of the deported peoples, especially children who found themselves in the Russian-speaking environment (especially in the northern regions of Kazakhstan) and in villages near Frunze (Bishkek) and went to Russian-language schools easily and quickly mastered the Russian language, and for many of them Russian became, in fact, a mother tongue.
The Russian language became one of the factors in establishing friendly relations in the local community and later became an important factor in increasing the starting capabilities of this category of deportees for obtaining specialties requiring higher qualifications and knowledge (doctors, teachers, engineers, etc.).
One of the many social problems in the process of deportation is the problem of divided or  (Kozybaev, 1997).
Facing the inhuman conditions of the special settlement, almost impossible for survival, the exiles used every opportunity to earn money and support their families. Practically all able-bodied special settlers worked, and sometimes even those who were considered disabled. This was especially noticeable in the first years of their residence. From archival sources it is known that in 1944 in the Dzhambul region 16,396 able-bodied people out of 16,927 people worked. Moreover, 583 old people and teenagers were involved in seasonal field work. In Akmola region, out of 17,667 people registered as able-bodied people actually 19,345 people including 2,746 old people and adolescents worked (Isakieva & Gairbekov, 2020). The adaptation was difficult as there were economic problems, difficulties in land allocation, development. Often, many funds allocated from the Center were stolen and never reached their destination. However, despite the bureaucratic delays, friendly relations were established between the special settlers from the North Caucasus and the local population. Mutual understanding was achieved in interethnic relations. Communication of different nationalities in the production process broke national https: //doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.11.277 Corresponding Author: Zulay Sulimovna Isakieva Selection and peer-review under responsibility of the Organizing Committee of the conference eISSN:  2107 isolation, promoted the establishment of mutual contacts between workers, rallied them in the struggle for their rights, laid the foundations for international solidarity and cohesion (Isakieva, 2016). Conscientious work has become the only way for the special settlers to get used to the host environment. The incentive to shock work was competition, the desire to confirm that a Karachai, Balkarian, Ingush or Chechen is the best. Exemplary work for the deported was a ritual and a means of presenting ethnicity, a way to be asserted as a person. During the period of special settlements, on the one hand, ethnic identity strengthened, on the other hand, a common Caucasian identity of the peoples deported from the North Caucasus began to take shape. This happened because initially the host community perceived a deported Chechen, Ingush, Balkar or Karachai as an immigrant from the North Caucasus and, without distinguishing which is which, called everyone Caucasians (kapkazly). According to the stories of people who survived the deportation, every spring the old people were preparing to leave for their homeland being the Caucasus. Returning to desperate land was a dream and an obsession. And like any mania, it was fueled by all sorts of rumors about the decision already made that the deported peoples could return to the Caucasus, rumors were overgrown with details and people believed in them so much that they often entered into deals on the sale of housing, wearable things, and livestock. After returning to the Caucasus and restoring national statehood, the common Caucasian identity began to be gradually replaced by ethnic identity (Akkieva & Sampiev, 2013).  /doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.11.277 Corresponding Author: Zulay Sulimovna Isakieva Selection and peer-review under  https: //doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.11.277 Corresponding Author: Zulay Sulimovna Isakieva Selection and peer-review under responsibility of the Organizing Committee of the conference eISSN:  2109 The Chechen and Ingush diaspora of Kazakhstan is trying to preserve national community cohesion and strengthen national identity. At present, Chechens and Ingushes stand out among other diasporas by their stable national and group self-awareness due to the maximum degree of adaptability in Kazakhstan, which was the result of adaptation to life as part of the local population even in the harsh conditions of deportation. Another help is religion. Islam helps to unite the diaspora as well as to preserve and strengthen ethnic culture originality. It can be argued that the Ingush and Chechens are stable ethnoconfessional groups in the multi-ethnic society of Kazakhstan.

Conclusion
In general, they integrated into the socio-cultural space of Kazakhstan as ethnocultural peoples with their own subculture. One of the differences between Chechen and Ingush diaspora and other diasporas in Kazakhstan is that they minimized all the contacts with the surrounding society. Under the conditions of the top-down government system, its cultural isolation was to a large extent forced and imposed by the deportation, when ethnic values were formed as the protest against the Soviet regime. The process of adaptation and incorporation of Chechens and Ingushes into Kazakh society was far from cultural assimilation with the surrounding population. Chechens and Ingushes of Kazakhstan being demographically the most reproductive and self-sufficient community of tribesmen is gradually becoming an organic part of Kazakhstan and in general shares the idea of a common homeland with the indigenous population, living according to its laws and rules.