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Context of the beginning of tobacco use in different social groups

Objective analyze contextual aspects of the beginning of tobacco use in different social groups, from everyday representations about the act of smoking. Methods five focus groups were conducted to promote discussion about the context of beginning of tobacco use, with groups of people who represented different patterns of social reproduction. The data analysis was based on the theory of social representations, which contextualizes how each group presents the tobacco consumption. Results the contexts of the beginning of tobacco use were diverse, according to patterns of social reproduction; there were common representations to all groups, but there were also unique representations of each social group. Tobacco is represented as indispensable for groups in unstable social reproduction situations, and as an instrument of pleasure and stress relief for those who can access other material assets. Conclusions the study contributed to exposing the concepts on tobacco consumption that are socially disseminated, which can serve as an instrument to planning programs and health actions.


Introduction
Tobacco is a drug that is socially condemned today.
The strongest arguments come from the health field and are associated with morbidity and mortality related to tobacco consumption (1) .
This study was based in the understanding that tobacco use is associated with the structure and dynamics of social formation and that the social contexts are not natural, but they refer to concrete conditions of social reproductions of the different social groups (2) .
In this theoretical perspective, tobacco, as well other merchandise, follows a production process that has profit as its main propose. To stimulate consumption, the industry marketing relies on instruments that introduce into the social dynamic representations that characterize tobacco consumption as fundamental to conducting a life of full satisfaction. The messages addressed to different social segments explore various aspects, given the diverse possibilities of distribution and consumption, which account for the context of sociability in different social groups (2) .
A systematic literature review resulted in strong association between poverty and smoking prevalence, in an inverse relationship between income level and tobacco use (3) . It also showed that consumption was higher among individuals of social classes with difficulties in consumption of goods and services, as well as insertion in the formal job market. In contrast, the greatest opportunities for smoking cessation are among individuals of middle and upper classes, as evidenced in a qualitative study on the subject (4) .
Studies conducted in different areas of socialization of young adults and teenagers, describe socioeconomic factors such as risk for the onset of tobacco use in adolescence: lower socioeconomic level, attending a public school, paid work and studying at night (5)(6)(7) .
The prevalence of tobacco consumption among Brazilian adolescents, a stage of life globally considered more susceptible to the beginning of this habit, is seen to be significant. The literature describes that the average age of initiation of tobacco use occurs around 13 years of age (5)(6)(7)(8) . Although risk factors associated with the beginning of use are widely studied, the multifactorial perspective on context and representational aspects of beginning and maintenance of tobacco consumption is poorly studied, and that would highlight social determinants of consumption and actions that could focus on the problem in a more solid way. Understanding the social context related to smoking is an explicit concern in healthcare, since the sociological comprehension of the issues surrounding these contexts will better position the work in health (9) .
The objective of this investigation was to analyze the context of the beginning of tobacco consumption in different social groups.

Methods
This was a qualitative study conducted with residents of Santo André/SP, a group of 63 men and women who were invited in their workplaces and/or study places, because they had or have a life habit of Qualitative data collection was performed through focus groups that lasted on average 60 minutes, coordinated by the researcher, using the following guiding questions: Why do you use tobacco? How was your life before you starting smoking? How was school?
How were your friends? Lovers? How was leisure, what did you enjoy? The contents registered in the groups were recorded, transcribed and analyzed, based on the epistemological foundations of the dialectical and historical materialism (11) and theory of everyday life representations (12) .
To understand the everyday life representations of a group, it must start with reality, because the lifestyle constitutes the daily life, source of development of its representations. Everyday life is natural, simple and without reflective requirements; it is regular, as regularity of life turns it in daily and natural (12) . Theory of everyday life representations considers that the representations are derived from inherent limitations of the social relationships of an individual with his or her Panaino EF, Soares CB, Campos CMS. environment, given the division of social work, leading to representations that may be illusory (11,13) .
We sought to understand everyday life representations in the dialectical perspective, not as mere descriptions of the reality, but as result of the social position that the individual occupies.
The analysis was conducted throughout the confrontation of work or study contexts of the groups' participants (concrete conditions of social reproduction) and the statements that exposed their ideas about the beginning of tobacco use.
The steps followed to analyze the material were: strict

Characterization of groups according to conditions of social reproduction
The following is presented, the characteristics of each group identified in the questionnaire (10) :

Tobacco as a contestation of social institutions
The excerpt below shows the beginning of tobacco consumption represented as confrontation with family, either in response to a negative opinion of the young by the family, or to demand family coherence.

Smoking as a sign of maturity and independence
Among the various images related to tobacco consumption, attention is drawn to the representation of maturity, because tobacco provides the elements of a rite of passage from the adolescent world to the adult world, a situation that is more stable and has greater responsibility, expressed in Group 1.

I got home […] with a pack of cigarettes in my pocket. […]
The first thing my father said was: "I will not forbid you from smoking, but you will have to work to support your addiction".
[…] At that moment my father started treating me man to man.  Group 2 valued family formation and evaluated that expenses with tobacco hindered the family budget and they expressed concern about the example to be given to their children. The group reproached smoking during pregnancy and valued health care from the moment they had a family for which to provide care.  For members of Group 5, smoking was understood as a passenger habit, a characteristic of this student phase. Tobacco had a soothing function, but continued consumption was associated with risk of injury to health.

Discussion
Tobacco was part of everyday life for many families of the young people interviewed, mediating important affective memories. Many studies draw attention to the correlation between smoking and the presence of smokers in the family (6)(7)(8)14) .
This relationship is almost always handled by the preventative speech of a reductionist manner, facilitating the social construction of a set of negative ideas that linearly relate smoking in the family with tobacco use by adolescents. Accordingly, the impact on health practices has been simply to condemn the family.
The dip in the representations afforded by this work, allowed the establishment of a positive relationship between the smoking habit and the family, associated with admiration of a beloved family member. Also in this study, the presence of a smoking habit among relatives was most remembered by groups with higher socioeconomic instabilities, which is consistent with a literature review (3) .
A critical stance shows that simplistic accusatory speeches of family about the behaviors of children and young people is a recurring theme, especially in situations of social crisis (15) . The functionalist thinking in health tends to credit the problems associated with young people to "dysfunctional families", in a way that a supposedly idealized family is called to solve the problems of socialization of young people, while concrete families are accused of ills of youth (16) . This interpretation of the phenomenon, rather than encouraging planning practices, leads to impotence and immobilization of healthcare workers (17)(18) .
The In fact, the street belongs to the world of urban sociability, which interacts with other socializing institutions.
The streets of cities belonging to metropolitan areas, such as Santo André, become workspaces, housing and many times, places of violence and drug use. But also, in the dialectical opposite reality, the streets end up being a leisure space for many young people, also one for creative expression, as it is with the spread of RAP groups in the city of São Paulo (19) , that critically denounce carelessness with peripheral areas (20) .
This research showed that all youth groups tended to socialize in different spaces of the family environment.
In groups 1, 2 and 3, the spaces of socialization were restricted, due to the strong constraints arising from social situation of the families, leaving the street, and sometimes school, as the meeting point for affective exchanges among peers.
Group 3 was the one with largest number of participants who started smoking when already engaged in the job market. Some individuals in this group were enrolled early in the job market, living with older workers who already had a smoking habit, and smoked in the workplace and during study at night (21) .
A multifactorial epidemiologic study established the risk relationship between going to school at night and a smoking habit (22) . Another study revealed that tobacco use was higher among students who were working (13.6%). Among those who did not work, there were 7.3% who were smokers (23) . The results of these studies

Conclusions
In this study, we sought to understand the This study did not aim to consider the gender category to understand the representations of onset of tobacco consumption, which could be the object of further studies in the area. The study contributes to exposing the concepts that are socially disseminated on tobacco consumption, which can serve as an instrument for planning programs and educational activities in health.