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OT-CC: A Minimal Approach to Shaoxing Trisyllabic Tone Sandhi

In Table (1), ‘H’ specified high register, ‘L’ is low register, ‘hl’ represents a falling contour, ‘lh’ a rising contour, ‘l’ is a low level tone, and ‘h’ is a high level tone. Shaoxing Chinese, like many other Chinese dialects, has various complicated tone sandhi rules. Zhang (2006) presents an analysis of Shaoxing disyllabic tone sandhi in classic OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) and argues that the surface dissimilation of a sequence of tones is in fact caused by underlying tone feature assimilation, which is realized by tone feature spreading or/and delinking in the foot domain (which is right-prominent). The right-prominent metrical structure of Shaoxing and the phonological behavior of the tone features in Shaoxing tone sandhi can be accounted for by the following constraint hierarchy (Zhang 2006):