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An Evaluation of Philippine Culture-Personality Research.

community income in the lower income families (p. 4). The application of each of these criteria singly is reported in rich detail and the results of their joint application are presented clearly and succinctly. His most important finding was that, "at least four of the broader institutional criteria for economic development are not strikingly apparent," in Estancia (p. 82). Thus, with the exception of an increase in percapita productivity and frequent technological innovation, the actual growth pattern of Estancia does not fit well at all with the general model. Szanton then argues, and rightly so, for an abandonment of the general model with its inappropriate Euro-American data base and for the development of "society-specific" models, "constructed only after an analysis of the structural and conceptual systems of the particular society," in question (p. 86). That this can be done elegantly, insightfully, and convincingly, is seen in the concluding section of the work in which he accounts for the particular pattern of development in Estancia in terms of his model of lowland Philippine social structure. Structurally, this model, which is based largely upon data and observations made in the Ilongo and Visayan Regions, may be seen as a, "traditional pyramidal pattern of social relations" or alternatively, "as vertical chains of individuals exchanging social, political, and economic resources" (p. 85). Central to it is a patron-client type of social organization which, in the socio-economic sphere is best known from landlord-tenant relationships, and in the political sphere from politician//^r-constituency chains. Indeed, these vertical interstatus ties are said to be so vital to the survival and success of the individual that their maintenance mitigates against the development of intrastatus links to the point that, "horizontal solidarity is not characteristic of traditional lowland society" (p. 87). These structural arrangements are said to be associated with a, "generalized conception," or value, which the Estanciahanons express as, "Everyone has a right to live" (p. 84). Szanton takes this to mean that, "those who possess resources, economic or otherwise, are inherently responsible for those who need them; that beyond the nuclear family and even kinship ties in general all participants within a productive economic unit (which might be a landlord's estate, a 747