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China and the Arms Trade. By Anne Gilks and Gerald Segal. New York: St. Martin's, 1985. 229 pp. Appendixes, Tables, Notes, Index. $32.50.

1928 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977). In 1984 Robert Marks added even more information in Rural Revolution in South China: Peasants and the Making of History in Haifeng County, 1570-1930 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press). Now we have Fernando Galbiati's book. Hofheinz chose to emphasize the role P'eng and the Chinese Communist Party played in providing an organizational structure, selecting peasant leaders, and developing the strategy and tactics for rural revolution. He attributed the failure of the Hai-Lu-feng Soviet to an overall lack of efficacious political tactics and organization. Marks, on the other hand, rejected the paradigm of a revolution created ex nihilo by a vanguard intellectual leadership, armed with mobilization skills, leading a malleable peasantry. He argued instead that the causes and origins of peasant revolution were to be found in the process of rural socioeconomic change. According to Marks, the demise of P'eng's Soviet resulted from the relative class strengths of the landlords and peasants. Galbiati takes salient points from the studies of Hofheinz and Marks, and adds two other important features. First, utilizing an astounding command of Chinese, Japanese, English, and Russian sources, both primary and secondary, he fills out the biographical account of P'eng P'ai. The result is "the definitive in-depth study of P'eng P'ai," as Lucien Bianco characterizes the book on its dust jacket. Second, Galbiati, an astute observer of the ways people make and change history, presents P'eng as both voluntarist and populist. P'eng, a hero in the eyes of the author, firmly believed that the decisive factor in history is human consciousness. He had absolute faith in the ability of self-conscious men to mold objective reality in accordance with their ideas and ideals. The populist impulse in Peng led him to attribute to the peasantry revolutionary creativity. Because of this, he championed peasant interests as Communist goals to the point where the lines between the two became blurred. The Chinese Communist Party could not merely make peasant expectations conform to Party ideology and goals. Peasant values and practices set limits and shaped the contours of revolutionary change. These dual attributes of voluntarism and populism were, of course, also present in Mao Tse-tung. Galbiati does not speculate on whether P'eng, as Mao's peasantmovement mentor, encouraged these qualities in the chairman, but there is little doubt that the Maoist formula for victory relied heavily on them. Galbiati's account of P'eng P'ai and the Hai-Lu-feng Soviet is not quite as lively and engaging as it might have been. The author is not at his best as a narrator and teller of anecdotes. This, however, is a minor blemish on a work of outstanding quality.