{'fraction_non_alphanumeric': 0.0215142738932561, 'fraction_numerical': 0.011584609019445594, 'mean_word_length': 4.9119804400978, 'pattern_counts': {'":': 0, '<': 0, '<?xml version=': 0, '>': 0, 'https://': 0, 'lorem ipsum': 0, 'www.': 0, 'xml': 0}, 'pii_count': 0, 'substrings_counts': 0, 'word_list_counts': {'cursed_substrings.json': 0, 'profanity_word_list.json': 0, 'sexual_word_list.json': 0, 'zh_pornsignals.json': 0}}
Zhou Enlai and China's Revolution: A Selective View

For those who recall only Zhou Enlai's accomplishments as a statesman of post-1949 China, it is important to remember that with the exception of the Communist Party's founding congress in 1921 he was in France at the time Zhou was deeply involved in most of the major events of the Party's revolutionary years. Consider the following: Zhou was political commissar at the Whampoa Military Academy; barely escaped the Shanghai massacre of 1927; assisted in the planning of the Nanzhang Uprising; negotiated with Stalin and Bukharin in the late 1920s; was a major political and military leader under both Li Lisan and the " returned students "; helped plan the Long March; negotiated with Chiang Kai-shek at Xian; represented the Communists in Chongqing during much of the war; and was the communist delegate to the Marshall mediation effort. Zhou's ability to be at the centre of political action and survive was extraordinary.' Volume One of the Selected Works of Zhou Enlai is intended to cover his entire career in the years before 1949. Its publication should have been an occasion for celebrating an extraordinary revolutionary career. But it was not. The volume itself, as well as the study campaign that accompanied its publication, failed to capture much of the scope and importance of his revolutionary activities. While this fact can be attributed, in part, to the specific nature of Zhou's role within the Party, it was also the result of the political mood in China during the spring of 1981. To address the first point, Zhou was an effective politician and negotiator a brilliant first minister. It has frequently been argued that his value to Mao lay in his ability to make broad policy initiatives operative and to confront the quite human dimensions of mediation and conciliation. Zhou had few equals in reconciling conflicting interests, be it with bitterly contending Party factions in the 1930s, foreign reporters, Henry Kissinger or rain-soaked Red Guards. Zhou's life of action reveals his intense commitment to China's national greatness, economic development and social justice, but only rarely did he portray his vision in public. He largely kept silent about his views of China's long-term future in order to enhance his current effectiveness. He encouraged others to believe that he embodied their aspirations by never articulating his own.