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Morphologically Conditioned Phonological Asymmetries in Kyungsang Korean *

This paper deals with two types of morphologically conditioned noun-verb asymmetries in Kyungsang Korean. In Kyungsang Korean, before a consonant-initial suffix, opacity between post-obstruent tensing and consonant cluster simplification occurs in verbal inflection, but not in nominal inflection. Before a vowel-initial suffix, optional overapplication of consonant cluster simplification applies for nominal inflection but not for verbal inflection. This paper analyzes the morphologically conditioned phonological asymmetries in Kyungsang Korean based on Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (McCarthy 2007), which can explain opacity as well as the different behaviors depending on the part-of-speech by regulating the order of processes in a constraint. Alternative analyses based on Stratal OT (Kiparsky 2000) and base-derivative correspondence (Benua 1997) are also discussed.


Introduction
Phonological opacity has presented an outstanding problem in classic Optimality Theory (henceforth OT; Prince andSmolensky 1993/2004) since opacity needs to refer to a non-surface level of representation and is thus hard to be accounted for by an output-oriented theory like OT. A variety of extensions of basic OT have been proposed to account for opaque interactions between processes, including Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (henceforth OT-CC; McCarthy 2007), Stratal OT (Kiparsky 2000), and base-derivative Correspondence (Benua 1997). This paper deals with Kyungsang Korean, which provides an interesting test case for these theories

Opacity and Noun-Verb Asymmetries in Kyungsang Korean
All dialects of Korean forbid consonant clusters in a syllable at the surface. Some stems, however, terminate in two consonants. These consonant clusters only surface when they precede a vowel-initial suffix (1a) while one of the consonants is omitted when preceding a consonant-initial suffix (1b) or in the isolation form (1c).
(2) Post-obstruent Tensing in Korean The crucial data for the current discussion involve Kyungsang Korean stems ending in /l/+stop clusters that show different behavior in nouns and verbs, as reported in Kim-Renaud (1974) and Tak (1997). First, when combined with a consonant-initial suffix like /-tɑ/, /-ko/, and /-ci/, POT and CCS interact opaquely in verbal inflection in Kyungsang Korean. 2) As shown in (3), a stem-final stop deletes with tensification of the following suffix-initial stop. Although the consonant clusters appearing stem-finally involve a variety of sequences, only liquid-stop clusters, /lp/, /lk/, /lt h / and /lp h /, show dialectal variation regarding which consonant deletes.
Specifically, the liquid is omitted in liquid-stop clusters in Seoul Korean 3) (e.g., The outputs with tensification here are opaque with respect to POT in that they lack a triggering obstruent and so the context for the application of this process is not recoverable at the surface level. This is a case of counterbleeding opacity since POT must precede CCS to trigger tensification of the following consonant in the suffix, in the ordered rule framework. It is clear that the tensification of the suffix consonant is conditioned by the underlying stop in the stem because a verb stem ending in a single /l/ never triggers the tensification of the following consonant, e.g., In contrast, nominal inflection in Kyungsang Korean does not exhibit this opacity, as shown in (4). We do not see tensification of the suffix-initial stop even though the preceding noun stem ends in a stop underlyingly, as seen in forms with vowelinitial suffixes.
2) The pattern shown here is found only in the older generation of Kyungsang Korean speakers. The younger generation tends to omit /l/ in /lk/ clusters as in Seoul Korean and the tensification of the suffix consonant is no longer opaque. Kyungsang Korean data reported in this paper without references are collected from two native speakers aged 56 and 65 respectively. Examples from the previous studies were also verified by them. 3) Sometimes neither consonant in the /lp/ cluster deletes in the speech of the younger Seoul Korean speakers. To summarize, Kyungsang Korean shows two types of noun-verb asymmetry: (i) before a consonant-initial suffix, opacity between POT and CCS occurs in verbal inflection but not in nominal inflection; (ii) before a vowel-initial suffix, optional overapplication of CCS applies for nominal inflection but not for verbal inflection.
In the next section, I will develop an OT-CC analysis that can explain opacity as well as the different behaviors depending on the part-of-speech by regulating the order of processes in a constraint. 4) In Korean, lax obstruents between sonorants become voiced, so the actual pronunciation of (4a) is [tɑlgwɑ], not [tɑlkwɑ]. I ignore inter-sonorant voicing of obstruents in this paper for simplicity.

An OT-CC Analysis
Let us first focus on the opacity. As pointed out by a lot of literature (e.g., Kager 1999, McCarthy 1999, opacity presents a problem for surface-oriented OT since standard analyses of opacity necessitate reference to a non-surface level of representation. To account for the interaction between POT and CCS in Kyungsang Korean, we first need two sets of constraint rankings. First, for POT, a markedness constraint prohibiting consecutive lax obstruents (*OO) in (7a) has to dominate a constraint requiring faithfulness to input tenseness specifications, ID(tense) in (7b). Also, for CCS, a markedness constraint prohibiting tautosyllabic consonant clusters (*CC) in (8a) must outrank MAX in (8b), which bans consonant deletion. A combination of these two rankings, however, cannot derive the opaque winner, as demonstrated in (9), since no markedness constraint favors a tense stop in the opaque output (9b) in the absence of a preceding stop and so tensification fatally violates ID(tense). So, the current system only prefers a transparent output, as observed in nominal inflection. In other words, this opaque interaction between POT and CCS is hard to explain in a parallel OT, and we need a theory that can account for it in a constraint-based framework.  violation of MAX, to be preceded by tensification, i.e., violation of ID(tense), in a candidate chain. It is formulated as PREC(ID(tense), MAX), as given in (11).
(11) PREC(ID(tense), MAX): Assign a violation-mark to a candidate for each time that: a. Deletion occurs and is not preceded by tensification; b. Deletion occurs and is followed by tensification.
Let us see how this constraint can derive the opaque winner. First, we need to construct candidate chains. (12) (13). tion that phonological and morphological operations are interleaved and interact in a serial way, called Optimal Interleaving (OI), against the standard assumption that morphology strictly precedes phonology. Wolf (2008) assumes that not only segments and phonological features but also feature structures of morphs and morphemes are in a correspondence relation. The gist of OI is that insertion of a morph counts as one change in a candidate chain, just like segment deletion and insertion, although morph insertion does not violate any faithfulness constraint. In Wolf's (2008) model, a chain starts with an abstract root morpheme and abstract affix morpheme, denoted ROOT-AF, which has a morphosyntactic structure though lacking phonological representations, and it is assumed that morph insertion starts from the root and proceeds outwards. For example, a possible chain <ROOT-AF, tɑlk-AF, tɑlk-to, tɑl-to> first inserts root /tɑlk/ and then nominal affix /to/, and deletes the root-final stop.
Since morph insertion and phonological operations take place and serially interact as one of the basic derivational steps in OT-CC, morph insertion can also be ordered  (23).
(22) Candidate chains for /mɑlk+ɑ/ 'to be clean' + linker a. <ROOT-AF, mɑlk-AF, mɑlk-ɑ> <Insert-root, Insert-affixV> b. <ROOT-AF, mɑlk-AF, mɑl-AF, mɑl-ɑ> <Insert-root, MAX, Insert-affixV> 8) An anonymous reviewer suggests that PREC(MAX,affixN) be ranked over MAX, because the reviewer thinks that speakers prefer the surface forms with deletion to the fully-faithful forms and the suggested ranking derives the same results. As the reviewer also points out, however, the CCS is subject to lexical variation, and there is no available variation data to use to concretely establish the ranking relation between the two constraints. This is beyond the scope of this study and I leave it for future study.

Alternative Analyses
This section discusses two alternative analyses of the Kyungsang Korean data, based on Stratal OT (Kiparsky 2000) and base-derivative correspondence (Benua 1997) respectively. It will be shown that the alternative analyses cannot fully account for the current data.

Stratal OT
Stratal OT explains different phonological behaviors depending on the part-of-speech by positing and ordering multiple serially ordered strata correlated with morphological structures. In Stratal OT, opacity is accounted for by assigning processes to different strata with opaque ordering, and noun-verb asymmetries are derived by affixation at different strata depending on the part-of-speech. Yun (2008) (25b), the input to the stem level is just a stem /tɑlk/, without a suffix, and the fully-faithful candidate is derived, since CCS does not apply at this level. At the word level, suffix /to/ is attached, and [tɑlto], without tensification, is the optimal output since ID(tense) is lowest ranked.
To derive optional overapplication of CCS in nouns, Yun (2008) suggests that nominal affixation can either applies at the word level or applies at the postlexical level. If the nominative suffix /-i/ is attached to [tɑlk] without CCS at the word level as in (25c), [tɑlki] without any deletion is derived, and if the suffix /-i/ is attached to the input [tɑl] with reduced coda at the postlexical level as in (25d), [tɑli], where CCS is overapplied, is derived.
(25) Stratal OT analysis (Yun 2008) a. verb + C-initial /mɑlk/ 'to be clean' mɑlk + tɑ  b. noun + C-initial /tɑlk/ 'chicken' tɑlk  c. noun + V-initial /tɑlk/ 'chicken' tɑlk  d. noun + V-initial /tɑlk/ 'chicken' tɑlk  Stem level: The Stratal OT analysis has problems and cannot satisfactorily derive the current data. To explain the optional overapplication of CCS, Yun (2008) proposes that nominal affixation can optionally occur at the postlexical level. This assumption does not seem plausible because postlexical phonology applies to phrases after syntactic operations are finished, and thus morphological operations are assumed to be over before the postlexical level (Kiparsky 1982). In explaining optional application of a phonological process, thus, Stratal OT might be too restrictive since ordering is tied to a limited number of strata. It is empirically problematic in this specific case since Korean nominal inflection cannot be postlexical based on evidence from other phonological patterns, e.g., palatalization (Cho and Sells 1995). Palatalization in Korean applies to derived environments including nominal inflection (e.g., /pɑt h + i/ → [pɑc h i] 'field' + NOM; Cho and Sells 1995: 125), but not across words (e.g., /pɑt h + ilku + ko/ → [pɑtilkuko] 9) (*[pɑc h ilkuko]) 'field' + 'till' + CONJ; Cho and Sells 1995: 126). If the nominal suffix could optionally be added at the postlexical level, palatalization should also apply only optionally, e.g., /pɑt h + i/ → [pɑc h i]~ *[pɑti], but palatalization is obligatory in this context. In the OT-CC analysis, on the other hand, PREC constraints regulate the order of unfaithful mappings and 9) The aspirated stop /t h / becomes the plain stop [t] as a result of coda neutralization. part-of-speech specific morph insertion without any restriction to correspond to morphologically defined strata. This flexibility of OT-CC is an advantage in analyzing the Kyungsang Korean data. Moreover, POT occurs across words, as seen in (2d), which must occur at the postlexical level. However, Yun's (2008) ranking for the postlexical level predicts no POT since ID(tense) outranks *OO.

Base-derivative correspondence
In both the OT-CC and Stratal OT analyses, the fact that POT and CCS interact opaquely in verbal inflection but not in nominal inflection is derived by stipulations on ordering that have no independent motivation (the PREC constraints in the OT-CC analysis and the differences in the levels at which noun and verb inflections are affixed in the Stratal OT analysis). Analysis in terms of base-derivative correspondence constraints holds out the prospect of deriving this difference from an independently motivated difference in the bases of nominal and verbal inflection. 10) There have been several works (Kenstowicz 1996, Benua 1997 proposing that the correspondence between a base form and a derivative form plays a crucial role in selecting an optimal output. For Korean, it has been proposed that the base of nouns is the citation form (Kenstowicz 1996). So the base of /tɑlk/ 'chicken' is [tɑl] with CCS. For verbs, Kang (2006) suggests that the base of Korean verbal paradigm is A-initial suffix form, where A can be [ɑ] or [ə] according to vowel harmony, based on the dialect data in Korean. For example, the base of /mɑlk-/ 'to be clean' is [mɑlk], from /mɑlk+ɑ/ → [mɑlkɑ]. Thus, the base has different forms depending on the part-of-speech. The idea is to explain the noun-verb asymmetry in the current data as originating from correspondence in duration between the base and the derivative form. For this account, I first adopt a skeletal slot X that represents segment duration and is equally assigned to all vowels and consonants (Steriade 1982, Levin 1985. I assume that a tense stop bears two Xs, while a lax stop bears a single X, because phonetically, tense stops are much longer than lax stops in Korean (Choi and Jun 1998), and many previous studies analyze tense stops as the geminate counterparts of lax stops. In this view, tensification of a lax stop is gemination of the stop, which thus bears two Xs. Based on these assumptions, the base of verbal inflection /mɑlk-tɑ/ bears four Xs since it has four segments ([mɑlk], from [mɑlk-ɑ]), and the base of nominal inflection /tɑlk+to/ bears three Xs since it has three segments ([tɑl], from citation form). The preservation of the base duration 10) I am grateful to Donca Steriade for suggesting this alternative. is captured by a constraint requiring a derivative to preserve the duration of its base, measured in X slots, as given in (26). (26) MAX-BD-X: Every X of the base has a correspondent in the derivative.
If this constraint dominates ID(tense) and DEP-IO-X requiring no insertion of X, tensification of the suffix stop in verbal inflection can be derived as the preservation of base duration in the face of deletion of the base-final stop. As shown in (27)  While neither the OT-CC analysis nor the Stratal OT analysis has independent evidence for the proposed constraints or rankings, the base-derivative analysis may give an explanation of the current data in a more principled way in that it makes use of a concept of the base of inflection which plays a role in other phonological phenomena in Korean. However, there is data that cannot be explained by this 11) An anonymous reviewer points out that the tensification of the suffix-initial stop in (31) may result from the optional tensification of post-liquid stops in Korean (e.g., /silce/ → [silc'e] 'real'). However, this process is not obligatory and does not apply to the suffix-initial stop following the stem-final liquid. For example, /tɑl-/ 'to be sweet', does not trigger the tensification of the suffix-initial stop, i.e., /tɑl-ci/ → [tɑlci], which creates a minimal pair with the example in (31ai). Therefore, it is

Conclusion
We have considered two noun-verb asymmetries in Kyungsang Korean and sought a way to explain them within an OT framework. I have argued that OT-CC can best account for the different application of opaque interaction and optional application of the phonological operations depending on the morphological category in the current data. Particularly, regulating process ordering with ranked, violable PREC constraints makes it simple to analyze the optionally opaque interaction. This characteristic has a definite advantage over Stratal OT, in which morphological operations are tied to a small number of strata. Accounting for the data in a principled way based on independently motivated evidence would be a subject to future research.