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Surviving Incarceration: Inside Canadian Prisons

than the idea that ‘‘Haitians are 100% Vodouist’’ (p. 5)—a statement the authors read as a demographic claim rather than an assertion of a unifying cultural ideology or lingua franca that enables communication among Haitians who are differently positioned in Haiti and as migrants settled in the United States. Other related contradictions follow. Despite the suggestion that Haitian religious practices are liquid and flexible, the authors seem intent on arguing, sometimes despite the lack of evidentiary support, that Vodou is declining in Haiti and the diaspora. Referring to influential work by Karen McCarthy Brown and Elizabeth McAlister, they conclude, ‘‘Our observations in Miami and Haiti lead us to believe that the scholarly literature has exaggerated the reach and pervasiveness of Vodou in Haitian society and culture’’ (p. 88). This conclusion may be explained in part by the authors’ scant attention to Haitian religious practice in homes and other spaces where faith takes place. The lack of basements in the housing stock of Miami may not have driven Vodou underground as it did in New York City, but it may have pushed it to backyards and private rooms that are left unexamined in this work. In short, in its attention to differences across and within congregations, this volume is most useful for its detailed description of the Haitian American community as diversely Christian. While it is impossible to write about Haitian religion without a discussion of Vodou, this book might have been better off limiting its scope to two sides of the triangle and focusing on how Haitians have remade the Christian religious landscape of Miami. On this point, the authors deliver a valuable and nuanced contribution to the literature.