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Book Reviews

Carmelo Petraglia of University of Basilicata reviews “The Money Laundering Market: Regulating the Criminal Economy,” edited by Killian J. McCarthy. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Eight papers examine the current money laundering market, with a focus on the challenges presented by emerging technologies and markets.”

For medical and environmental historians, these two reports make extremely sobering reading. Globally, as of the year 2002, 2.6 billion of our fellow human beings (42% of the world's population) were without 'improved sanitary facilities'; and 1.1 billion of our fellow human beings were without access to improved drinking water.
Yet what the historian finds exceptionally troubling is that medico-scientists in positions of authority 130 years ago faced very similar situations. Sad to say, these mid-19th century experts made assumptions and drew conclusions which were more enlightened than those found in these two WHO publications. The 19th century experts were the Ottoman and European medical doctors and scientists who attended the Constantinople Cholera Conference in 1866 and Netten Radcliffe and John Simon in the Medical Office of the UK Privy Council in 1873.
The global socio-intellectual-economic-political situation -the 'Context' in which these long-dead experts worked -was somewhat different from that of today. World population numbered only one billion souls in 1840, compared to its present six billion. But the world health discussants in the 1860s and 1870s took it for granted that national governments had the capacity to provide the infrastructure required to provide their own citizens and those people they ruled overseas with proper sources of drinking water and proper sanitation. Besides, mid-19th century world health experts were not afraid to challenge national governments, and to advise them to alter their current spending patterns. They told them to spend less on armaments and more on health. An instance of this is found in the concluding words in the printed version of the Proceedings of the Constantinople Cholera Conference of 1866. This reads as follows: The public administration of every country of the world has become convinced by reason, as well as by cruel experience that the expenditure necessitated by preventive measures is eminently reproductive … no hygienic measure is ever too costly … the disbursement of even the largest sums in carrying out measures of health is simply equal to laying out money at a very considerable interest. Enormous sums have been spent in bringing the means of destruction to perfection, and CAN THERE be any hesitation to spending something on hygiene, which is the art of preservation, the art of sustaining life and warding off disease and death? [1, emphasis in original] This bold statement was made at a time when there was no single hegemonic power with a global reach to send rockets containing white phosphorus into people's living rooms. Instead, it was made at a time when, in the northern hemisphere, there was something resembling a balance of power among nation-states. Health planners could assume that the various states might be persuaded to compete among themselves for the honour of being the most progressive proponents of 'Health for All'. To advocate a cause of this sort was seen as a demonstration of being truly 'Civilized'.
Contrast these assumptions with those found in these two WHO reports. Here, despite the verbiage of 'Health for All', and 'Millennial Development Goals', health planners avoid challenging the leaders of the world's 10 most powerful nation-states to shift their attention from armaments to health. What we have here instead are banal statements such as: 'A recent cost benefit analysis [has shown that] investment in drinking water and sanitation yield high dividends' [2].
The paragraph in which these words are found contains the truism that healthy people can engage in productive work and that chronically ill people cannot. One of the basic issues avoided, concerns the issue of Agency. Do national governments (following the Swedish model) have the responsibility of establishing an egalitarian financial set-up of high taxation for all, in exchange for high-grade social services (health and education) for all? Or does a national government fall in line with the ideological position of the world's most powerful state and hold that health services are merely a commodity like any other? On an appropriate answer to this question hangs the future of world health.
There is another notable contrast between 130 years ago and the present. In these two reports, the experts refer to the need to be aware of cultural preferences and cultural differences in toileting and in water provisioning needs and practices. We are told that beginning in 2006 detailed survey information will be collated and published which for the first time will present an accurate picture of who in a household -by gender and age -actually collects the water [3]. The Joint Monitoring Programme will also cover differences in toileting practices. Planners' awareness of cultural differences makes it more likely that new water and sanitation schemes will be fully acceptable to local people and as a result they will be sustainable over the long term [4].
Historians, like everyone else, welcome this new sensitivity to cultural differences. But way back in 1873, Netten Radcliffe (scientific investigator in John Simon's Medical Office attached to the Privy Council in London) published the results of his five year survey into the sanitary habits and requirements of villages, towns and cities in the United Kingdom. Radcliffe concluded that the 'one-size-fits-all' flush-toilet policies of Neo-Sanitarians (still nominally headed by old Edwin Chadwick [1800-90]) were not appropriate [5].
Why has there been a gap of 130 years between the findings and recommendations of Netten Radcliffe, John Simon and the delegates at the Constantinople Cholera Conference, and the findings and recommendations of the WHO and UNICEF as represented in these two publications under review? [6]. Have we have lost confidence in the direction in which the world is going? Are the humanitarian concerns identified in these two publications merely covers to allow the rich and the well-connected -the 0.000000001% of the world's population -to get on with the job of sucking in money from the world's poor? Until world leaders face this question, western-created possessive individualism and the quest for greedy gain will make a mockery of WHO health improvement schemes. So it is that today 42% of the world's population are still without 'improved sanitary facilities.' Medico-environmental historians are aware that unless action is taken now, the wellintentioned WHO schemes reviewed here will be no more effective than those of the predecessor organization in the 1930s, the League of Nations. This book is a comprehensive collection of the research undertaken by the Center for the Study of Institutions, Population and Environmental Change (CIPEC) at Indiana University at Bloomington. It is edited by Emilio Moran and Elinor Ostrom, co-directors of CIPEC, who also wrote some of the chapters of the book.
The book deals with the subject of changes currently affecting forest ecosystems. These have been recently accelerated by human activities such as large-scale agriculture, growth of cities comprising vast areas of asphalt, and the building of dams and roads, etc. The book examines changes in land-cover and land-use in forest regions as major contributors to global environmental change, investigating why some forested areas thrive even in the presence of high human densities and activity while others decline and almost disappear.
Apart from several interesting chapters on specific issues, the main contribution of this book is that it makes the reader confront the opinions of scientists from biological, physical and also social sciences. In fact, it is not usual to have all these viewpoints in the same book, and the reader clearly benefits from this, given the opportunity to get acquainted with a global picture of the problem.
The book's contents make it useful both for students and newcomers to this problem, and scholars and faculty members as well. Part I focuses on theories of human-environment research, while Part II focuses on methods used for this type of research, particularly those appropriate for study of land-use/land-cover change in forest ecosystems. Chapter 3 focuses on the challenges presented by consideration of multiple scales. Chapter 4 introduces the subject of institutional analysis. Chapter 5 provides an introduction to forest ecology. Chapter 6 refers to certain key considerations in remotely-sensed data acquisition and analysis. Chapter 7 tackles the subject of spatially explicit analysis. Part III deals with methods, while Part IV consists of case studies from a broad range of research conducted by CIPEC, most of them looking at more than one perspective.
This arrangement of the material makes the book useful for students, who can treat it as a manual describing theory and methods with the case studies as its corollary. Scholars and specialists can go directly to Part IV and use the previous parts for review concepts or for reference. Fundamentals of Soils is intended to facilitate understanding to the reader who is getting acquainted with the knowledge of soil science for the first time, and particularly students of physical geography, soil science and environmental science. It also serves as excellent material for refreshing the memories of readers who are getting reacquainted with soil science. People working in the area need to be able to understand the basic principles of soil science in a concise and simple manner with adequate clarity. Despite the remarkable increase in published literature and textbooks of soil science in recent years, few provide a simple approach where the meaning of soil terminologies used in the text is easily understood; and Fundamentals of Soils is one of those. The book is among others in the Fundamentals of Physical Geography Series. The variety of courses currently offered in higher education institutions have necessitated the separate volume approach, as justified in the preface. Chapters in the book include the nature of soil, soil properties, soil processes, controls on soil formation, horizons and soil classifications, main world soils, soil patterns, and soil degradation.

Joao Gomes
The first chapter explains what soils are. It interprets soils as systems from which the pedosphere (where soil forming processes occur), is incorporated into other geospheres. The author takes a step further in explaining the characteristics of systems and global cycles so as to make the reader more acquainted with the subject. Chapter 2 examines the physical properties including introductory soil mineralogy, and chemical properties in details. The third chapter depicts the identities and characteristics with examples of the four main soil processes: additions, losses, transformations and transfers. It further examines the controls on soil formation highlighting on climate, biota, parent material, topography and time in Chapter 4. The fifth chapter exposes the reader to horizons (soil horizons with their designations and characteristics) and soil classifications which are very important concepts in understanding soil types and their distributions. The sixth, seventh and eighth chapters look at main soils of the world, soil patterns, and soil degradation. Different soil classification schemes are discussed bearing in mind the evolution of the topic from Russian classification, soil taxonomy, FAO/UNESCO soil groupings, to other traditional and alternative schemes of soil classification. Based on the FAO soil classification scheme, the author provides a grasping coverage of the main world soils and the soil distribution patterns in a global context. Building on the knowledge from the Global Soils Degradation Data Base (GLASOD) project, types of soil degradation and the main interacting factors responsible for it are critically evaluated.
Examples from different continents of the world and particularly Africa, Asia and Europe are used to augment understanding of the different topics. The book is well illustrated with additional, helpful materials. These include 16 plates, 103 figures, 33 tables and 29 boxes. A glossary of terms related to soils starting from abrasion to zoophage is attached to serve as quick reference document to the reader. The references section at the end of the book consists of very extensive literature covering the period from 1898 to 1997 when the knowledge of soil science grew exponentially. Simple equations to illustrate chemical reactions of constituents of soils are given where necessary. Chapters are concisely summarized with questions that query the understanding of the reader, and suggestions for further reading serve as complementary information on the subject matter.
Inasmuch as the basic knowledge of soil science has been adequately covered, the everyday application of this knowledge has, unfortunately, not been adequately addressed. Another shortcoming of the book is the table of contents, which should be presented in a more detailed form enabling the reader to know subheadings within chapters and the pages in which they occur in the text. These shortcomings, however, are relatively unimportant. This book can, therefore, be strongly recommended not only to students but to all those with a quest for understanding the basics of soils. The End of Poverty may be a triumph. It fulfils the fairytale aspiration towards a better existence for the world's poorest within the constraints of contemporary finance. Seldom has modern economics put forth a blueprint with so audacious a goal in mind. In The End of Poverty, Jeffrey Sachs makes us believe, really believe that it is possible to overcome economic hardship in the developing world and achieve true prosperity. He shares his thoughts with eloquence and meticulous detail. With a foreword provided by Bono, we are immediately prepared for a manuscript that is indeed larger than life, for a bold and daring plan, a mission seemingly impossible. It is suddenly hip to talk about poverty, permissible to question existing global economic policies and even forgivable to demand reform. Sachs allows us a glimpse into his own mind -the journey through his successes in Bolivia, Poland and Russia and now a passionate conviction to extrapolate these advances to an African setting. His battles as an economic reformer historically have not been without defeat, however. The relative economic setbacks suffered in Bolivia and Poland are not the subject of this book. They are not in the spirit of The End of Poverty. Instead we are reassured by his familiarity with tenuous economic terrain. As a personal advisor to the United Nations' Secretary General, Sachs affords us exposure to a classified frame of mind, off the beaten track. He allows us to see that it may be possible, by direct intervention, to select a Luo village like Sauri, ravaged by AIDS, poverty and tropical disease and offer hope for a brighter existence.
Africa is by no means an easy topic, far less an easy economic arena to provide as a test ground. Sachs, however, makes a brilliant argument even to the lay reader wading through some of the technical econo-jargon. The more one reads, the easier it becomes to believe that the cost of a better future for Africa is within affordable limits, certainly by western standards. The 120 billion dollars of aid that he demands would theoretically be used to establish better infrastructure, schools, roads, sanitation and disease control. The question, however, pleads for an answer. How easily will this translate into practical African terms? How successful has Africa been in the past at implementing globally contrived economic reforms? The End of Poverty does not answer these questions either. But one suspects that may never have been its purpose. Instead it proffers an alternative opinion about poverty with a pointed focus on eradication rather than mere elimination. The policies are complex and relatively controversial. Admittedly any ideas as radical as those in The End of Poverty can only be expressed in the esoteric parlance of revolution and never be slowed by the pedantic rules of evolution. How else could they ever achieve the triumph for Africa? A country fragmented and regionalized with a predominantly poor and illiterate peasant population ravaged by malaria. No, this is not the description of a contemporary sub-Saharan country but of Italy in 1861 at the time of unification. The founding fathers of the nation recognized malaria as the prime determinant of its economic and technical backwardness. The north-south divide, noticeable even today, is based on the differential prevalence and severity of malaria. Malaria was particularly prevalent and severe in southern mainland Italy, Sicily and Sardinia although no region was immune. Particularly affected were migrant workers from hillier parts of the country, which were relatively malaria-free, who migrated to seasonal agricultural jobs in more low-lying and malarious areas. A particularly hazardous occupation was rice growing, for obvious reasons. These migrant workers were shamelessly exploited by their employers.

Awori Jeremiah Hayanga
That other Italian nation abroad, especially the USA, is a consequence of the poverty brought about by the disease. Just imagine -no Frank Sinatra or The Godfather if malaria had been eradicated earlier. In fact despite all the initial optimism, enthusiasm, dedication and drive, Italy was only declared free of malaria in 1962, 100 years after unification and well after the post-war diaspora had increased in the USA and Australia.
Frank Snowden describes the ebb and flow of this epic battle with verve and telling detail. The unravelling of the complex life cycle of the malarial parasite that involves two hosts, man and mosquito, is a crowning achievement of medical science and of the Rome School of malariologists whose pre-eminent figure was Giovanni Batista Grassi. The decision to exclude him from the Nobel Prize awarded to Ronald Ross seems perverse and was certainly unfair. Having established the nature of malaria and its mode of transmission, the Herculean task of its eradication then began. Two strategies emerged based on the use of quinine, an extract of the bark of the Peruvian cinchona tree that kills the blood stages of the malaria parasite. The cost of quinine had plummeted towards the end of the 19th century because the Dutch had successfully established cinchona plantations in Java. Java produced 876 kilograms of quinine in 1870 but this had jumped to 9,558,000 by 1911. The 'curative' strategy advocated by Grassi would involve treating every malarious person with quinine until they were cured. The 'prophylactic' strategy was espoused by Angelo Celli. Since Celli was a parliamentary deputy of the ruling Liberal party, it is not surprising that the prophylaxis strategy was adopted.
The implementation of this policy was a different proposition. Since the people most severely affected were poor, illiterate migrants, for whom medical care was a distant vision, it was decided that doctors and nurses would go out to them. District medical stations were set up. Ignorance had to be combated so schools were established. Soon the campaign against malaria became a national campaign for education, workers rights and the emancipation of women. It was one of the proximate causes for the establishment of the Italian Socialist party. The campaign was a long one with several setbacks including the First World War and its economic and social impacts that persisted long after its end. Fascism, as was to be expected, adopted a top-down approach rather than the grassroots program espoused by Grassi and Celli. Fascism's great 'triumph' over malaria was the draining of the Pontine Marshes. The drainage, however, probably did not significantly accelerate the tempo of national deliverance.
But this achievement led to an attempt to use biological warfare in the closing stages of the Italian campaign during the Second World War. The Nazi Germans not only appropriated the Italian quinine supplies they also attempted to destroy the engineering works. What is worse they reversed the pumps that pumped water out of the canals and into the sea. By this process the fresh water on the landward side would now become brackish. Brackish water is ideal breeding condition for Anopheles labrachiae, the malarial vector. Luckily, the German army engineer in charge did not fully execute his orders.
Are there any lessons to be learnt about malaria elimination from this meticulously researched book? I think that there are, although Snowden is excessively pessimistic. In particular, he does not believe in what he calls 'technological fixes' such as spraying, the chemical treatment of mosquito nets, drugs or vaccines. I disagree. What he calls a technological fix, I call the application of scientific knowledge to the development of effective strategies, whose aim is the worldwide conquest of malaria. This involves educating people and making them the agents for the application of this technology. Some governments may not like this precisely because the malaria campaign in Italy did empower poor men and women.
The Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter Centre has applied these principles and is about to eradicate guinea worm. In 1986 there was an estimated 3. In the first chapter, Adepoju examines patterns of migration in West Africa. He starts by presenting the setting for migration and looks at the intra-West African migration process throughout the pre-colonial, colonial, independence and post-independence era. He proceeds to talk about the ECOWAS and the protocol on free movement of persons, and the migration out of West Africa. The section on changing migration configuration touches on topical migration issues in sub-Saharan Africa, viz., independent female migration, commercial migration, diversified migration destinations, emigration of skilled professionals abroad, human trafficking, conflicts, refugees and displaced populations. The underlying causes of recent configuration of migration, remittances and the role of the diaspora are also addressed. He ends with a discussion of the management of migration flows.
He clearly states that trafficking in human beings, most especially women and children, should be a matter of concern to all governments in the sub-region. He suggests the formation of task forces on trafficking in persons and the enactment of anti-trafficking laws by member states. He also notes that political leaders are exploring modalities to halt the brain drain, attract back their nationals in the diaspora and enhance migrants' remittances, but the success of such initiatives depends largely on concretely addressing the root causes that give rise to emigration.
Chapter 2 looks at the volume and characteristics of international Ghanaian migration. Despite a trend towards greater diversity, most migrations into or out of Ghana have involved only a few countries with special links to Ghana or within the same geographic region. The chapter also draws attention to the fact that migration data for demographic analysis is being compromised as a result of socio-political considerations.
Chapter 3 discusses migration policy and law development in Ghana, within ECOWAS and some major destination areas. It considers the following issues: a) the overall legal framework of migration; b) international legal regime on migration; c) the sources and contents of international legal rules; d) human rights law; e) international development law; (f) international refugee law; (g) international migrant worker law; (h) the migration laws and policies of Ghana; (i) the legal regime and policies of the ECOWAS; and (j) the legal regimes and policies of migrant-receiving countries. Among other things, it is recommended that the government of Ghana should consider entering into bilateral and multilateral agreements with receiving-states, to regulate the flows of documented 'economic' migrants.
Chapter 4 provides the Dutch perspective on contemporary migrations using Ghanaians in the Netherlands as a case study. It thoroughly examines the immigration and integration policies of the Dutch government.
Remittances take the centre stage in chapters 5, 6 and 7. Addison looks at the macroeconomic impact of remittances, Mazucato et al., consider the origin and destination of remittances; and Tall looks at the remittances of Senegalese migrants. While chapters 5 and 6 confirm the widespread view that recorded private remittance is only a minimal proportion of what actually pertains, Tall's contribution provides the remittance situation in a francophone setting. This offers a good basis for comparison with anglophone states. A discussion of reverse remittance flow would have made the chapter more complete.
Return migration is the main theme for chapters 8 to 10. While chapter 8 focuses on the current policy and challenges in the migration-development nexus, chapter 9 considers opportunities for and challenges to migrants' investments using Côte D'Ivoire and Ghana as a case study, and chapter 10 pays attention to the impact of return skilled and unskilled transnational migrants on Ghana's economy. Chapters 9 and 10 use data from a Transnational Migration Return and Development Study, which covered 152 migrants in La Côte D'Ivoire and Ghana. One limitation of this study is the small sample size, which prevented the use of robust techniques of analysis. Besides, data on the skilled return migrants were in most parts not similar to those of the unskilled in the sense that not the same kind of data was collected on both categories of migrants. As a result, the analysis is unable to compare the skilled and unskilled return migrants in several areas.
The phenomenon of 'brain drain' has gained international prominence in the last few years. Changes in global conditions, developments in information and electronic technology, globalization and the widening disparity between developed and developing countries have brought the 'brain drain' issue to the fore. The appropriateness of chapters 11, 12 and 13 in dealing with the issue of 'brain drain' cannot be overemphasized. Chapter 11, which focuses on the health sector, confirms the already known fact that the mass exodus of Ghanaian doctors, nurses and other highly skilled health professionals has put a great deal of pressure on the remaining health staff. The study even warns that Ghana stands the chance of not meeting its Millennium Development Goal (MDG) target of reducing by two-thirds the under-five mortality rate by 2015 should the trend continue.
Furthermore, chapter 11 predicts an increase in patients as a result of the introduction of health insurance schemes in all the districts of the country, a situation which will further aggravate the already precarious situation. Chapter 11 recommends an increase in the supply of health professionals; attracting and retaining trained health workers; redesigning the remuneration system; improving welfare and benefits schemes; extending the working life of health professionals; bonding and compulsory service periods; and, developing and integrating new/mid-level cadres into the health workforce.
Chapter 12 by Manuh et al., is on the brain drain in the higher education sector, using data from the five public universities in Ghana. It is concluded that the exodus of academic staff has negatively affected the quality of teaching and research and has also widened levels of inequality as some deprived areas are unable to attract staff. The chapter offers suggestions on policies and measures to mitigate the brain drain in Ghana.
In Chapter 13, Joseph argues that Ghana's great loss of trained personnel can and must be turned into gains for development by making use of the same global transformations that encouraged their emigration. In his opinion, Ghana has the opportunity to turn apparent disadvantages into advantages in this globalizing era with the support of the international community. He concludes that by truly engaging Ghanaians abroad in tackling the development challenges at home, Ghana can take bold steps to turn around its economic crisis. Although useful suggestions for the development of partnership for the benefits of both receiving and sending countries have been provided, the chapter is silent on whether these are feasible and workable.
Chapter 15 looks at the religious dimension of migration and its relation to development using Ghanaians in the Netherlands as a case study, and chapter 16 considers the role of diaspora-based organizations in socio-economic development at the local level in Ghana. The book provides a comprehensive review of the interrelationship between international migration and socio-economic development in West Africa, and it is a significant contribution to the debate on migration and development. This interesting and timely book is written by 45 authors from Canada (two), Chile (three), Panama (one), United Kingdom (three) and USA (36). It comprises an introduction, 17 Chapters, a 'Capstone', and an excellent index of 15 pages. An abbreviation/acronym list would have been very useful.

Samuel Nii A. Codjoe
The movement of species from original location to another is a predominant feature of life on Earth. Species expand, contract and shift their geographical distributions. These natural dynamics are due to the interplay of ecology and evolution, to changing physical geography and climate. These dynamics lead to the development of regional and local biotas. The authors take the view that these biotas, and the boundaries in time and space, permit environmentalists to describe species as being native or non-native to any given locality or region -but this is artificial and arbitrary. Even so, it is usually impossible not to be concerned about recent species invasions. We now live in a world of 'ecological explosions' caused by non-native species. Every British gardener fears Japanese knotweed! South American water hyacinth has wrecked the waterways of Egypt. Who can ignore the incursions of the American grey squirrel? What can be done to favor British reds? Those British restaurateurs who have offered grey squirrel dishes have received protests from animal rights people with little understanding of ecology.
The Introduction rightly indicates that while the consequences of invasion by some nonnative species can be dire, others provide significant benefits to human society. Many nonnative species form a large part of our diet, livelihood, and traditions, such that it would be very difficult to imagine a world without them; for example, many foods (tomatoes, potatoes, etc.) that are not native to Europe are integral to European, Middle Eastern and North African cultures. Consider the tomato in the cooking patterns of these areas. A very significant proportion of the food we eat, the clothes we wear, and the wood we use to build our houses and other buildings originates from species grown outside their native range. Most of these benefits stem from non-native species that humans have domesticated; not to ignore also benefits from many non-domesticated species (e.g. bees that pollinate our crops, and introduced mammals that we hunt for food). Non-native species clearly have a checkered legacy.
This book, in discussing the 'Loss of Birds from Islands' indicates the effects of the spread of humans around the earth in the last few millennia, which has led to the alteration of virtually all ecological systems, as exotic species become established and native species are driven to extinction. These two processes are connected: since an exotic species can be defined as one transported and introduced to a new location by human endeavors, the majority of all recent extinctions can probably be attributed to actions by exotic species. Obviously, not all native species become extinct following human arrival. Birds migrate because of natural disasters, for example, earthquakes and more particularly volcanic eruptions, which like warfare, are not mentioned in this book.
The last chapter, though given the interesting title of 'Capstone -Where Do We Go from Here?', unfortunately does not provide clear recommendations to decision-makers on how to prevent undesirable species invasions. This book mainly focuses on the situation in the USA. It generally ignores very highly polluted areas in Central Europe, for example, the 'black triangle', or other legacies from the USSR regime! Research should not be undertaken just for the sake of research. It must provide guidance for governments and industry. This book, with such an international topic, should have been written with more active international concern.
There have been many reviews of Lovelock's latest exposition on the Gaia hypothesis (see, for example, the International Journal of Environmental Studies, 2006, Vol. 63, pp. 355-360). Rather than conduct a point-counterpoint adjudication, posit one theory over another, or delve into the intricacies of various minutiae, this review focuses on broader conceptual issues that are related to human perception of the global environment. This review presents an American perspective, albeit one conditioned by experiences of the writer who spent part of his life in Australia.
The Gaia hypothesis might be considered a scientific myth (the Greek mythos which originally meant 'speech' or 'discourse' but which later came to mean 'fable' or 'legend'). Broadly speaking, myths and mythologies (systems of myths) seek to rationalize and explain the universe and all that is in it. Thus, they have a similar function to science, theology, religion, and history in modern societies. Mythologies also seek to explain everyday natural phenomena. The Gaia hypothesis as myth has value far beyond the scientific paradigm, explanation of global warming and human contribution to it, for it calls forth effort to comprehend man's role in changing the face of the Earth. Critical here is the recognition of the cognitive values of myths. Societies live on myths, their symbols and metaphors that become tradition. As eloquently explained by Campbell [1], mythology coordinates a society by giving it a sense of value and worth, a sense of sacred space, direction, and purpose.
From these myths that organize space, we get a notion of the nature of the universe that does not appear anywhere else in the world. The metaphoric significance of the objects associated with the great myths of civilization are handed down from generation to generation. In today's modern American society, the Western (cowboy) melodrama epitomizes many aspects of contemporary struggles such as good versus evil, law and order versus reckless and wanton behaviour, big business versus small landholders, etc. Myths of today are regarded by many as 'lies' imposed on the populace by big business and government [2]. These modern lies become exposed because people are not so gullible as they used to be, being better informed by the Internet and generally better educated, except for abysmal lack of popular knowledge in science and engineering.
So, where does the Lovelock Gaia hypothesis stand in relation to popular belief or the ability of one to believe in it? Is Gaia a transforming metaphor, a lie or misconception, or sound science based on deductive reasoning? This is an important question, perhaps one crucial to future human development and the conditions under which society will evolve or devolve. The question becomes even more poignant when one considers the difficulty in determining truth versus falsehood [3]. As so often seen in current affairs, when a situation becomes complicated, not clear-cut, convoluted, and intermingled with myriad contributing factors, people tend to throw their hands up in the air in frustration and give up. Fortunately, the Gaia paradigm in broad outline is relatively simple to comprehend. Earth's biophysical processes are in dynamic equilibrium, affected by positive and negative feedback mechanisms, but humans have reached the capacity to destabilize whole ecosystems. But for most readers, grasp of details is elusive or even confounding. Another part of the problem associated with the evaluation of the Gaia hypothesis relates to levels of consciousness, as elucidated by Hawkins [3].
Key here in relation to the scale of consciousness is the level of integral behaviour. That is, not all play by the Marquis of Queensbury rules; many lack fairness, some lack fundamental honesty. Those of exceptional reasoning power may have hidden agendas and a real need, from their point of view, to 'disprove' the Gaia hypothesis as they want business as usual (BAU). Perception of another's intentions is not easy and thus some knowledge of levels of consciousness, deduced from behaviour, helps one to understand the position of others. Positionalities (precognitions, pre-assigned conditions) tend to defeat true understanding, differentiation of truth from falsehood, and foster development of society's seemingly unresolved enigmas. Perception of the Gaia hypothesis thus depends on levels of consciousness and integrity of thought.
So one might ask, 'What hath Lovelock wrought?' Is it good myth, metaphor, sound science, or lie? The answer to me is all of the above, except that it is neither lie nor falsehood. Discernment is a desirable quality, but our perceptions are conditioned by life experiences that provide different views through the same glasses. Perhaps a way to approach the question of validity of the Gaia hypothesis is to sketch the possibilities and potential outcomes for the global human population. What if Lovelock is right? Then what? And what if he is wrong? From a simplistic point of view, from an intuitive point of view, it would seem that global warming is not good for humankind because of the massive reorganization of population distribution patterns, changes in climatic patterns, disruption of socioeconomic systems (particularly agriculture which itself has an adverse impact on the Earth) and so on. Brown [4] talks about a modern civilization that is in trouble and echoes Lovelock in that we must have a plan to rescue a planet under stress. Environmental sceptics, such as Lomborg [5] look more positively toward the future, but there is danger in looking at adjustment of economic trends in a warmer greenhouse world. Further, there is a trite assumption that because man has faced potential catastrophe before and triumphed, he will triumph again under global climate change. Lovelock provides examples of changes in human behaviour (e.g. give up fossil fuels as soon as possible, immediately develop alternative energy sources, acquire the right mix of energy sources, develop technologies for a sustainable retreat) that should help alleviate stress on planet Earth's ecosystems.
Those familiar with the geological sciences appreciate the adage that '… the only thing constant on Earth is change …' and consequently, immobilist concepts, as Teilhard de Chardin [6,7] refers to them, are anathema to transformists (evolutionists). Change or evolution is what the Earth system is all about and that includes development of the sphere of consciousness in human beings, which is the result of Opus Dei. (Not, I add, the ecclesiastical association of that name!) The human spirit is still in a state of development, its evolution being described in different ways, viz., Teilhard de Chardin [6,7], Braden [8], Campbell [1], and Hawkins [3]. Opus humanum is laboriously and gradually achieved within us by acquisition of knowledge, but advancement is not without regressive phases such as may accompany attempts to discredit the Gaia hypothesis.
Solutions to any problem require correct or proper identification of the problem per se. If nothing else, Lovelock has identified the problem by providing factual content (global warming is occurring) within a context (the Gaia hypothesis). By recognizing the scope and magnitude of potential impacts from global warming (i.e. the senescence and death of Gaiaincrease in atmospheric carbon dioxide, sea-level rise, destabilization of tropical rainforests, increase in temperature of the global ocean, decline in marine algal growth, decrease in arable land, etc.), Lovelock has helped to frame the problem in a recontextualized paradigm where global environments are changing to the detriment of human society. This is the strength of The Revenge of Gaia.
The weak links, in my opinion, are some posited solutions (e.g. nuclear energy, with its problem of waste disposal) that are not realistic or practical. Solutions are the hard part and this should be the question society asks, 'What should we do to counteract present trends to provide a better Earth for future generations?' The problem here is that few are willing to accept traditional American standards of morality, ethics, and personal responsibility, preferring instead a policy of BAU that does not require personal action or commitment that might detract from the good life (seize the moment of hedonistic delight). This problem has become so pervasive in American society, according to Hawkins [3], that most are willing to sacrifice truth and integrity (behaviour to protect the environment) for the payoff of narcissistic ego inflations of a false sense of personal importance. The mostly American position, now aped by others as well, of '…don't mess up my life because I am having a good time…' leads to 'amorality as the morality of non-morality' [3]. This sad state of affairs tests our willingness to accept Lovelock's warning in the metaphor of the Gaia hypothesis and, more importantly, signals a low level of consciousness response to external conditions that may seriously disrupt modern society, as we know it today. The proper social response is not to deny collectively what is apparent (global warming is occurring) or to attack the Gaia hypothesis as some kind of bizarre myth of a scientific fringe culture, but to consider seriously and immediately how human beings can adapt to evolving conditions on Earth. Adaptation requires sacrifice for the greater good where present generations can hand over an environment that is in better shape (less polluted) to our progeny. As Teilhard de Chardin [7] gently reminds us, this elevated course of action is sic Deus dilexit Mundum (for those who love the world).
Having discovered the complex links between life and the world's atmospheric environment, and accepted William Golding's name of Gaia for 'this great system' (p. 7), Lovelock has a depth and reach of understanding which has left him gloomily brooding over our future. At the age of 86, he has determined to try even harder than ever before to persuade us that, even if it might be too late, we shall not be forgiven by our descendants if we continue to do so little about the causes of the problem.
The strength of this book is surely the confidence of its science, and the widening of the causes well beyond the simple burning of fossil fuels to encompass the size of the human population, the exploitive nature of its agriculture and alarmingly, the negative impact of many of the apparently worthy actions of ecologists and environmentalists. Alongside the ineptitude of governments reluctant to take steps that may threaten their votes at the next election, and the deplorable scientific ignorance of so many otherwise cultivated citizens, the chance of real progress is, as Lovelock is well aware, pretty small. He offers us a carefully argued book determined to try and make us think sensibly and intelligently about where we are heading and what might delay some of the disasters ahead. This book is designed to shake us up and to question such basic concepts as sustainability, and the mantra that if only we all take some small steps down a lower carbon road, things will begin to get better.
Lovelock has three main targets: loose and inaccurate science which leads to such a poor understanding of the problem that solutions are advocated that waste goodwill and creditable personal efforts to 'do one's bit for the environment'. Not that often 'one's bit' leads to abandonment of the car or unwillingness to fly abroad on holiday. Second, as before, he attacks (and with increasing effort) the limitations of the ideas of the green lobby and its propaganda; less defensibly he parades his personal sadness at the despoliation of his Devon environment in the cause of wind power, but his views are totally defensible in my view, in his refusal to accept anything other than a huge net advantage for nuclear power (and beyond that for fusion). Third, he is at times explicit about the damage that our huge global population now inflicts on Gaia, both directly and indirectly through intensive land use. As he says (p. 72), 'as always we come back to the unavoidable fact that there are far too many of us living as we do now'.
A global conspiracy of silence has made it impossible to discuss this issue rationally for a century or more, and neo-Malthusians have never prospered. As Lovelock makes clear, Gaia might just about cope with a billion of us, but even he is reluctant to explore in a detached way the chaos that must surely ensue as for various reasons the numbers begin to fall. Is there any chance of a strategy that could precipitate and manage the vital shift required? His neglect of this issue is understandable, but not, I think, acceptable? If any of our descendants are to survive and Gaia with them, human numbers must fall, and no religious or ethical objections can stand in the way.
I found his reports on some of the innovative attempts by knowledgeable scientists (pp. 128 et seq.) to think through the chances of some innovative approaches to global warming particularly interesting: from increased upper atmosphere pollution, through a giant sunshade between us and the sun, to some innovative chemistry to improve the storage problems associated with the sequestration of carbon dioxide. Other ideas explored in this useful chapter involve the synthesis of food by industrial chemistry and the development of airships and sailing ships to provide Gaia-friendly global transport.
It was probably inevitable that the present interglacial climate encouraged population growth and thus the industrial revolution from which our problems stem. He emphasizes that had our innovations occurred in a glacial phase Gaia might have survived better -but would we then have had the evidence to recognise the problem?
Lovelock opens with two closely-written chapters which are worth returning to after the more detailed chapters on energy, chemicals, food and raw materials, and technology have been digested. The first on the State of the Earth includes a discussion, dear to my heart, and, I hope, that of many readers of this journal, of the fragmentation of science which has led to the failure of many scientists to spot the dangers of global warming, or to accept the reality of the effects when they were first proposed. The divided nature of science and the lack of integration between different specialists has held back the study of the Earth and its environment. Solly Zuckerman experienced these limitations when he sought out experts to help him with complex interdisciplinary issues after the last war. He found so few who could deal with more than one science competently that he proposed to his colleagues on the founding Academic Board of the University of East Anglia that they should teach a new interdisciplinary science of the environment, providing a wide and multidisciplinary training where the outcome might well be more than the sum of the parts.
Lovelock also takes up (p. 9) the point recently made by Sir David King, our Chief Scientist, that the threat of global warming is far more serious than that of terrorism. Yet we find our daily lives turned over by attempts to thwart newly-discovered plots, and as I write, strenuous efforts are made to avoid the risk of an attack on airliners crossing the Atlantic, whilst the subsidised airline industry is left to continue its dangerous contribution to current levels of greenhouse gases.
There have recently been encouraging signs that the trenchant style of this book has encouraged the British media that there are issues here deserving wider discussion. The result has been a series of programmes, especially on radio, which have taken the issues as seriously as they deserve. One problem of his pessimism, especially when developed by less wellinformed and less restrained authors or when taken up in films or in the media, is the message, almost spelt out in this book, that it may all be too late. For from this can come the disarming and alarming response, in that case let's 'eat, drink and be merry for tomorrow we die'.
No one can be entirely happy with this book, beyond their admiration that Lovelock has had the commitment to write it. It has no easy solutions to put forward and demolishes most of those currently on offer. These include many beloved of politicians anxious to display their green credentials without losing any non-green votes; a future hydrogen economy, the avoidance of any solution for dealing with nuclear waste, the elimination of acid rain, vague promises about the sequestration of excess carbon, and many, more. He has few kind words for sustainable development or even for biodiversity.
Regrettably, even these debates take place with a very limited depth of understanding amongst the 'educated' public, as illustrated by their unwillingness to be reassured in any way about nuclear power. Yet we also need to challenge the widely held view of a great future for biofuels, which completely ignores Lovelock's concern about the impact of intensive farming on Gaia.
The public lack of understanding of science goes very deep and is a millstone around our necks. Lovelock writes clearly, succinctly and effectively. His little vignette on 'Why do we pee?' (pp. 17-18) will surely arouse the interest of the reader. The complex feedbacks between life and the Earth on which it survives is a topic we must all take seriously and we should spend enough time with the arguments to understand them adequately. The intelligent reader will surely pay him the attention he seeks -and fully deserves.
Keith Clayton