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“Corporate Constitutionalism,” the Merchant Adventurers, and Anglo-European interaction

fluidity, porousness, and modular functions of corporate constitutionalism, it is not fully clear precisely how difference and diversity is defined and adjudicated, particularly in the more integrative aspects of Pettigrew’s proposal, which looks not only to link the local and the global, but also the corporate, state, and transnational. To give power and culture a more accentuated role would not simply add further depth and nuance to Pettigrew’s conception of corporate constitutionalism but it would also more explicitly interrogate received wisdom about the history of the corporation. As Jo Guldi and David Armitage have observed, one of the notable features of trendy “critical turns” is that they mask “old patterns of thought that have become entrenched.” What is at stake in Pettigrew’s article is not merely a more refined historical assessment, but also a more profound assessment of the power and pitfalls of transnational institutions. As reflected in Pettigrew’s references to Tully, Noam Chomsky, and Alfred Chandler and Bruce Mazlish, the political and social utility of a reconceived corporate constitutionalism is significant. More than mere critique or revision, a manifesto of the kind attempted by Pettigrew in his article proclaims its ambitions publicly and performatively not only to offer a new agenda but also to rally forces, as much as possible, for enacting change. Amore conceptually precise and power-laden conception of corporate constitutionalism would yield powerful and compelling insights not simply for historians but for many others invested in the “jurisdictional evasions” of corporations past and present.