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Sources and Methods for African History and Culture: Essays in Honour of Adam Jones eds. by Geert Castryck, Silke Strickrodt, and Katja Werthmann (review)

an occupation, nor even a vocation, but was ontologically bound up with what it meant to be a Jola person” (49). Later chapters take up the gendered social divisions among the Jola, whereby men maintain knowledge over irrigation and initiation while women control rice seeds, planting, and childbirth (chapter 5), as well as the cultural significance of work more broadly. “Jola work was a complex of values that cuts across economic, religious, and social domains,” says Davidson. “For Jola, to be a living human being was to work” (97). Nevertheless, as local knowledge is gradually eroded and devalued and Jola face increasing precariousness, confusion and uncertainty are injected into their lives. The availability of cheap imported rice, an unstable government, and environmental insecurity have forced them to reorganize their priorities, pushing the Jola youth to pursue schooling and migration as livelihood alternatives. As Nho Keboral says, “That’s the only thing we wish for the future of our children: that they don’t stay here” (174). Increasingly, Davidson notes a sense of “futility rather than nobility when [Jola are] talking about their own work” (57). “Rice requires a certain kind of work, which in turn makes a certain kind of person,” Davidson notes in her conclusion (191). But while the reader is left wondering whether global forces are somehow unmaking Jola society and personhood, she also closes on a note of optimism, reminding us of their persistent agency and creativity: “Some things get accentuated, some things challenged, and some things find new expression” (195). Brandon D. Lundy Kennesaw State University Kennesaw, Georgia doi:10.1017/asr.2017.15 blundy@kennesaw.edu