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THE CHIN ADORNMENT OF THE HIGHLAND LORDS AS A SYMBOL OF HISTORICAL CONTINUITY AND ETHNIC EMBLEM IN THE SOUTHERN ANDES (500-1600 AD)1 EL ADORNO DE BARBILLA DE LOS SEÑORES ALTIPLÁNICOS COMO SÍMBOLO DE CONTINUIDAD HISTÓRICA Y EMBLEMA ÉTNICO EN LOS ANDES DEL SUR (500-1600 D.C.)

This work explores the ambit of metal personal insignias or adornments –present in both archaeological evidence and documentary sources– worn by lords in the altiplano over a prolonged period of time which appears to extend from the Middle to the Late period, and even into the Early Colonial. Review of the iconography and comparison with archaeological material in the form of specimens collected in different parts of the Andes provide evidence of the extended use of an Andean system of metal insignias which seem to have denoted both political and religious power simultaneously, through the shared use of these insignias. One of these examples is the insignia in the form of a double –or triple– crescent moon, which the Colla lords are consistently shown wearing throughout the work of Guamán Poma de Ayala. The insignia in question seems to have transferred the power of the huaca (or ancestors) to lords or curacas, in a sort of “corporalisation” and transfer of religious power to the political ambit. This analysis is based on mentions by Ramos Gavilán and Murúa of the use by important altiplano personages of “gold patens on their beards” at the Aucaycusqui Intiraymi festival; this information is significant, since it states expressly that the place where the insignia was worn was “on their beards”, which must be understood to mean on the chin as we see in Guamán Poma’s drawings. An insignia of very similar form can also be detected in Tiawanaku iconography, which may be considered to be a proto-crescent moon, thus suggesting a possible time-scale for this item. The proposal is based on the triangulation of textual information, material remains and iconographic analysis, delving into the symbolic and temporal scope of this insignia in the altiplano, as well as its possible historical continuity and validity as an ethnic emblem for more than one thousand years.

During earlier research into the use of pre-Inca and Inca insignias (Horta 2008(Horta , 2010, I realised the great potential offered by this theme. This is due not only to our good fortune in having access to illustrated chronicles -basically Guamán Poma (1615) and Murúa ( , 1611)-but also because metal insignias have been conserved in the archaeological record of various sites in the Andes, unlike insignias made of textiles such as the mascapaycha or royal tassel, of which no specimens exist 2 . The metal insignias conserved and known to date fall into two different types: one is the type found on the forehead of the "Niña del Rayo" from Llullaillaco (Argentina; Reinhard and Ceruti 2000) (Figure 1) and the other is the adornment of the Cerro El Plomo child ( Figure 2). Both were sacrificed at high altitudes according to the Inca rite of capacocha (Duviols 1976). Various records suggest that the first type of insignia occurred most frequently in the Western Valleys (extreme south of Peru and extreme north of Chile), although there are some records from the highlands 3 ; unfortunately, however, this "tumi insignia" (sensu Horta 2010) presents no correlations in the visual chronicles of the 17th century. Thus we have no evidence of its use by any of the ethnic groups, local or macroregional, incorporated into the Tawantinsuyu in the south-central Andes, which might enable us to enter more deeply into its significance and specific ethnic association. A different situation prevails in the case of the adornment of the Cerro El Plomo child, on which we will concentrate in this article.

The Chin Adornment
This adornment consists of two crescent moon-shaped elements (the upper smaller than the lower), joined by a central bar ( Figure 2). As mentioned previously, this is the insignia found with the mummified child from Cerro El Plomo, while another known specimen comes from Lake Titicaca where it was found by Bandelier inside a stone container deposited in the lake waters as an offering (1910: Plate XXXII; here Figure 3 Throughout his work, Guamán Poma consistly draws the adornment mentioned here hanging from the neck of the lords of the highlands (Figures 4a-d, 5a-d, 6a-d and 7a-c; see also his Plates 147,153,171,250,272,279,295,326,366,368,386,505,620,767,794 and 888). In several of these cases the figures wear both a chin adornment and the chacrahinca 5 (crescent moon diadem) insignia on the forehead (Figures 4a,4b,4c,5a,5b,5c,5d,6a,6b,6c,7a and 7c) and in the exceptional case of Plates 92 and 1065, the chacrahinca is illustrated on the truncated cone caps, by omitting the chin  adornment. Murúa, illustrating scenes with highranking altiplano lords, also includes the adornment hanging from the neck (Figure 8), even introducing a variant in which we see three rather than two crescent-shaped elements in order of decreasing size ( Figure 9). Thus the chronicles show evidence of adornments with two and three segments. This interesting fact will enable us later to link these colonial images with icons on Tiawanaku ceramics from the Middle period.
The pendant discussed here is not mentioned in Quechua dictionaries, and even more surprisingly, Bertonio does not include it in the words collected in his work. The find of the Cerro El Plomo child, in the Andes above Santiago, Chile, wearing a pendent similar in all respects to those drawn by Guamán Poma, is one of the two archaeological specimens with origin known to date (Mostny 1957). This author offered solid arguments to support her hypothesis of descent from the altiplano -rather than from Cuzco-of the child sacrificed as part of a capacocha; she was also the first to establish an identity link between the metal pendant and the lords of the Bolivian altiplano, based likewise on the chronicler's illustrations.
Another documentary reference which may be adduced with respect to this adornment is a very brief mention by Ramos Gavilán (1976Gavilán ( [1621), when he described the Inca celebration Intiraymi held in the altiplano by Colla or Aymara individuals: "The indians wore the most curious clothes, and so   did the women, and almost all shaved themselves, and the principal people put gold patens on their beards, and all of them went in this manner to the temple of the Sun, to offer their sacrifices" (my emphasis; Ramos Gavilán 1976[1621:15).
In this case -as we see from observations in various other contexts-the term paten is used to designate a sheet or plate of variable shape, the principal point of interest being that it is made of metal. Whatever the shape of this adornment, the detail that makes it clear is that the text says expressly that it was worn "on the beard", i.e. the chin, as we see in Guamán Poma's drawings.
Murúa has the following to say of the Intiraymi celebrated in "Potosí and all the Charkas" during the month of June:"…in which they sacrificed one hundred guanaco rams, and they said that this was the festival of the sun, in which they made a large number of carved wooden statues, of quiscuar, all dressed in rich clothing, and they performed the dance which they called cayo, and in the festival they spread many flowers on the way, and the indians came daubed with annatto, and the lords with little gold patens like the canipu on their beards, and all singing…" (my emphasis; Murúa 1962Murúa [1611).
Both citations speak expressly of an object worn on the beard or chin, hanging from a cord attached to the llautu, as illustrated by Guamán Poma in several of his pictures, for example Plate 888 ( Figure 7c). Mostny describes the positon of the adornment worn by the Cerro El Plomo child in similar terms: Its hair, dark in colour, comes down to below its shoulders and is parted in the centre and arranged in countless fine braids, kept in place by a black cord which goes round the head five times and is secured by another turn passing under the chin (llautu). From the latter hung a silver adornment in the form of two crescents, which is now detached (my emphasis; Mostny 1957:12) (Figure 10 here).
This author, talking of the characteristics of the adornment, says that it is a sheet of silver 2 mm thick, with three holes in the upper part and dimensions of 12.7 x 6.8 cm, establishing its original position as follows:     The deceased corresponds to a noblemen colla, who is going to be buried by its clothing and emblems, between them the crescent-shaped diadem and the chin adornment. Lámina 295 de El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Entierro de collasuyus. El difunto corresponde a un señor colla, que va a ser enterrado con su vestimenta e insignias, entre ellas la diadema y el adorno de barbilla. High priests, walla wisa, layqha, umu, sorcerer. The one who does the gift in this image is a "sorcerer" colla, whom it is possible to recognize as such due to the crescent-shaped diadem and the chin adornment that it shows. Lámina 279 de El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Pontífices, ualla uiza, laica, umu, hechicero. Quien hace la ofrenda en esta imagen es un "hechicero" colla, a quien se puede reconocer como tal debido a la diadema de medialuna y al adorno de barbilla que luce. In the image we can observe two noblemen collas presenting gifts to its deity, which is dressed in the same outfits as they, including the adornment hanging by the chin. Lámina 272 de El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Idolos y waqas de los collasuyos. En la imagen podemos observar a dos nobles collas presentando ofrendas a su deidad, la cual se encuentra vestida con los mismos atuendos que ellos, incluido el adorno colgando de la barbilla.   To the right of the Inca, in the foreground, a representative of the Collasuyo appears with the usual attributes, including the chin adornment. Lámina 386 de El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Atahualpa Inga está en la ciudad de Cajamarca en su trono, usno. A la derecha del Inca, en primer plano, aparece un representante del Collasuyo con los atributos acostumbrados, incluido el adorno de barbilla. The mestizo offspring of parish priests being taken away to Lima. In a scene that develops in the province of the Aymaraes, along with a Spanish muleteer we see a personage with chin adornment leading a horse with alforjas full with six children procreated by priests. Lámina 620 de El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Hijo(s) de los padres doctrinantes. En una escena que se desarrolla en la provincia de los Aymaraes, junto a un arriero español vemos a un personaje con adorno de barbilla conduciendo el cargamento de seis hijos engendrados por curas. The chin adornment of the highland lords as a symbol of historical continuity and ethnic emblem…  Murúa (1946). Historia del origen y genealogía real de los reyes Incas del Perú. A young nobleman colla visit to the family of his future wife with identity outfits: the diadem and the chin adornment. Tomado de la obra de fray Martín de Murúa (1946). Historia del origen y genealogía real de los reyes Incas del Perú. Un joven noble colla visita a la familia de su futura esposa con los atuendos identitarios: diadema de media luna y adorno de barbilla.     Murúa: códice Galvin (2004). On the arm of the character can be read: "Vila Oma", and on the leg of the same: "The great pontiff of the Inga"; both inscriptions show the high hierarchy of the individual, which is further reinforced by the use of the crescent-shaped diadem, bracelet or chipana, baton and the chin adornment. Tomado de la obra Códice Murúa: Historia y genealogía de los reyes incas del Perú del padre mercedario fray Martín de Murúa: códice Galvin (2004). En el brazo del personaje se puede leer: "Vila Oma" y en la pierna del mismo: "El gran pontífice del Inga"; ambas inscripciones dan cuenta de la alta jerarquía del individuo, la cual se ve a su vez reforzada mediante el uso de la diadema en forma de media luna, el brazalete o chipana, bastón de mando y el adorno de barbilla. Near the middle of the securing turn, the cord is much thinner and broken, and we suppose that the crescent-shaped silver adornment was fixed at that point. It was found loose and the shepherds placed it provisionally in the turns of the llautu. The men who discovered the mummy said that they had found this ornament on the child's breast. Due to the position of the head, the adornment did indeed rest on the breast, but Guamán Poma's drawings […] leave little doubt as to its true position: it was hung from the securing turn of the llautu, beneath the person's chin" (my emphasis; Mostny 1957:35).
We must stress that only the Collas wear this type of adornment, there are no illustrations with anything similar for the inhabitants of other suyus. Mostny said at the time that "at all events it is a fact that all the people identified as representatives of the Collasuyo in Guamán Poma's chronicle wear moccasins and the same silver adornment" (Mostny 1957:56). We can indeed confirm this concurrent appearance of the use of moccasins (hisccu in Aymara) and the chin adornment (Figures 4c, 5c, 5d, 6a and 21). Möntell is another researcher who noticed at an early date the formal similarity between the adornment worn by the altiplano lords and the specimen published by Bandelier (Möntell 1929).

Investigating the Antiquity of the chin Adornment
Tiawanaku iconography presents little variety in the insignias associated with the Staff-Bearing Deity or his accompanying icons, whether falconid or feline; they form a somewhat sparse, cryptic visual language which abounds in rather metaphorical representations. Nevertheless, in some censers in feline shape, the neck of the animal is seen to bear an element which, by its form and location, might represent the use of the chin adornment subject of this work (Figures 11-13). There are also queros -from Tiahuanaco and Pariti Island-which represent a falconid or feline with a similar adornment 6 (Figures 14 and 15), as well as the Staff-Bearing Deity himself, both in his abbreviated form as the rayed head (Figure 16a) and as a whole body (Figures 16b and 16c). In these cases, the ornament presents a more geometrical, rectilinear form, being reduced to a double letter "H" or an "H" on its side.
We also find a fairly close correlation between this adornment and the Staff-Bearing Deity of Huari iconography, as we see in images in a ceramic piece     Quero con felinos pintados (tomado de Posnansky 1945: Plancha XIVc). offered in Conchopata (Figure 16d), and in a textile called "Fire textile" (Figure 16e). In the two latter cases, the representation of the chin adornment differs slightly from that observed in Tiawanaku iconography, in that the letter "H" is accompanied by a line framing its external outline; in one of the cases the letter presents a step, but even so, from the general shape and location under the chin we may suppose that this could be the same adornment. The style of the representation presents certain variability; for example, in Tiawanaku iconography we may see it with two or three appendages, in both a curving version and another straighter one which looks like a letter "H"; in the Huari images we observe adornments with two straight appendages with double outline (Figures 16d and 16e); in Guamán   Poma's pictures it appears with two appendages in a curved version, while Murúa shows it on one occasion with three appendages in a curved version (Figure 9). Finally, the archaeological specimens present only two appendices in a curved version which connects them closely with the insignia of a figure in a coat of arms of the colonial period which we will analyse later.
As we see, in each of these representations the adornment is placed below the chin, and may present either two or three crescent-shaped elements. The pictures suggest that the chin adornment would have been found associated with the central deity of the Tiawanaku and Huari iconography, in addition to the feline manifestation of the Sacrificer in Tiawanaku art (Figures 17a and 17b), in which the head of the feline bears a severed human limb in its headdress, in this case a human leg 7 . Based on parallels with the iconography on hallucinogenic paraphernalia from the altiplano found in tombs at San Pedro de Atacama dating from the Middle period, specifically containing tubes of bone with pyro-engraved figures, we know that among the attributes of the felinised Sacrificer were taruca antlers (Hippocamelus antisensis), as well as the representation of severed human limbs and sacrificial axes, as we see in Figure 17c. This association is not casual: the principal personages of the altiplano religious system were closely linked to human sacrifice carried out as an offering to the deity(ies) which controlled the weather (Blom et al. 2003;Manzanilla 1990;Reinhard 1991;Verano 2013); in broad terms, the huacas received permanent sacrifices from human society, in return for which they provided rain, good harvests and well-being.
To return to the analysis of Guamán Poma's pictures, we have already noted the fact that the individuals shown wearing the chin adornment are exclusively Collas of high rank or local native authorities (curaca, principal, captain), or experts in the rites and ceremonies ("sorcerers") 8 ; this makes it clear that this metal adornment was not only the insignia of political power but also of religious power. This idea is reinforced by image 272, in which two altiplano lords wearing tunics, one of them carrying truncated cone cap, the other hemispherical cap 9 and Colla insignias present offerings to a huaca located at the top of a mountain; the exceptional feature is that the deity wears the same clothing and insignia in the form of a chin adornment as the individuals making the offering (Figure 5a). There is no other situation in Guamán Poma's whole work which is so    Cook (1994: 50a). Dibujo de la iconografía de la vasija anterior realizado por A. Cook (1994: 50a). explicit as this with respect to altiplano adornment, indicating the special nature of the insignia.
Here we should also note that when the chronicler draws the different ethnic groups according to their division into suyus, as they make mochas or offerings to their huacas, the coincidence between the headdress and tunic worn by the huaca and the curaca only appears clearly in two cases: those of the inhabitants of Collasuyu and of Chinchaysuyu (Figure 18), and only in the case of the Collas is a personal adornment illustrated. In the case of the other two suyus, the huacas appear without vestments or personal adornments, as we see in Figure 19 which represents an inhabitant of Contisuyu adoring his huaca; the latter also is not wearing a vestment or headdress and is at the top of Coropuna Volcano. I believe that the difference observed in this respect may be due to the particularity of the Colla adornment, hung below the chin, and also associated with the crescent-shaped diadem on the forehead. As we have seen, it is very likely that the chin adornment was a very ancient emblem among the lords of the altiplano, serving as a concrete visual symbol of political and religious power, and that it was illustrated in special detail precisely because of its long-standing use and deeply-rooted tradition.
In the universe of the insignias ascribed to the high-ranking persons in the Corónica, it is clear that the chin adornment -like the crescent with which it is associated-is an important metal emblem whose role appears similar in prestige and importance to that of the Inca insignias, the canipu and the tincurpa (Horta 2008) (Figure 20). From this we may infer that the chin adornment distinguished the Collas, investing them with a special status and perhaps indicating a hierarchy comparable to that of the Incas. Although the horseshoe-shaped insignia also existed, worn on the forehead by Chinchaysuyo dignitaries, it appears much less frequently in Guamán Poma's work; nevertheless, both are included in the illustration of the Royal Council presided over by the ruling Inca ( Figure 21).

Epilogue to the Chin Adornment
Platt has recently published a very interesting work on the Proof presented to the King of Spain in 1635 by don Fernando Ayra de Ariutu, a mallku of the Inca province of Qaraqara, in order to obtain the grant of an encomienda and a coat-of-arms as suited his dignity. The proof included a "template" or sketch of the elements which don Fernando asked to have included in his coat-of-arms (Platt 2015). The author says: "… analysis of a coat-of-arms can offer us, I believe, a fresh perspective on the mining and religious history of South Andean societies under Inca and Spanish rule and on the workings of collective memory under the pressures of colonialism" (Platt 2015:239). Don Fernando's choice of the elements which he wished to include is based on an ancient stratum composed of pre-Hispanic religious emblems, Figure 20. The Inca with mascapaycha on his forhead and two nobles with their insignia, one with a canipu and the other with a tincurpa. Plate 320 of El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno (1613-1615), Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala. El Inca con mascapaycha en la frente y dos nobles con las respectivas insignias canipu y tincurpa. Lámina 320 de El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno (1613-1615), Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala. such as the feline, the condor, the morning star, etc. According to Platt, "Don Fernando's request was, therefore, part of a view of the colonial order that made its legitimacy dependent on pre-Hispanic precedent" (Platt 2015:249).
Thus Fernando Ayra de Ariutu appeals to ancient emblems of political and religious power to impose rights which have been infringed by the Spanish, as Platt notes in his conclusions: "In the case of the Qaraqara, we can observe a pre-hispanic dynasty refounding itself and appealing to regional collective memories in order to prolong its jurisdiction and privileges by re-membering pre-Hispanic events and knowledge within a colonial frame" (Platt 2015:262). Among the symbols through which don Fernando represents himself in the coat-of-arms is the emblem worn hanging from the neck, which Platt remarks is linked to the Collasuyu and the drawings of Guamán Poma (Figure 22) 10 . Discounting minor formal differences such as the size of the insignia, the central bar which in this case is divided and the long distance between the upper and lower appendage, we see that when this Aymara-speaking lord needed to appeal to the ethnic memory of his confederation to demonstrate his ancestral rights, he had recourse to the old chin adornment of the times of the Tiawanaku.
By way of conclusion, in this article we have proposed that evidence from Tiawanaku iconography demonstrated use of the chin adornment over a long period, since it was apparently an emblem of the Staff-Bearing Deity, as well as appearing in feline and falconid forms and on huacas of the Bolivian altiplano during the Middle period or Tiawanaku Horizon. During the Late period this adornment would have denoted belonging to the Collasuyu, witnessed by the attire of the Cerro El Plomo child; it would also have functioned as the equivalent of the insignias used by Inca nobles (canipu and tincurpa), denoting the nobility of their political and religious status (high-ranking Collas and specialists in ritual). During early colonial times, this adornment would have constituted an emblem of ethnic identification, as well as denoting political status (worn by highranking Collas) and religious power (worn by both the huaca and specialists in ritual). From the testimony of Fernando Ayra de Ariutu 's coatof-arms and the drawings of Guamán Poma and Murúa, we may conclude that in the general array of colonial signs and symbols, the chin adornment served particularly for ethnic identification in Collao, and continued to do so into the early 17th century. If my observations are correct, we have here an unprecedented case of cultural continuity for this emblem of political-religious power in the altiplano of the South Andes, the symbolic significance of which lasted for a thousand years. down to their calves, fixed at the shoulder by tupus. It is therefore improbable that a woman like doña Úrsula would appear in the coat-of-arms wearing male clothing, even if the item was an heirloom. Furthermore, the chroniclers mention the prestigious present of uncus cumbis made by Inca rulers to curacas of other ethnic groups, in other words exchanges between high-ranking male personages (Murra 1962(Murra , 1993.