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Inward Hunger: The Education of a Prime Minister

directly with each other. Third, the authors bring to their subject an intimate familiarity with Bengali culture and politics; it can reasonably be expected that little of importance in the bewildering world of Bengali radical politics will escape them. The central theme of the study is the changing electoral fortunes of the Moscoworiented Communist Party of India (CPI) and the more leftist Communist Party of IndiaMarxist (CPM), as they moved into and out of alliance with each other and the Indian National Congress. The authors develop a number of useful taxonomies and typologies to sort and classify the various constituencies in the context of the different elections. It is doubtful that anything more in this line could be done that would be of use or interest. The comparisons are all between parties, elections, and constituencies. The authors did not work with survey data, nor did they include any socioeconomic data in their analysis. They report that when they did use such electionrelated data as turnout, number of contestants and the like, they found no significant relationships. The study, then, does not relate election behavior with what is outside the electoral universe, but rather focuses on explaining voting patterns in terms of the world of parties, electoral alliances, and the voting results themselves. The statistics employed are those of the percentage table, so the analysis is quite easily understood. The results of the analysis will not be surprising to students of Indian politics-that the two CP's did better at the polls when acting together than when fighting each other, that when one of them (the CPI) ganged up with the Congress, the effects were hard on the other, and that both but particularly the CPM were able to build up core support areas where they were able to pull in a reasonably steady vote in election after election. It is good to have these findings nailed down, though, in a rigorous quantitative sense. The authors' ultimate goal is to delineate the normal or "institutionalized" support each of the CP's can expect in a West Bengal election. They find themselves unable to pin down this level of support for any party, largely because the "exact nature of the party's standing with the electorate remains unclear" (p. 27). The answer will he in more analysis of future contests. "In short, several more elections—and much more research—will be required," before dependable party support can be determined (p. 38). What they seem to be saying implicitly is that underlying the shifts that take place from one election to another, there is a "normal vote" that each party can count on; that is, there is a basic allegiance toward party on the part of the electorate-or a large part of it, at any rate-from which actual voting results represent deviations. Explaining election behavior would amount to accounting for the deviations. It would appear to this observer, however, that a "normal election" is a chimera, particularly in the Indian context. There has been much heated debate over whether the "normal election" concept is useful in analyzing American voting history, but for India the evidence would appear heavily against the notion's having any validity, especially in volatile West Bengal and most especially during the period covered by this study. Each election has been in a very real sense sui generis; there really is no "normal election," either behaviorally or as an abstract entity, so it is not a surprise that the authors fail to find the "normal vote."