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COVID-19 Translated: WHO’s and the City of Ottawa English and Arabic Narrative of the Pandemic

Many national and international organizations have constructed and disseminated COVID-19 public narrative and have contributed into the construction of the pandemic meta-narrative. The World Health Organization (henceforth WHO) is the international organization responsible for publishing COVID-19 related information to global audiences and citizens. However, the City of Ottawa is the Canadian federal capital responsible for disseminating information about the pandemic to its citizens who reside in Ottawa. In the light of the evolving events, this paper explores the English and Arabic public narrative of COVID-19 as constructed and published by WHO on its multilingual website and by the City of Ottawa Public Health in Canada. In specific, it scrutinizes how similar or different the communicative messages and meanings are as embedded in the English and Arabic texts of the pandemic public narrative. To do so, this paper methodologically utilizes a qualitative narrative analysis research design guided by narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features. Accordingly, the corpus consists of 48 English texts and their 48 Arabic translated texts which were published on WHO’s website under two COVID-19 pandemic topics: “Myth busters” and “Q & As on coronaviruses (COVID-19)”. As well, this paper analyses 12 English texts and their 12 Arabic translated texts which were published on the City of Ottawa’s website. The findings of this paper provide further understanding of similarities and differences in communicative messages and meanings as embedded in the English and Arabic public narrative of COVID-19 pandemic, and as published and represented by WHO and the City of Ottawa.


Introduction
On December 31, 2019, Wuhan Municipal Health Commission in China reported a cluster of cases of pneumonia in the Chinese city of Wuhan. These cases were eventually identified as novel coronavirus cases. On January 13, 2020, Thai officials confirmed the first recorded case of COVID-19 outside of China. As of March 2020, COVID-19 was spreading quickly worldwide which led WHO to declare it a pandemic on March 11, 2020. This pandemic has claimed the life of 848,255 thousand people and 25,327,098 million confirmed cases in 216 countries, areas, or territories (WHO: August 31, 2020). The public narrative about this pandemic has been challenged by many factors, and one of these factors is proliferation of misinformation and fake news which can be promoted by translation. In effect, personal and public narratives that we elaborate about any aspect of the world through translation do not have to be linguistically inaccurate in relation to their source or original texts; yet, the cultural Similarly, Sue-Ann Harding (2011Harding ( , 2012aHarding ( , 2012bHarding ( , 2012c) applied narrative theory in her studies about translating eyewitness accounts of the Beslan hostage-taking in Russia in September 2004. Her research studies revealed how global media employed local informants' translated quotations and eyewitness accounts within the meta-narrative of the event. Accordingly, Harding used the concepts of "narrator" and "temporary narrator", which are rooted in socio-narrative theory in order to examine how personal narratives (temporary narrators) of eyewitnesses were merged into the Russian and English news narrative of Beslan hostage-taking in three different online news media outlets. Harding demonstrated that these media outlets employed translated accounts in order to reinforce, construct, and represent their version of the narrative. Harding considered that eyewitnesses' "stories are arguably the 'raw material' of the news agencies' narrative texts" (2012a, p. 231). She concluded that translations of eyewitnesses' narratives from Russian to English were manipulated, marginalized, and even removed from some articles and news texts in order to reinforce the media's own narrative and framing of Beslan hostage-taking in Russia in September 2004.
Likewise, Fadi Jaber (2016, 2018) utilized narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features in his research studies about representing and translating the Syrian humanitarian disaster as narrated by Syrian citizen journalists. In his articles, Jaber scrutinized media responsibility and translation ethics based on The Guardian and The New York Times' representation of the Syrian humanitarian disaster as embedded in the translated quotations and narratives told by Syrian citizen journalists (residents, refugees, protesters, eyewitnesses, and activists). Jaber's research studies provided better understanding of translation practices in the text, and as represented and narrated by citizen journalists and the media.
As a matter of fact, most of the research studies employed narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features in context of wars, conflicts, and disasters. However, a very few scholars and research studies employed narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features as a theoretical framework to examine similarities and differences in translating informative narratives that aim to offer facts and information to audiences about health-related issues and topics. Accordingly, this paper explores how accurate the translations are in the English and Arabic narrative of COVID-19 pandemic as constructed and disseminated by WHO and the City of Ottawa Public Health.

Narrative theory
The paper's theoretical framework relies on narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features. As a matter of fact, Walter Fisher's notions of "narrative paradigm" and "narrative rationality" (1984, 1985a, 1985b, 1987, 1989, 1997) constitute the theoretical and conceptual basis of narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features. According to Fisher, "[t]he stories inform one another and both are necessary to a full realization of the relationship of communication and what humans are and can become" (1985a, p. 76). The main function of the narrative paradigm is to assist in interpreting and assessing human communication and pragmatic effects of texts which "leads to critique, a determination of whether or not a given instance of discourse provides a reliable, trustworthy, and desirable guide to thought and action in the world" (Fisher, 1985b, p. 351). As well, the narrative paradigm is concerned with people and actors who act as storytellers, authors, co-authors, and who also act as main participants in the creation of communicative messages. Thus, Fisher focused on ontological narratives which are told and heard by people who interpret and assess the story and behave in accordance with their interpretation and assessment.
The narrative paradigm also provides a "logic" to assess stories and to determine whether or not audiences should accept these stories and form their decisions and actions based on these stories. The people's decisions, actions, and behaviors, according to Fisher, take the form of stories and are assessed by narrative rationality that provides the principles of narrative probability and fidelity. He posited that narrative rationality in any event or situation "is relevant as a system for determining whether or not one should accept a story, whether or not a story is indeed trustworthy and reliable as a guide to belief and action" (1985b, p. 349, emphasis in original).
Fisher argued that narrative probability refers to the features of the story and the sequence of narrative elements, ideas, and actions. Narrative probability emphasizes coherence of the story, consistency, and harmonizing between narrative elements within the same story, while narrative fidelity stresses "truth qualities" of the story, and whether or not the story agrees with the logic of good reasons or values such as truth, the good, beauty, health, and wisdom. Fisher clarified that the story's values should be examined in terms of "questions of fact, relevance, consequence, consistency, and transcendent issue" (1985b, p. 350). He argued that a good communication and a good story is the one that fulfills the requirements of narrative rationality, and of a reliable and trustworthy communication which guides one to "belief and action". As well, the good story adheres to features and principles of narrative probability and fidelity.
It is also relevant to bring up Margaret Somers's works (1992,1994,1997) on narrative theory, which employed the concepts of narrative and narrativity in social sciences research and studies. Somers noticed that social scientists and theorists and historians used to define narrative and narrativity as a "mode of representation", but scholars today go beyond considering narrative and narrativity as simply a mode of representation. The new definitions of narrative and narrativity are recognized as main concepts of social epistemology and social ontology. It is through narratives and narrativity that "we come to know, understand, and make sense of the social world, and it is through narratives and narrativity that we constitute our social identities" (Somers, 1992, p. 600). Thus, the concepts of narratives and narrativity in social sciences have shifted from being mere representational forms to ontological condition of narrativity and social life.
On her part, Mona Baker (2006) defines narratives as "public and personal 'stories' that we subscribe to and that guide our behaviour. They are the stories we tell ourselves, not just those we explicitly tell other people, about the world(s) in which we live" (p. 19). She indicates the importance of using narrative theory as a theoretical framework in translation studies' academic and professional studies because "[t]ranslation is thus understood as a form of (re)narration that constructs rather than represents the events and characters it re-narrates in another language" (2014, p. 159, emphasis in original). According to Baker, narrative theory allows us to examine the function of translation and the role of translators in situations of conflicts and wars, and in the elaboration of competing narratives of the same event as embedded in the target text. In fact, translators and interpreters play a significant role in the process of narrative formation because the events of most conflicts, wars, and disasters are communicated by the media to global audiences with different cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Narrative theory also "allows us to piece together and analyse a narrative that is not fully traceable to any specific stretch of text but has to be constructed from a range of sources, including non-verbal material" (Baker, 2006, p. 4).

Types of narrative
Baker distinguished four types of social narratives and narrativity: ontological (personal), public, conceptual, and meta-narrative. According to Baker, ontological or personal narratives are interpersonal and social stories in which individuals tell personal stories about their position in the world and their own personal experience and history. Nonetheless, Baker argued that "even a concrete personal story told in one language cannot necessarily be retold or translated into another language unproblematically" (2006, p. 28). Ontological narratives are dependent on collective narratives which are situated in a particular social and cultural context, and are transmitted to audiences through different channels such as the media. An example provided by Baker of personal narratives dependent on collective narratives is the way Germans under the Nazis and white South Africans under apartheid narrated themselves as racially superior.
The second type of narratives, named public narratives are "stories elaborated by and circulating among social and institutional formations larger than the individual, such as the family, religious or educational institution, the media, and the nation" (Baker, 2006, p. 33).
Public narratives are stories about national and international events, individuals who become public figures, a movement, or an ideology. These narratives circulate in any society and culture, and can change drastically over time in response to political and social changes. Accordingly, translation plays a decisive role in the survival of public narratives by circulating and articulating these narratives within different cultural and linguistic boundaries and contexts. As an example of how public narrative can change over time, Baker (2006) pointed out that Nelson Mandela was widely represented as a terrorist in the 1960s to the late 1980s but when the international antiapartheid movement gained power in the 1970s and 1980s, Mandela became an international hero and a symbol of resistance. The relationship between ontological and public narratives is crucial in the context of translation. According to Baker, both ontological and public narratives constrain each other interchangeably. On the one hand, personal narratives are constrained by symbols and formulations derived from public narratives. On the other hand, personal narratives contribute to the elaboration and maintenance of public narratives which are circulated by powerful agents such as the media. Baker added that a personal narrative is ignored and not recognized by powerful agents through non-translation if it opposes the mainstream public narratives in a target culture. In some cases, personal narratives are translated and allowed to be circulated within public narratives of a target culture when they are framed in a specific way that undermines them.
The third type of narratives is conceptual or disciplinary narratives. Somers and Gibson (1994) defined conceptual narratives as concepts and explanations that social researchers construct in their studies. Yet, Baker expanded and elaborated more on this definition by include disciplinary narratives. She defined conceptual and disciplinary narratives as "the stories and explanations that scholars in any field elaborate for themselves and others about their object of inquiry" (Baker, 2006, p. 39). She believes that translators and interpreters can either promote or challenge any given conceptual narrative, and any conceptual narrative can affect and shape public narratives during a specific time period. Baker (2006) mentioned James Mill's History of British India, which was published in 1817, as an example of a conceptual narrative. As a matter of fact, the history of British India relies on the translations of many British writers such as William Jones and others, who represented Indians as "insincere" and "untruthful". "Mill uses again and again in connection with the 'Hindus' the adjectives 'wild', 'barbaric', 'savage' and 'rude', thus forming by sheer force of repetition a counter-discourse to the Orientalist hypothesis of an ancient civilization" (cited in Baker, 2006, p. 39). This example of a conceptual narrative reveals that the British emphasized their own conceptual narrative about Indians during the British colonial era of India.
The last type of narratives is meta or master narratives, which are shared across different cultures and countries. Meta-narratives can travel beyond geographical, cultural, and linguistic boundaries of any society because of the media and the direct involvement of translators and interpreters. Meta-narratives can be "the epic dramas of our time: Capitalism vs. Communism, the Individual vs. Society, Barbarism/Nature vs. Civility", and are those "in which we are embedded as contemporary actors in history…Progress, Decadence, Industrialization, Enlightenment, etc" (Baker, 2006, p. 44). She added that the public narrative of the "War on Terror" is a recent example of meta-narrative which travels through the media across national boundaries and impacts every one. According to Baker, the words "terror" and "terrorism" have different features. For example, the word "terrorism" refers to one or more incidents involving violence, while the word "terror" refers to something that can rapidly spread across national boundaries. Somers (1992Somers ( , 1994Somers ( , 1997 and Somers and Gloria Gibson (1994) proposed four features of narrative and narrativity which are mostly employed in social sciences, and which are useful for this current study. The four narrative features are "temporality", "causal emplotment", "relationality", and "selective appropriation". The first narrative feature, named temporality, is understood as "constitutive of narrativity" and can be defined as a feature whereby "the elements of a narrative are always placed in some sequence, and that the order in which they are placed carries meaning" (Baker, 2006, pp. 50-51, emphasis in original). Indeed, representation of narratives relies on the organization of the sequence of narrative elements in texts and visual materials such as news images and videos. Many institutions, especially media outlets, maintain a specific chronological order of events and impose a specific temporal structure and sequence of narrative elements according to several factors, such as the institution's policy, norms, gate keeping, and agenda setting. Thus, the meaning of the events and narrative elements vary when the chronological order of these events and the sequencing of narrative elements are changed or modified. Also, the sequence of a narrative and the order of narrative elements in a text can affect and constrain the audiences' interpretation and understanding of its meaning. In effect, every narrative has a specific temporal and sequential structure, that is, it has a beginning, middle, and end. Temporality also means that people's narratives of events and the world are "historic laden" (Somers & Gibson, 1994). Thus, historicity is a function of narrativity and "a resource that narrators draw on in order to enhance identification with a current narrative and enrich it with implicit detail" (Baker, 2006, p. 57). For example, a translator can use specific representations and lexical items to imply and arouse certain historical events.

Narrative features
The second narrative feature, causal emplotment, "gives significance to independent instances, and overrides their chronological or categorical order" (Somers, 1997, p. 82). While Baker argues that causal emplotment "allows us to weight and explain events rather than simply list them, to turn a set of propositions into an intelligible sequence about which we can form an opinion. It thus charges the events depicted with moral and ethical significance" (2006, p. 67, emphasis in original). The use of this narrative feature assists in re-ordering the same events and narrative elements and weaving them into other events and narratives. However, "causal emplotment means that two people may agree on a set of 'facts' or events but disagree strongly on how to interpret them in relation to each other" (ibid). Like temporality, causal emplotment can be seen in the narrative through the sequence and temporal ordering of events. But causal 564 Technium Social Sciences Journal Vol. 11, 559-574, September 2020 ISSN: 2668-7798 www.techniumscience.com emplotment usually marks events and narrative elements with moral and ethical implications. In fact, translators can benefit from casual emplotment narrative features, which contribute to the changing of the order of events and narrative elements of an original narrative by choosing particular lexical items in order to produce in the target text a different pattern of causal emplotment which fits target audiences' cultural and linguistic norms.
Relationality is the third narrative feature, which means that every event and narrative should be interpreted and related to a larger configuration of events and narratives. Relationality clarifies that "it is impossible for the human mind to make sense of isolated events or of a patchwork of events that are not constituted as a narrative" (Baker, 2006, p. 61). Accordingly, translators choose semantic equivalents that imply relational contexts and lead to specific interpretations in the target culture and for target readers. In effect, audiences and readers interpret each event and narrative within a larger configuration of events and narratives. It is true that a narrative consists of different elements, but these elements should be harmonized with each other in order to construct a coherent narrative. Some of these narrative elements are imported from another narrative, language, or culture. In this sense, Baker indicated that "[i]n the process of importing elements from another narrative, both the original narrative and our own narrative are inevitably reconstituted" (2006, p. 63, emphasis in original).
The final narrative feature, named selective appropriation, refers to the selective process in which reality is represented, as well as to which sets of events and narrative elements are selected to be included in the target text and which other aspects of the narrative are excluded. Selective appropriation is an important narrative feature because it determines "where the choice of whose voice, which texts and which extracts from these texts are translated and made to 'represent' the values and ethos of the communities in question" (Baker, 2010b, p. 352). This narrative feature also manifests itself in patterns of addition and omission which serve to accentuate or suppress certain aspects of reality and narrative. Indeed, translators rely on the feature of selective appropriation in order to elaborate a specific narrative of events, groups, and even cultures.
Baker determined that the above-mentioned four narrative features are interrelated and have a significant impact on events and narratives, especially when dealing with translations of events and narratives between different cultural and linguistic contexts and for different target audiences and readers. It is worth noting that "[a]ll of these features can be, and are, manipulated by communicators, including translators and interpreters, either intentionally or unintentionally" (Harding, 2013, p. 106).

Methodological Framework
This paper utilizes a qualitative narrative analysis research design. The rationale behind choosing this research design is because the analyzed corpus of the case study consists of English texts about COVID-19 pandemic and Arabic translated texts which were published on WHO's website and the City of Ottawa's website. Following the data collection, a systematic analysis is conducted on the selected English and Arabic translated texts. This analysis is guided by narrative theory, types of narrative, and narrative features. This paper also follows a thematic analysis in which the English and Arabic texts are grouped under specific categories and themes. It separately analyzes WHO's English texts and Arabic translated texts and the City of Ottawa's English and Arabic translated texts, and then a comparative analysis is conduced between WHO's texts and the City of Ottawa's texts to explore how similar or different the English and Arabic narrative of COVID-19 pandemic are.

Data Analysis
Narrative theory claims that the unit of analysis is the entire narrative, and in our case, it is the English and Arabic narrative of COVID-19 pandemic as constructed and disseminated by WHO and the City of Ottawa Public Health. In addition, the analysis process compares the original English texts and Arabic translated texts to uncover their relative (in)accuracy of choices at a semantic level, and in terms of their cultural-specific references. The analyzed corpus of WHO's texts consists of a total of 48 English texts and their 48 Arabic translated texts under two categories "Myth busters" and "Q & As on coronaviruses (COVID-19)". In addition, the analyzed corpus of the City of Ottawa's texts consists of a total of 12 English texts and their 12 Arabic translated texts. The analysis process compares the English texts with their Arabic translations. The English and Arabic texts that were published by WHO and the City of Ottawa are categorized under the following six themes: COVID-19 info. sheet (causes, symptoms, spreading), work-related, food-related, mask, shopping etiquette, and prevention and treatment.

How WHO constructed the English and Arabic narrative of COVID-19 pandemic
The WHO's 48 English texts and their 48 Arabic translated texts include information about the nature of COVID-19 virus, its causes, symptoms, and spreading and transmitting. In addition, WHO's documents include information about wearing masks and the ways people can prevent the spreading of the virus, as well as information about how to shop safely. The analysis of the English and Arabic texts reveals that WHO maintains the meaning of communicative messages and meanings in both English and Arabic languages with minor grammatical and translation errors and inaccuracies. In most of the English texts about "Myth busters", there is an emphasis on negating particles by capitalizing these particles such as NOT, DOES NOT, CANNOT, IS NOT, and WILL NOT. The emphasis in the English texts often happens when the myths are incorrect. However, the Arabic texts rarely contain emphasis on negating particles. In the first example, the English word "serious" was translated as ‫,خطيرة‬ and in fact, the back translation of the Arabic equivalent means "dangerous". However, the accurate translation for the word "serious" should be ‫.جادة‬ The Arabic word ‫خطيرة‬ has more impact on the Arab audiences than the word ‫.جادة‬ In the second example, the English phrase "hot peppers" was translated as ‫الشطة‬ which is a dialect that is used in some of the Arab countries such as Egypt. And in the third example, the translation of the English word "thanks to" as ‫بواسطة‬ instead of the precise Arabic equivalent ‫.بفضل‬ The following examples reveal that WHO added more words in some of the Arabic translated texts in order to offer more information and details to the Arab audiences. In the first example, the repetition of the Arabic word ‫مرض‬ in the Arabic translated text without the existence of the English word "disease" in the original text. In addition, the translation of the English phrase "bacterial infection" to ‫رئوي‬ ‫التهاب‬ is inaccurate because "bacterial" means ‫بكتيريا‬ in Arabic and not ‫.رئوي‬ Also, the inconsistency in translating the English phrase "health 567 Technium Social Sciences Journal Vol. 11, 559-574, September 2020 ISSN: 2668-7798 www.techniumscience.com care provider". This phrase was translated into Arabic as ‫الصحية‬ ‫الرعاية‬ ‫مقدم‬ or ‫المعالج‬ ‫.طبيب‬ The second example shows that the Arabic translated text contains more information and details about the effect of hot and humid climates on transmitting COVID-19 virus. The additional information in the Arabic text can be justified due to the hot and humid nature and climate in the Arab world.

How the City of Ottawa constructed the English and Arabic narrative of COVID-19 pandemic
The 12 English texts and their 12 Arabic translated texts which were published by the City of Ottawa Public Health deal with the following COVID-19 related themes and topics: info. sheet about the virus and symptoms, workplace safety, food safety and shopping etiquette, mask, and prevention and treatment.
The first document titled "Ontario Ministry of Health's Info. Sheet" is an informative text that contains information about COVID-19 virus, symptoms, and protection. This document contains some inaccurate Arabic translations of the English source text. For example: If you return from an affected area, you may need to self-isolate for 14 days. You may have been exposed to the 2019 novel coronavirus during your travels and staying home and limiting contact with others can help prevent further spread.
‫األمر‬ The Arabic translation of the English phrase "self-isolate" is not accurate. As a matter of fact, WHO states that "self-isolation" is "when a person who is experiencing fever, cough or other COVID-19 symptoms stays at home and does not go to work, school or public places". However, the Arabic translated equivalent ‫عزلك‬ means that someone must isolate you. In addition, the sentence "and staying home and limiting contact with others can help prevent further spread" can be accurately translated as ‫(وبقا‬ ‫ومكوثك‬ ‫االخرين‬ ‫مع‬ ‫المحدود‬ ‫واالحتكاك‬ ‫المنزل‬ ‫في‬ ‫ؤك)‬ ‫الفيروس‬ ‫انتشار‬ ‫من‬ ‫الحد‬ ‫في‬ ‫المساعدة‬ ‫.يمكنهما‬ The Arabic translation means that only "limiting contact with others" can help prevent further spread. In addition, the back translation of the Arabic translated sentence ‫الكحول‬ ‫من‬ ‫مصنوع‬ ‫يدين‬ ‫مطهر‬ means that the hand sanitizer is fully composed from alcohol. The accurate Arabic translation should be ‫الكحول‬ ‫على‬ ‫يحتوي‬ ‫يدين‬ ‫.مطهر‬ The second English document titled "Employee screening questionnaire" is a questionnaire that consists of questions which should be filled out by employees before they begin work on a daily basis to assess whether or not they suffer from COVID-19 symptoms. In this questionnaire, the following question "Do you have any of the following new or worsening symptoms?" was translated into ‫التالية.‬ ‫األشياء‬ ‫من‬ ‫أي‬ ‫لديك‬ ‫هل‬ The back translation of this Arabic translation is "Do you have any of the following things?". The phrase "new or worsening symptoms" was translated into ‫التالية"‬ ‫"األشياء‬ which is inaccurate. A suggested Arabic translation for the above question can be ‫التالية‬ ‫الشديدة‬ ‫أو‬ ‫الجديدة‬ ‫العوارض‬ ‫من‬ ‫أي‬ ‫لديك‬ ‫.هل‬ In addition, the two questions about whether or not you have two symptoms are missing in the Arabic translations. These two questions are "loss of taste or smell", and "nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, abdominal pain". Also, the English phrase "registered nurse" was translated into ‫مجازة"‬ ‫."ممرضة‬ This "Hand sanitizing" poster, it says "alcohol-based hand sanitizer"; however, in the Arabic poster, it says the hand sanitizer should contain at least 60% alcohol. In terms of the "Hand washing" poster, the Arabic poster reflects an accurate translation in terms of the meanings and communicative messages transmitted from the English poster.
The ninth poster titled "Stop the coronavirus" offers information about how citizens can prevent the spread of the virus. The title of the English poster is "Stop the coronavirus"; however, the Arabic translation is different because it includes two additional words "together we" which means ‫معا"‬ in Arabic. Unlike all other Arabic translated texts, in this Arabic translated poster, translators who work for the City of Ottawa Public Health used gender-neutral verbs by including the Arabic feminist letter in a bracket such as ‫تجنب(ي)‬ ‫.اغسل(ي)،‬ The tenth poster titled "Mask/physical distancing" presents information about the importance of maintaining physical distancing. The English phrase "physical distancing" was also translated as ‫التباعد‬ ‫االجتماعي‬ . The eleventh document titled "Physical distancing factsheet" also offers facts about the importance of physical distancing and information about how to maintain physical distancing. In this text, the English phrase "physical distancing" was also translated as either ‫الجسدي‬ ‫االبتعاد‬ or ‫المادي‬ ‫االبتعاد‬ or ‫االجتماعي‬ ‫الجسدي‬ ‫.االبتعاد‬ These different translations generate different meanings and understanding. Moreover, "social media" was translated as ‫االجتماعية‬ ‫االعالم‬ ‫.وسائل‬ However, in the Arab countries and culture, "social media" are widely known as ‫االجتماعي‬ ‫التواصل‬ ‫.وسائل‬ Moreover, the word "distress" in the "Distress Centre of Ottawa" was translated as ‫االستغاثة‬ which according to the back translation it means "help". The accurate Arabic equivalent for the English word "distress" should be ‫.محنة‬ And the last poster titled "Cough etiquette" offers information about following a specific etiquette when coughing in public. The English poster states that the alcohol percentage of hand sanitizer is 70%; however, the Arabic translated poster states that the alcohol percentage of hand sanitizer is 60%. In addition, the English poster mentions that the physical distance should be "more than 2 metres/6 feet"; however, the Arabic translated poster mentions that the physical distance should be "more than 1 meter/3 feet".

Discussion
In effect, COVID-19 pandemic is a meta-narrative which is circulated to global audiences and citizens by institutions, organizations, and media outlets. WHO is one of the reliable and credible international organization that translates and circulates COVID-19 public narrative which constitutes with other public narratives the COVID-19 meta-narrative. WHO's English and Arabic public narrative of COVID-19 which conveys information about the cause, symptoms, prevention, and treatment of COVID-19 virus are similar in terms of conveying meanings and communicative messages about the virus. However, there are some minor translation equivalents inaccuracies when it comes to choosing appropriate equivalents. One of the observations is that WHO's translators were aware of the cultural differences between English and Arabic culture and that was obvious in following the omission/adding strategy in some of the English texts and their Arabic translations.
For instance, there are additional information in the Arabic text that offers information about the relationship between COVID-19 and humid and hot weather. This fact can be related to the hot and humid weather in most Arab countries. On the other hand, we find more information and details in the English text about the relationship between COVID-19 and animals. The habit of having pets at homes is common in most English and western cultures. By doing so, WHO relied on selective appropriation in order to emphasize on certain aspects and narrative elements of COVID-19 narrative, especially when those narrative elements are culture bound. about the virus which lead its target audiences to clearly relate together many aspects of the virus starting from causes and symptoms to prevention and treatment. Also, the accurate English and Arabic definitions of COVID-19 key terms result in a good understanding of the relationship between different aspects and narrative elements of COVID-19. For example, WHO offers the following definitions for the three key terms named self-isolation, selfquarantine, and physical distancing: In translating COVID-19 key terms from English into Arabic, WHO was consistent in choosing the Arabic equivalents. This step ensures that audiences are not confused when they relate together different aspects of COVID-19 English and Arabic narrative. However, the City of Ottawa was not consistent in many situations when translating key terms and phrases from English into Arabic. For example, the English phrase "physical distancing" was translated as either ‫الجسدي‬ ‫االبتعاد‬ or ‫المادي‬ ‫االبتعاد‬ or ‫االجتماعي‬ ‫الجسدي‬ ‫.االبتعاد‬ These different translations generate different meanings and understanding and may cause confusion when Arabic audiences attempt to relate different aspects of COVID-19 Arabic narrative.
The examination of the use of selective appropriation narrative feature focuses on the COVID-19 narrative elements and aspects which were selected and emphasized in the English and Arabic translated texts. As a matter of fact, both WHO and the City of Ottawa chose and accentuated the important aspects of COVID-19 in their English and Arabic narrative, especially the narrative elements about prevention the spreading of the virus. However and as mentioned earlier, WHO's English and Arabic translated texts offer more information and details about COVID-19 important narrative elements, aspects, and events.

Concluding Remarks
Baker once said that "[n]arratives are the stories we tell ourselves and others about the world(s) in which we live. These stories provide our main interface with the world" (2010b, p. 350). This paper explored how both WHO and the City of Ottawa Public Health constructed and disseminated the English and Arabic COVID-19 public narrative as embedded in their English and Arabic translated texts. In addition, this paper examined how the two organizations 572 Technium Social Sciences Journal Vol. 11, 559-574, September 2020 ISSN: 2668-7798 www.techniumscience.com employed the four narrative features in their informative texts. As final remarks, the English and Arabic translated texts of WHO and the City of Ottawa contain necessary and important narrative elements that help in constructing COVID-19 English and Arabic public narrative with some differences in utilizing the four narrative features. On the one hand, WHO offered a coherent English and Arabic public narrative of COVID-19 pandemic due to the amount of information and details embedded in the English and Arabic texts. As well, WHO's translators were aware of cultural differences between western and Arabic cultures and that was apparent in the choice of accurate equivalents in the Arabic translated texts. Accordingly, WHO's translators followed sense-for-sense translation strategy which aims to maintain and transmit the meanings and communicative messages from source texts and language to target texts and language. Moreover, WHO's translators were consistent in translating into Arabic the main key terms and phrases of COVID-19 pandemic. On the other hand, the inconsistency of translating COVID-19 key terms and phrases into Arabic has made the City of Ottawa's Arabic narrative of the pandemic less coherent. Furthermore, most of the verbs in the Arabic texts are genderbiased and exclusive words that target Arab male audiences. The analysis process also revealed that the City of Ottawa's translators followed word-for-word translation strategy of the English texts and this is apparent in the lexical and grammatical errors and inaccuracies in the Arabic translated texts.