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OPPOSITION TO SOVIET RULE IN

Kollontai's motives in struggling for the rights of women, but this admiration does not submerge critical consideration of the theory and practice of her feminism. In Farnsworth's presentation, the failure of Zhenotdel, the Communist party organization devoted to the equalization of women with men, follows not only from the sexism of Bolshevik men (Sverdlov is perhaps the only male leader who emerges with a clean record in this respect) but also from the shortcomings of Kollontai's ideas about alternatives to the family and her attempts to achieve sweeping changes by authoritarian means. The presentation of Kollontai's role as an oppositionist, apart from the woman question, is particularly interesting at the current juncture in Western studies of the history of Soviet communism. The rise of a school of scholars that stresses pluralism, spontaneity, and democracy in pre-Stalinist bolshevism has challenged the older tendency to emphasize monolithic authoritarianism. Kollontai's career might be cited by both sides of the debate. Her open dissent on various issues and the sharpness of her public attacks on Lenin may be claimed as evidence for the revisionist school on this issue. But the fate of her dissent, beginning with her expulsion from the Central Committee as a result of her opposition to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, suggests that party leaders, particularly Lenin, did not suffer pluralism gladly. Farnsworth's position in the historiographical debate seems balanced. She pays tribute to the atmosphere of vitality in the party of the revolutionary period and, on a number of apposite issues, offers revisions of earlier studies, while presenting a clear picture of the repression of Kollontai's dissent. In this process neither Lenin nor Trotskii scrupled to toss off sexist barbs on occasion.