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Clitic-hood as a PhonologicalCorrelate of Phase-Head Status

This paper presents evidence supporting an expectation generated by the conjunction of two logically independent claims about the derivation: first, that a phase-head triggers its complement’s spellout (Chomsky 2001), and second, that spelled-out material tendsto preserveitsphonological makeup, Dobler et al. (2009). Theexpectation is that phase-headsshould havetheprosodic statusof “cliti cs” , defined as adjuncts to a certain prosodic domain, Selkirk (1996). I show that this expectation is borne out in the Mainland North Germanic languages where whether or not a suffixal determiner behaves as a phonological cliti c perfectly correlates with the presence in a language of the “double DP” structure. This fact is naturally accounted for assuming that what is at stake is the phase-head status of the head realized by the suffixal determiner. Descriptively, definite expressions without modifiers in Norwegian, Swedish, and Danish consist of a nominal stem followed by a suffixal determiner, (1). Another shared feature is that if there is a prenominal modifier in a definite expression, the free-standing determiner appears in front of the modifier.1 However, in this case in Norwegian and Swedish the suffixal determiner is retained on the noun, whereas in Danish it is obligatorily absent, as illustrated in (2)–(3). This has been widely known in the literature as the “double definiteness” or “double determination” contrast.