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Jewish Communities in Asia Minor

Greeks. There are also difficulties, however. To begin with, it is not clear how alienated Greek Ephesians would have been by the romanization of the urban fabric of Ephesus (well described by R.), since, after all, Roman architecture of this period itself drew heavily on Hellenistic Greek prototypes. Nor is it that easy to read cultural resistance into a ceremonial design which included the parading through Ephesus of silver personifications of the Roman Senate, People and Equestrian Order (to which, revealingly, the donor himself belonged here, pace R., p. 93, 'self-advertisement' is surely more than just a possibility). Moreover, Salutaris, the key-figure in the text, 'largely remains a shadow' (p. 16), leaving his deeper motives frustratingly opaque, although we can take for granted his highly personal stamp on an initiative costing him and his heirs (p. 189) well over 21,500 denarii (R.'s claims, pp. 24-5, for the 'intimate involvement' of the Ephesian demos in shaping the foundation are not really borne out by the text, which contains nothing to suggest that the Ephesian assembly did more than ratify, without modification, the donor's proposals). Although Salutaris was an Ephesian citizen and councillor, the text is silent about civic services to Ephesus by his ancestors, and his nomenclature is at least consonant with social origins in the Italian diaspora rather than among the old Greek families of the Ephesian upper class. So his foundation might equally be read as an arriviste's proud celebration of an august civic tradition with which he had only recently managed to affiliate himself; but the design also gave ample expression to the donor's sense of his Roman identity, in a manner recalling the complacent juxtaposition of ' Greek' and ' Roman' elements in the self-representation on his tomb of another member of the Trajanic eastern elites, the Athenian ex-consul Philopappus.