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The Limits of Social Democracy: Investment Politics in Sweden . By Jonas Pontusson. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. 261p. $28.50.

socialism, and private enterprise; and democracy and civil liberties. The working class has been much discussed and often (especially in leftist circles) venerated. Although there is a reasonably abundant literature on the Argentine union movement, few quality works had been published on workers per se. This is true not only for Argentina, but for Latin America as a whole. Indeed, since political science has increasingly focused on elites and institutions, it has been true for other regions than Latin America. In 1985-86, Ranis spent 13 months in Buenos Aires, where he conducted lengthy open interviews with 110 workers, randomly selected, from seven different unions. These interviews provide the empirical basis for Ranis's observations about workers' perceptions and consciousness. Ranis works with two primary categories of workers—laborers and employees—and shows, not surprisingly, significant differences between them. Ranis devotes a lengthy part of the book (pp. 17-88) to discussing needed contextual background, but the most interesting material focuses on the interview findings. Even those who have long followed Argentina will learn something new and find some surprises. Among many interesting tidbits are the widespread dissatisfaction with—and hostility toward—unions, the high degree of workers' support for the Radical party, the low degree of party activism, the strong prevalence of centrist political orientations, and the positive views of foreign companies. Workers rejected class-based parties as being too divisive, and a solid majority were receptive to the privatization of Argentina's many public firms. Most workers, especially laborers, saw poverty in terms of individual shortcomings, rather than systemic causes (p. 149). Among the most appalling findings was that 30% of the laborers and 18% of employees condoned the illegal kidnappings and executions committed by the military government of 1976-83 (p. 139). Among the most encouraging was the reasonably strong support for liberal democracy, notwithstanding the failures of the Alfonsm government in offering better economic conditions. After presenting this portrait of the consciousness of Argentine workers, Ranis analyzes his findings in light of Marxist and socialist theory on class, capitalism, socialism, and related questions. Not surprisingly, Marx and his followers (except for revisionist Eduard Bernstein) do not hold up well. Ranis convincingly argues that workers share many values and ties with the well-off, that class does not form a unified or consistent basis for political action, that workers are not inexorably or even often opposed to capitalism, that workers want better opportunities within capitalism (rather than a revolutionary change), and that they are very dubious about socialism. The discussions about Argentine workers are more interesting than the reflections on Marxist and socialist theory, which are not particularly new. In the penultimate chapter, Ranis discusses labor's response to the orthodox, private-market-oriented economic program of Peronist president Carlos Menem (1989 to present). Interestingly (and contrary to what one would expect on the basis of "collective action" problems), Ranis claims that most unions and workers have supported measures that resulted in increases in unemployment and public sector layoffs and in increasingly regressive income distribution. Ranis evinces sympathy and empathy for workers, yet he avoids romanticizing them. The reader senses that many findings surprised the author and pushed him to rethink some of his own initial assumptions not only about workers but also about capitalism, socialism, and democracy. Although the merits of this book outweigh its shortcomings, some of Ranis's interpretations are debatable. Ranis carefully situates his subjects in historical and political context; but occasionally, he is too sanguine about how much one can generally infer from interviews conducted at a given point in time. For example, to a greater degree than he acknowledges, the large number of workers who sympathized with the Radical party was influenced by the moment when he did his interviews: the radicals were then enjoying greater prestige than has been usual over the past half-century, while the Peronists were at their nadir. Ranis argues that most workers are truly committed to democracy; and in so doing, he usefully points to democratic proclivities in a working class often characterized as authoritarian in the past. Yet the facts that 20% of his sample stated that Argentines should have less freedom than they do (p. 163), that most workers agreed that some social groups might take advantage of too much freedom (p. 162), and that only 68% preferred democracy as a form of government (p. 152) suggest that adherance to democracy was far from uniform as of 1985-86. At times, Ranis excessively praises Peronism, glossing over its authoritarian character, as well as the deleterious impact of Peronist economic policies. He overstates the democratic character and consequences of the current government of Carlos Menem. The empirical basis for his claims regarding workers' reactions to Menem (new interviews in 1990 with eight of those who were interviewed in 1985-86) is not as compelling as that for his observations on the Alfonsin period. But these are minor quibbles with a fine book. Like Ranis, Peralta-Ramos is an experienced analyst of Argentine politics; and she, too, uses class as a central category. But in other respects, these books diverge. Peralta-Ramos examines Argentina's political and economic developments since 1930 in light of class relations. The book focuses on Argentina's difficulties in achieving democracy and promoting development, particularly in terms of that country's class relations. The second half of the book, which provides an analysis of the 1983-90 period, is the more useful. In general, her original research contribution is limited; and the empirical evidence for some assertions is thin, especially for the 1930-83 years. Peralta-Ramos sees economic policy as being determined by the need for capital accumulation. Although there can be no doubt of the need for capital accumulation in capitalist societies (or, for that matter, any other societies that want to promote economic growth), the way in which this need drives economic policy is more complex than what is presented here.