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Immobile wh-phrases in Tagalog

I argue that overt movement cannot always be triggered by a need to create a specifier for the head bearing the Probe, as commonly assumed. In Tagalog, I claim, the best description of the behavior of wh-phrases is that they must become linearly adjacent to C; I show that Tagalog wh-phrases in fact occupy several different structural positions which are consistent with this linear requirement.