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Myths about Women’s Rights: How, Where, and Why Rights Advance

inequality between the two ethnic groups. Such general factors (e.g., inequality, social distance, etc.) can, according to Campbell, be applied toward understanding subnational patterns as well. In this regard, Campbell analyzes how violence unfolded within local areas. His analysis of what unfolded in Bosnia, for example, includes a specific examination of the dynamics of violence in Prijedor (a region in northwestern Bosnia), while the case study of Rwanda includes a focus on Nyakizu commune. Examining how genocide occurs in particular times and spaces within cases enhances our understanding of the dynamics of violence and contributes to an important emerging trend toward disaggregating genocidal violence. In line with this, the reader would have benefitted from deeper theoretical and methodological discussion on why and how more proximate analyses matter and why certain internal regions as opposed to others were highlighted. One of the most unique aspects of the book is the breadth of Campbell’s theoretical framework—a framework that focuses on why genocide occurs as well as why it does not. Through concise, effective examples, Campbell highlights that genocide is often a strategy of last resort and suggests that it will not be pursued if other strategies exist (see also Valentino 2004). He also argues that physical space shapes whether genocide occurs, noting that even if the social environment is conducive to genocide, the physical environment may not be. Extending his main theoretical foci even further, the final chapter cogently argues against fixed categories of ‘‘perpetrator’’ and ‘‘victim,’’ illustrating that peoples’ actions during genocide can rarely be neatly classified into boxes. Rather, such violent actions are ultimately relational and vary by social situation. The interplay between breadth and depth, in the case of this book, almost inevitably results in questions about the utility of the theoretical framework employed, whether it could be extended, and whether or how it might be further developed. For instance, Campbell suggests that his pure sociology approach can also explain the scale of violence—an impressive goal, to be sure, but one that is not fully interrogated within the book. Campbell’s decision to classify genocides in terms of scale could also be expanded. The five case studies are organized from what he calls a protogenocide (the United States in the 1850s) to a hypergenocide (the Holocaust) based on the proportion of the population that was killed. This is in contrast and indeed creates some tension with the myriad forms of violence that occur during genocide, ranging from rape to looting to slavery, as Campbell himself outlines earlier in the book. Overall, The Geometry of Genocide is a noteworthy sociological contribution. The application of pure sociology brings a novel focus to understanding genocide historically and contemporarily. Whether such a framework is adequate in and of itself, however, at least relative to competing political, criminological, and cultural sociological perspectives, remains to be seen. The conversation and debate, though, is worth having, and Campbell’s book is certainly a welcome contribution and conversation starter.